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A TRIBUTE 



FOR 



THE NEGRO 



BY 



WILSON AMISTEAD. 



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" Truth, by its own sinews shftll prevail; 
And in the coarse of HeaTen*s eroWing plan, 
By TavTK M ADB FRKB the long scorned A Mean,- 
His Maker's image radiant in his face, — 
Among earth's noblest sons shall And his place." 



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BBINO 

A VINDICATION 

OF THB 



MORAL, INTELLECTUAL, AND RELIftlOUS CAPABILITIES 

09 

€^ Colnmtit jnirtios of jS^anltis)); 



WITH PARTIGUUR RBFEREMCE TO THE AFRICAN RACE. 



ILLUSTRATED BT 



NUMSROUS BIOfiRAPHICiiL SSSTGHSSf 



FACTS, ANECDOTES, ETC. 



AND MANY 



SITPBBIOB P0BTBAIT8 AVD BVOBAVIVOS. 



BY WILSON ABMISTEAD. 



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^VIL,LIAM IRWIN, 39, OLDHAM STREET. 

LONDON: CHARLES QILPIN, BISH0PS6ATE STREET. 

AMEBICAN AGENT: 
Wlf . EARNED, ANTI-SUYERY OFFICE, 61, JOHN STREET, NEW YORK ; 

AKD VAT BB HAD Or 

H. LONGSTRETH AND O. W. TAYLOR, PHILADELPHIA. 





MANCHESTER : 

PKIKTED BY WILLIAM IRWiy, 

39, OLDHAM STREET. 





TO 




II 






JAMES W. C. PENNINGTON, FREDERICK DOUGLASS, 



ALEXANDER CRUMMELL, 



▲KB 



UANY OTHER NOBLE EXAMPLES OF ELEVATED HUMANITY 



IN THE NEGRO; 



WHOM FULLER BEAUTIFULLY DESIGNATES 



"THE IMAGE OF OOD CUT IN EBONY:" 



* 



THIS VOLUME, 



DEMONSTRATINa, FROM FACTS AND TESTIMONIES, 



THAT THE 



WHITE AND DARK COLOURED RACES OF MAN 



ARE ALIKE THE CHILDREN OF ONE HEAVENLY FATHER, 



AND 



IN ALL RESPECTS EQUALLY ENDOWED BY HIM ; 




IS BESPECTFULLY INSCKIBED. 



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PREFACE. 




In reviewing the history of maDkind, we may observe, 
that very soon after the creation of our first parents in 
innocence and happiness, sin and misery entered into the 
world* The evils of life commenced in the earliest ages, 
and subsequent history and experience testify, that in all 
their variety of form and character, they have continued to 
exist in every successive generation to the present time. 

To combat these evils, by endeavouring to effect their 
removal or correction, is the most pleasing and useful oc- 
cupation in which we can engage ourselves. Providence 
has wisely instituted, in every age and in every country, a 
counteracting energy to diminish the crimes and miseries 
of mankind, which the influences of Christianity have in- 
creased, by unfolding to it the widest possible domain. ^'At 
her command, wherever she has been fully acknowledged, 
many of the evils of life have already fled. The prisoner 
of war is no longer led into the amphitheatre to become a 
gladiator, and to imbrue his hands in the blood of his 
fellow-captive, for the sport of a thoughtless multitude. 
The stem priest, cruel through fanaticism and custom, no 
longer leads his fellow-creature to the altar, to sacrifice him 
to fictitious gods. The venerable martyr, courageous 
through faith and the sanctity of his life, is no longer hur- 
ried to the flames. The haggard witch, poring over her 
incantations by moonlight, no longer scatters her super- 
stitious poison amongst her miserable neighbours, nor 
suffers for her crime." 









^nhtt. 



So long as any of the evils of life shall remain, accom- 
panied, as they must invariably be, with misery and guilt, 
the Christian will feel himself impelled by an impulse of 
duty to oppose them ; and his energies will be roused into 
active resistance, in proportion to the magnitude of the 
evil to be overcome. 

The most extensive and extraordinary system of crime 
the world ever witnessed, which has now been in operation 
for several centuries, and which continues to exist in 
unabated activity, is Negro Slavery. This hateful sys- 
tem, involving a most incalculable amount of evil, and 
entailing a measure of misery on the one hand, and guilt 
on the other, beyond the powers of language to describe, 
entitles its victims to the strongest claims on our sympathy. 

" If, among the various races of mankind," says the 
pious Richard Watson, " one is to be found which has 
been treated with greater harshness by the rest — one whose 
history is drawn with a deeper pencilling of injury and 
wretchedness — that race, wherever found, is entitled to 
the largest share of compassion ; especially of those, who, 
in a period of past darkness and crime, have had so great 
a share in inflicting this injustice. This, then, is the 
Negro race — the most unfortunate of the family of man. 
From age to age the existence of injuries may be traced 
upon the simbumt continent ; and Africa is still the com- 
mon plunder of every invader who has hardihood enough 
to obdurate his heart against humanity, to drag his length- 
ened lines of enchained captives through the deserts, or to 
suffocate them in the holds of vessels destined to carry 
them away into interminable captivity. Africa is annually 
robbed" of Four Hundred Thousand "of her children. 
Multiply this number by the ages through which this in- 
jury has been protracted, and the amount appals and rends 




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the heart. What an accumulation of misery and wrong ! 
Which of the sands of her deserts has not been steeped 
in tears, wrung out by the pang of separation from 
kindred and country ? And in what part of the world have 
not her children been wasted by labours, and degraded 
by oppressions ? " 

The hapless victims of this revolting system are men of 
the same origin as ourselves — of similar form and delinea- 
tion of feature, though with a darker skin — men endowed 
with minds equal in dignity, equal in capacity, and equal 
in duration of existence — men of the same social disposi- 
tions and aifections, and destined to occupy the same rank 
in the great family of Man. 

The supporters and advocates of Negro Slavery, however, 
in order to justify their oppressive conduct, profess, either 
in ignorance or affected philosophy, to doubt the African's 
claim to humanity, alleging their incapacity, from inherent 
defects in their mental constitution, to enjoy the blessings 
of freedom, or to exercise those rights which are equally 
bestowed by a beneficent Creator upon all his rational 
creatures. 

White men, civilized savages, armed with the power 
which an improved society gives them, invade a distant 
country, and destroy or make captive its inhabitants ; and 
then, pointing to their colour, find their justification in 
denying them to be men. A petty philosophy follows in 
the train, and confirms the assumption by a specious theory 
which would exclude the Negro from all title to humanity. 
Thus would they strike millions out of the family of God, 
the covenant of grace, and that brotherhood which the 
Scriptures extend to the whole race of Adam. 

The calumniators of the Negro race — those who have 
robbed them of their lands, and still worse, of themselves — 








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delight to descant upon the inferiority of their victims, 
withholding the fact, that they have been for ages exposed 
to influences calculated to develope neither the moral nor 
the intellectual faculties, but to destroy them. It may, 
perhaps, be fairly questioned, whether any other people 
could have endured the privations or the sufferings to which 
they have been subjected, without becoming still more de~ 
graded in the scale of humanity ; for nothing has been left 
undone, to cripple their intellects, to darken their minds, 
to debase their moral nature, and to obliterate all traces 
of their relationship to mankind ; yet, how wonderfully 
have they sustained the mighty load of oppression under 
which they have been groaning for centuries ! 

Prejudice and misinformation have, for a long series of 
years, been fostered vdth unremitting assiduity by those 
interested in upholding the Slave system — a party, whose 
corrupt influence has enabled them to gain possession of 
the public ear, and to abuse public credulity to an extent 
not generally appreciated. In an age so distinguished for 
benevolence, we can only thus account for the indifference 
manifested towards this unfortunate race, and from the fact 
that they are supposed to be in reality destined only for a 
servile condition, entitled neither to liberty nor the legiti- 
mate pursuit of happiness. 

Has the Almighty, then, poured the tide of life through 
the Negro's breast, animated it with a portion of his own 
Spirit, and at the same time cursed him, that he is to be 
struck off the list of rational beings, and placed on a level 
with the brute ? Is his flesh marble, and are his sinews 
iron, or his immortal spirit condemned, that he is doomed 
to incessant toil, and to be subjected to a degradation, 
bodily and mental, such as none other of the children of 
Adam have ever endured ? Away for ever with an idea so 







"^tthtt. 



absurd ! The subjection of a large portion of mankind to 
the domination and arbitrary will of another, is as unnatural 
as it is contrary to the principles of justice, and repugnant 
to the precepts and to the spirit of Christianity ; and in 
the advancing circumstances of the world, nothing can 
be more certain, than that Slavery must terminate. It 
is a blot which can never remain amidst the glories of 
Messiah's reign. 

My present purpose is not to enter into a recital of the 
horrors of the Slave system in any of its revolting details. 
The secrets of the dreadful traffic are veiled in those coffin- 
like spaces in the interior of Slave ships, in which the 
wretched victims are packed as logs of wood, their limbs 
loaded with manacles and chains, to be succeeded by the 
scourgings of the cruel driver ! But I will forbear ; the 
mind shudders at the idea of a serious discussion of deeds 
so hateful, which no prospect of private gain, no considera- 
tion of public advantage, no plea of expediency, can ever 
justify. 

The purport of the present volume, in contradistinction 
to the idea of the Negro being designed only for a servile 
condition, is to demonstrate that the Sable inhabitants of 
Africa are capable of occupying a position in society very 
superior to that which has been generally assigned to them, 
and which they now mostly occupy ; — that they are pos- 
sessed of intelligent and reflecting minds, and however 
barren these may have been rendered by hard usage, and 
have become indeed as "fountains sealed," that they are 
still neither unwatered by the rivers of intellect, nor the pure 
and gentle streams of natural affection. By a relation of 
facts, principally of a biographical nature, many of them 
now published for the first time, I hope to counteract that 
deeply-rooted prejudice, the growth of centuries, which 








:^nfiirB. 



attaches itself to this despised race — facts which render a 
practical negative to the imputation of inevitable infe- 
riority; demonstrating^ on the other hand^ that, when 
participating in equal advantages, they are not inferior 
in natural capacity, or deficient of those intellectual and 
amiable qualities which adorn and dignify human nature. 

How far the attempt is successful must be left to the 
reader's decision. Whether it result in convincing the 
sceptical, or in confirming those already persuaded of the 
truth of the position maintained, may it engender a more 
lively feeling of brotherly sympathy towards this afflicted 
people, by demonstrating them to be capable of every 
generous and noble feeling, as well as of the higher attain- 
ments of the human understanding. Once convinced of 
this, we cannot contemplate with indifference their bodily 
and mental sufferings, but rather desire that every barrier 
may be removed which impedes their attaining to that 
station in society which an all-wise and beneficent Creator 
designed for them. 

Should the facts recorded be deemed of too insulated a 
nature to elucidate any general theory (most countries 
having produced some individuals of unusual powers, 
both of body and of mind), I may observe, that they are 
only a fractional part of what might have been adduced. 
I have still in reserve a mass of additional facts, teeming 
with evidence the most unequivocal, that the Almighty 
has not left the Negro destitute of those talents and capa- 
bilities which he has bestowed upon all his intelligent 
creatures, which, however modified by circumstances in 
various cases, leave no section of the human family a right 
to boast that it inherits, by birth, a superiority which might 
not, in the course of events, be manifested and claimed 
with equal justice by those whom they most despise. 




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I should be wamtiDg in gratitude, were I to omit to 
acknowledge the kindness of many friends who have aided 
me during the progress of the work. Amongst these, I 
may particularly mention Thomas Thompson, of Liver- 
pool ; Thomas Scales,* and Thomas Harvey, of Leeds ; 
Jacob Post, of London ; Edward Bickersteth,* Rector of 
Watton; Joseph Sturge, of Birmingham; James Back- 
house, of York; Thomas Winterbottom, M.D., North 
Shields; Captain Wauchope, of the Royal Navy; with 
many others. To Robert Hurnard, of Colchester, I am 
indebted for a Narrative and several M.S. letters of Solo- 
mon Bayley, of which I regret being able to avail myself 
only to a limited extent. Nor should I omit a tribute of 
thanks to my friend Bernard Barton, for his appropriate 
Introductory Poem, which adds to the interest of the 
volume. 

I may also acknowledge having frequently availed myself 
of the researches of Dr. Lawrence, and the more recent 
ones of Dr. J. C. Prichard, whose work on the History of 
Man is the ablest extant in any language. 

I have also derived much information from the work of 
the Abbe Gregoire, entitled " De la Litterature des 

* The reader wiU observe, throughout the present rolume, except in the 
first piate, engrayed under other auspices, an omission of the title of 
** Bererend," usually applied to Ministers of the Gospel. It is far from 
my wish to appear uncourteous ; but whilst esteeming the yirtuous and 
the good of eveiy class, I feel a decided objection to the use of this title, 
on the ground of its being one assigned to the Almighty himself, whose 
name is Holy and Beverend. (Psalm cxi. 9.) It is to be regretted that 
Christian ministers, servants of Him who "made himself of no reputation," 
should feel satisfied with this appellation being used, both in public and 
private addresses, from their fellow-mortals. Neither the prophets of old, 
nor the apostles, nor any of the immediate followers of Christ, however 
eminent, required such an adulatory title, the tendency of which is, to 
exalt the fallen creature rather than to honour the Divine Creator. 






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XIV. 



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Negres, ou Recherches sur leur Facultes Intellectuelles, 
leur Qualites Morales, et leur Litterature," &c. I am 
indebted to Thomas Thompson, of Liverpool, for this 
scarce volume, who kindly presented me v^ith a copy of it, 
which is rendered additionally valuable from its being one 
presented by the Abbe in his own hand-writing to the 
late William Phillips, of London. To Gerrit Smith of 
Peterboro', U. S., I am also indebted for an English trans- 
lation of the same, by D. B. Warden, Secretary of the 
American Legation at Paris. This admirable work includes 
a mass of information, the accuracy of which may be tho- 
roughly relied upon, being the production of a man of 
great erudition and rare virtues, well known in the 
learned societies of his day. He was formerly Bishop of 
Blois, a member of the Conservative Senate, of the Na- 
tional Institute, the Royal Society of Gottingen, &c. 

It was partially announced that a list of Subscribers 
would be appended to the present volume, but as this 
would have occupied nearly thirty pages, it was thought 
preferable to extend the Biographical portion of the work, 
which now exceeds by about one hundred pages the number 
originally intended. The only object in publishing such a 
list, would have been to afford a demonstration of the 
feeling and interest existing on behalf of the oppressed 
race. Suffice it to say, that it embraces nearly a thousand 
of the most conspicuous characters in the walks of benevo- 
lence and philanthropy, both in Great Britain and America, 
including the Sovereign of the most enlightened country 
of the world. 

The proceeds arising from the sale of the " Tribute for 
the Negro " will be appropriated for the benefit of the ^ 
Negro race. On this ground, as well as in consideration ^ ^^ 
of the primary design of the publication, the friends of 







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humanity will be interested in promoting its circulation. 
By so doing, they will advance the cause of freedom, by 
establishing the claims of depressed, degraded, suffering, 
and almost helpless millions. 

It may be observed, that in making the Biographical 
selection for this work, the author has been governed by 
no sectarian prejudice. With due regard to the primary ob- 
ject in view, he has embraced, in support of the proposition 
maintained, all classes, irrespective of their particular re- 
ligious tenets. The Episcopalian, the Presbyterian, the 
Quaker, and the Moravian, are alike included, not even ex- 
cepting the half-civilized barbarian, on whom the light has 
but dimly shone. Whatever our own peculiar views may 
be, charity compels us to believe that the virtuous and the 
good are acceptable to the Universal Parent. A good life 
is the soundest orthodoxy, and the most benevolent man 
is the best Christian. Diversity of opinion is not a bar to 
the favour of Heaven, and it ought not to operate to the 
prejudice of our neighbour. We ought rather to bear and 
forbear with each other, remembering that the Sacred 
Mount of Divine Mercy is open alike to every humble 
traveller — " God is no respecter of persons ; but in every 
nation, he that feareth him, and worketh righteous- 
ness, is accepted with him." 'Tis these that constitute the 
" countless myriads " that shall be gathered from " all 
nations, kindreds, and tongues," to ascribe, throughout 
the boundless ages of eternity, hallelujahs and songs of 
incessant praise before the tlirone of the King Supreme. 

Having now completed my undertaking, after soliciting 
the Divine blessing upon it, I bequeath it as a legacy to 
the injured and oppressed. Though the design of the pub- 
lication will, I trust, be deemed a sufficient apology for its 
appearance, I am prepared for a diversity of sentiment 




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being expressed as to its propriety or necessity. I should 
count myself unworthy the name of a man or a Christian, 
if the calumnies of the bad, or even the disapprobation of 
the well-disposed, had deterred me from the performance of 
that which a feeling of duty prompted me to undertake. I 
court no man*s applause, neither do I fear any man's frown. 
Conscious of many imperfections, I feel thankful in having 
completed this humble '* Tribute *' in aid of the cause of 
Freedom, Justice, and Humanity ; and it will be a satis- 
faction to reflect, that a portion of my time has been em- 
ployed on behalf of the most oppressed portion of our race, 
at leiut with a design to promote their welfare. 




W. A. 



Leeds, lOth Month, 1848. 






CONTENTS. 



\Hxi fit± 




AN INQUIBT INTO THE CLAIMS OF THE NEGRO RACE TO 
HUMANITY, AND A VINDICATION OP THEIR ORIGINAL 
EQUALITY WITH THE OTHER PORTIONS OP MANKIND : 
WITH A FEW OBSERVATIONS ON THE INALIENABLE 
JtlGHTS OF MAN; THE SIN OP SLAVERY, Ac., &o. 

CHAPTER I.— PA68 3. 

Sin of SlBvery — ^Deluaion respeoting the moral and intelleotiial capacity 
of the Negro— An important question — ^To despise a fellow-being on 
account of any external pecnliarity, a sin — Christianity the mani- 
festation of uniyersal Ioyc — Inquiry into the causes of the diversity 
characterising yarious nations and people — ^Analogous in animals — 
Connection between the physiological, moral, and intellectual char- 
acters in Man — The diyersities trifling in compsiison with those 
attributes in which they agree — Nothing to warrant us in referring 
to any particular race an insurmountable deficiency in fEunilties— 
Scripture testimony to unity of origin in the human race. 

CHAPTER II.—PA6S 17. 

The idea that moral and intellectual inferiority are inseparable from a 
coloured skin, a fallacious one— Refuted by &ct8 — Apparent in- 
fioriority of the Negro accounted for— Extent and pernicious conse- 
quences of Slayery and the Slaye Trade — Preyent the ciyilization of 
the Negro— The same effects obseryable on any people under similar 
treatment — ^Instanced in European Slayee — Loose his shackles, and 
the Negro will soon refute the calumnies raised against him. 

CHAPTER III.— PAGE 26. 

False Theory of Rousseau and Lord Kaimes — Injurious to the best in- 
terests of humanity, and contrary to Scripture — Injuries done to 
the Negro on the ground of inferiority — Shocking effects resulting 
from this idea — Ciyiliced nations before the Christian era — Romans, 
and their ancestors — Our own — ^Anecdote rdated by Dr. Philip — 







^ 









CntttftttH. 



Bemarks of Cicero respecting them — Christian guilt towards Abori- 
gines — Dr. Johnson on European conquest — Slavery justified by 
representing the Negro a distinct species — And even a brute — Argu- 
ments of Long — Strange book published at Charleston — Chambers* 
reply — Inferiority ascribed to other races — The Esquimaux — The 
whole refuted by Dr. Lawrence. 

CHAPTER IY.-PA6E 43. 

Deduction of an affinity between the Kegro and the brute creation, a 
mere subterfuge — European physiognomy often similar to the Kegro's 
— Blumenbaoh*s Negro craniss — Imperceptible gradations of one 
race into another — Further analogies in animals — Effects of the 
civilizing process in improving the form of the head and features — 
Exemplifications — Illustrated in the cose of Kaspar Hauser — Testi- 
mony of Dr. Philip — Dr. Knox on Negro cranio — His important 
conclusion — ^Dr. Tiedemau*s experiments — Conclusive observations 
of Blumenbach — And others — The civilization of many African na- 
tions superior to that of European Aborigines — No deviations in the 
races of Man sufficient to constitute distinct species — Departures 
from the general rule accounted for — Equal variations observable in 
our own country — ^Remarkably exemplified in Ireland. 

CHAPTER T.-PA6I 56. 

Complexion the most obvious external distinction in Man — Analogous 
in animals — Chief cause of diversity of Colour — ^Peculiarities of 
Structure and Complexion become hereditary — Illustrations — In the 
House of Austria — GDhe GKpsies — Jews — Persons of the same blood 
— ^Amongst the great and noble — ^The Colour of Man not always 
corresponding with Climate explained — Persistency of Colour not 
ao great as supposed — Instances of Negroes becoming light-coloured 
— Of Whites who have become black — True Whites bom among the 
Black races — If Colour is a mark of inferiority in Man, it attaches 
a stigma to a great portion of the inhabitants of the world — The 
Hindoos — ^Their learning two thousand years ago — Natives of Terra 
del Fuego much lighter than the Negro, but inferior in the scale of 
intelligence — Colour of the Negro a mercifixl provision — Dr. Cop- 
land's remarks on this subject— The inquiry into Unity of Species ad- 
mirably summed up by Buffbn. 

CHAPTER VI.-PA6E 72. 

Not in external Characteristics alone that Man is pre-eminently distin- 
guished — ^Uniform traits in human nature — Superior Psychical en- 
dowments— Beason and intellect — Universal belief in a Supreme 









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Being — And ideas of his attribates, &c. — Prevalence of similar 
inherent ideas amongst the yarious Negro tribes — They possess the 
same internal principles as the rest of mankind — A portion of that 
Spirit which is implanted in the heart of " eyery man " — Further 
coincidence when converted to Christianity — Early attempt to con- 
vert the Slaves of the Caribbee Islands — Its singular success ; as 
also in other Islands — Subsequently in Africa and the West Indies 
— ^Ailer restoring to the Negro his rightful liberties, it is our duty 
to promote the cultivation of his moral and religious fiunilties — Final 
blending of all the yarious tribes in harmony. 

CHAPTBB TIL— PAGE 81. 

Deep-rooted prejudice to eradicate respecting Colour in Man — ^Less m 
Europe than in the New World — Evinced in the case of Douglass — 
National expression of sympathy for him from the British public — 
The **DonoLASS TssTiicoirrAL " — British Christians respect the 
Divine image alike in ebony and ivory — Effects of prejudice in South 
Africa — Americans deeply implicated in this feeling — Have an 
interest in keeping it up — Strongest in the Free States — Several 
instances of its nature and extent — Circumstance exhibiting a striking 
contrast in favour of the Sable race — Further effects of prejudice — 
Public opinion on this subject yery strong in the United States. 

CHAPTSB YIII.— PA68 92. 

Beeidt of the idea of inferiority in the Negro race a prolongation of 
their oppression — Unequal rights and privileges— Their tendency — 
Human beings possess certain inalienable rights — All men created 
equal — ^Acknowledgment of this great doctrine in the American De- 
claration of Independence— Slavery a stain on the glory of America — 
A lie to the Declaration of the Federal Constitution — Columbia may 
yet redeem her character — ^No new laws required — Only that all 
should be placed on an equality — No exemption of the Negro /rot» 
law, but should ei^oy its protection — Observations on equitable laws 
— Justice always the truest policy — ^America called to a great and 
noble deed — Address to Columbia. 

CHAPTER IX.— PAGE 99. 

Pernicious influence of Slavery — Those brought up in the midst of it 
unconscious of its evils — Deoeptiveness of the '* Sla^yebt Optio 
GiiABS " — The products and gains of oppression tainted — Nothing 
can sanction violence and injustice — To prosper by crime, a great 
calamity — Melancholy situation of those implicated in Slavery — 
Plea of the necessity of coercion -Negroes represented as most 




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(C^inttnts. 



degenerate and ungOTernable — This aooounted for — ^Demoralizing 
effects of Slayery — ^When its asperities haye been mitigated, yarious 
latent yirtues and good qualities haye been brought into exercise. 

CHAPTER X.~PAOI 105. 

To form a just estimate of the Negro character, we must obserye him 
under more iayourable circumstances than those of Slayerj — State- 
ments of Trayellers who haye yisited Africa, describing the natiyes 
as yirtuous, intelligent, &c. — GDheir ingenuity — darkson's interyiew 
with the Emperor of Bussia — ^His surprise at their proficiencj — 
Wadstrom*s testimony before the House of Commons — Many other 
testimonies — X)r. Channing says, ** we are holding in bondage one 
of the best races of the human family." 

CHAPTBB II.— PAGE 120. 

The African race examined in an Intellectual point of yiew — Their origin 
and noble ancestry — Ethiopians and Egyptians considered — ^Negroes 
haye arriyed at considerable intellectual attainments, and haye dis- 
tinguished themselyes yariously — ^Exemplified in Amo — State of 
learning at Timbuctoo in the sixteenth century — Many other in- 
stances of their intellectual attainments — Further testimony of 
Blumenbach to their capacity for scientific cultiyation — Corrobora- 
tiye eyidences — Demonstration of Negro capabilities in liying wit- 
nesses — The highest offices of State in Brazil filled by Blacks — 
Coloured Boman Catholic Clergy — Lawyers — Physicians — Dr. 
Wright's testimony to the capabilities and intellect of the Negro. 

CHAPTER XII.— PAGE 144. 

The foregoing facts afford unquestionable evidence of the capabilities of the 
Negro— Their desire for improyement — Obstacles to this — Inyidious 
distinctions — Effects of Slayery — The improyidenoe, indolence, &c., 
ascribed to the Negro, considered — Testimony of Dr. Lloyd — 
Similar charges brought against the ancient Britons — Bussians a 
centuty ago — Admitting eyery thing in fayour of distinct races, all are 
capable of great improyement — ^Eyents in St. Domingo — Improye* 
ment in Negroes brought to Europe — Comparisons — Effects of Edu- 
cation, &c. — Fact related by Dr. Horn — MHiite races liable to relapse 
into barbarism — Instances of retrogression in Whites — The Greeks 
and Romans— Case of Charlotte Stanley — Ciyilization a yague and ^ ' ^ 
indefinite term — ^Bemarkable instance of retrogression in America — 
Progression in the Negro defended on the same ground — Time re- 
quired—Accelerated in proportion as impediments are remoyed. 







CnntntB. 




CHAPTER XIII.-PAGS 162. 

Refutation of the plea of ooeroion being necessary for the Negro— Palliated 
bj representing him as deficient in the finer feelings —This also refuted 
— Testimony of Captain Bainsford— Bemarks of Dr. Philip— The 
Negro represented to be under a Divine anathema — Observations of 
Bichard Watson on this subject —Befuted on Christian grounds — 
All tribes stretching out their hands unto GK>d -Besults of mis- 
sionary labours — Facts evincing the progress of the Negro in virtue 
and religion— Instances illustrative of the highest religious suscepti- 
bilities — Testimony of a Wesleyan Missionary ~ Such evidences 
very conclusive — ^Beautiful remarks by Bichard Watson. 

GHIPTBR XIY.— PIGS 173. 

Slavery considered — A violation of the rights of Man — Bemarks of Milton 
— Condemned by Pope Leo X.— Bemarks of Bishop Warburton— 
How can Christians continue to be its upholders ? — Ghiilt of Britons 
and Americans — Expiation of owr sin by a noble sacrifice — ^We can 
never repay the debt we owe to Africa — White Man instilling into 
those he calls " wanctges " a despicable opinion of human nature — 
We practice what we should exclaim against — ^No tangible plea for 
Slavery— Criminal to remain silent spectators of its crimes — We 
cannot plead ignorance — Seven nulliona of human beings now in 
Slavery — Four hundred thousand annually torn from Africa — 
Slavery a monstrous crime « A robbery perpetrated on the very 
sanctuary of man's rational nature — A sin against G-od —America's 
foul blot — Slaves represented as happy — ^Bemarks on this. 

CHAPTER XY.-PAGS 181. 

Sources of the calumnious charges against the Negro — ^Their character only 
partially represented— Applicable remarks of Plutarch -Perverted 
accounts of travellers to be guarded against — Opportunities of 
actual observation limited — Importance of authentic facts — They 
prove that all mankind are equally endowed, irrespective of Colour 
or of clime — Compassion for a sufferer heightened by youth, beauty, 
and rank — As in Mary, Queen of Scots — No incompatibility between 
Negro organization and intellectual powers— To demonstrate this the 
design of the work— The author, in selecting instances for this pur- 
pose, has been more thoroughly impressed with its truth — Negroes 
only require freedom, education, and good government, to equal any 
people— Expression of sympathy for the oppressed race of Africa. 




d 







CONTENTS. 



I^flrt $tnvih. 




BIOaSAPHIGAL SKBTOHES OF AFRICANS, OB THBIB DE- 
BOENDANTS; WITH TESTIMONIES OF TBAYBLLEBS, 
MISSIONABIES, &o. BESPEGTINa THEM. 

Oulttdab. Equiaito, or Oustayttb Yabba Eit Neurrative 19 

Dedicates his NarratiTe to the British Parliament— Stolen from AfHca — Sent to 
Virginia, and sold into Slavery — Purchases his freedom — Remains in his mas> 
ter's service^Voyaga to Montaenrat, Oeoigia, ice, — Obtainn his discbai|{e — 
Sails for London— Aca>mpanies an expedition to explore a North-West passage 
— Religious impressions — Incidents connected therewith— Voyage to Cadis — 
Further Religious impressions — Perilous situation in a second voyage to Cadis 
— Providential dellTeranee — ^Aooompanies Dr. Irving to Jamaica— Sails for 
Europe again— Grievously imposed upon-^Arrives in England— Enters into the 
service of Governor Mo Namara — Proposal for him to go out as a Missionary to 
Africa — Memorial to the Bishop of London — The Bishop declines to ordain him 
—Sails for New York— Returns to London— Satis for Philadelphia— With other 
Africans, preseoto an address of thanks to the Quakers in London — Appointed 
a Government Commissary in an expedition to Sierra Leone— Inddenta con- 
nected therewith — Memorial to the Lords' Commissioners of the Treasury — 
Presents a Petition to the Queen --Concluding remarks to his Narrative. 

Job Ben SollimaK; an African Prinoe AhhS Qrigoire 239 

Sadiki; a Learned Slave MaddetCt WeH Indies ... 241 

Redeemed hy Dr. Madden— Writes a history of his life in Arable. 

TESTiMOinr op CAPTAnr ^jjxisqtov FarHcularJProvidettoe.., 249 

Intelligent Free Blacks at Sierra Leone— The Timinl, Sooso, and Mandingo 
Nations— The Kroomen. 

Flaoido The Seraldo," S^. 252 

A Slave of great natural genius— Seiaed for Conq[»incy— His great fortitude- 
Composes a beautiftil Poem — Recites it when proceeding to execution. 

The Happy Neobo Andrew 8earle*» Life... 266 

His remarkable religious experience. 

BiCHABD CooPXB Society of Friends 269 

Testimony Bespxcting the Bushmen FhUip's Sesearohes 261 

With several interesting examples. 
Anthony Whjuak Amo; a Learned ISfegtoAbbS QrSffoire 265 

Studies at Halle— Skilled in several Languages— Publishes Dissertetiona, &c , 

in Latin— Made a Doctor of the UniTeraity of Wittemburg^And Counsellor of 

State by the Court of Berlin. 
TorsSAiNT L'OuTEBTUBE Biog. Umversdlef Sfc..,. 267 

Bom a Slave in St. Domingo— Of thorough Negro descentr— His good qualities 







Cnnttsts. 




obtain kind treatment— A ocidentol acquirement of knowledge— Inaurvectioii of 
the Negroes of St. Domingo— Touuaint reftiaei, for some time, to take part in 
it— Finally Joine the rerolt— Noble conduct in flnt securing the safety of his ] 
master and Ikmily — Altar ▼arious struggles, becomes Commander in Chief of 
the French forces — Prosperity of the Island under his command— Anecdote 
characteristic of his integrity- Assumes the title of President— Forms a new 
Constitution — ^The excellencies of his character unfolded— His remarkable ac- 
tivity — Description of him by one of his enemies— Captain Ralnsford's remarks 
respecting him— Incident exemplifying his integrity — Attains the highest point 
of his prosperity — Buonaparte's alarm — Sends an expedition to St. Domingo- 
Slaughter of Blacks — Affecting incidents — ^Toussaint arrested by treachery — 
Taken captire to France— Imprisoned and destroyed by severe treatment— Un* 
donbtedly a remarkable man. 

QrniSMq;uvj!fT UiBTX>UYov8T,J>oursQO,.. Facts of Siitofy 299 

Dessalines, Christophe, and Petion, suoeessive Negro Qoremors— Social con- 
dition of. 

NonoxoF A Soir OF ToirssAiirT IrishFriend 306 

GsoffbetL'Islbt JbhS Or^oire 807 

A Mulatto Officer of Artillery — Correspondent of the French Academy of Sci- 
ences—Executes Maps and Plans, and keeps a Meteorological Journal— Versed 
in Botany, Natural Philosophy, Zoology, and Astronomy. 

Kafib Gknxbositt Fringle' 9 African Sheie^es... 808 

J. E. J. CAPrnenr AlibS (Mgoire 809 

A Negro bom in Africa — Brought to Europe, and educated in Holland — Studied 
languages, ftc. at the Hague — Took his degrees, and returned as a Christian 
Minister to Africar- Writes an Elegy in I«atin— Publishes Dissertations, ftc. 

Chbistiait Kindnsss xk an AFSiCAir...Jfo/r<'^ 81^2 

Otbsxslo A]M Or4ffoire 313 

Writes an eloquent Essay against the Slavery of his raee. 
Jakes Dbshax JhhS OrSgoir^ 815 

Originally a Slave— Becomes one of the most distinguished physicians at New 

Orleans. 

AKSCl>0TB0FTW0NlOB0X8INFBAH0X...Jf0^« 5JtrefeA«9 816 

Kindness of a Colovbes Femalx HUiory of Sajfti 317 

Thomas Jenkins; an African Prinoa,..CAaffid0r«^« JfiMwOaf^ 817 

Sent to England by Captain Swanston to educate— The Captain dying, the 
Negro is thrown on the world— Eager pursuit of knowledge— Instructs him- 
self in Latin and Greek — ^His religious impressions— Offers himself aa a school- 
maetei^Examined and accepted— Difficulties frvm pr^udioe against colour-* 
Final snocess Spends a winter at college— Goes aa a Mistionary to the Mauri- 
tius, and attains eminence as a teacher. 

KoncE OF AN iNTELLiaENT Kbqbo. . . Cop^oiis Wamokope^ U, N, . . . 328 

Negbo Chabactbb and Abujtt Capktm Wauckope, J2. JV. ... 824 

Hospitable I^EQEO "Woman ParJI^t TSravel* 827 

Her kindness to the weary travellei^Song composed by Negroes extempore— 
BeautiAiUy yersifled- Remarks by Dr. Madden. 

Attobah Cugoano Jhhi GhrSgovre 329 

Bom in Africa and stolen for a Slave— Libezated by Lord Both — An Italian 
author praises this Negro— His piety, modesty, integrity, and talents— Pub- 
lishes Reflections on the Slave Trade. 







€uin\s. 




331 



332 



348 



360 



WiLUAM Hamilton Stwye ^ Sarvey*9 W. Indies, 

Formerly a Slave in Jamaicar-Suffer* for attending a place of worship —Learns 
to read and write by stealth— Keeps a Journal— Purchases his freedom for £209. 

Phillis Wheatlet Her Works 

A Negress stolen from Africa and sent to Boston— Bought by a lady to attend 
her in old age— Exhibited extraordinary intelligence — Soon learned to read and 
write — Became an object of astonishment — Her literary acquirements — Studied 
Latin— Wrote and published thirty-nine poems — Several specimens of her poeti- 
cal talent — Is liberated — Visit to England- Moved in first circles of society — A 
proof of what education can effect in the Negro. 

JOHK KiZELL Anecdotes of Africans 

A Negro— Taken as a Slave to Charlestown— Sent to Sierra Leone, and employed 
in uegoeiations with native Chiefs. 

Benjamin Bannekeb AbhS ChrSgoire et Passiom 

Of pure African descent — Makes astronomical calculations— And publisbee 
almanacs at Philadelphia— U is letter to the President of the United States — 
The President's answer. 

Faith ov a Poob Blind Neobo Mott's Biog. Sketches 

A Pious and Enlightened Kafib Philip's Researches 

Intelligent and Eloquent Kafib ") xw— /v. v«^..^&^. 

Captivb Female j ...Pnnffles Mesearehes 

Jan Tzatzob ; a Christian Kafir Chief. . . Christian Keepsake 

His parentage — Is received into the Missionary School at Bethelsdorp — Strong 
religious impressions — ^Travels with the Missionary Williams — Acts as inter- 
preter to Lord Somerset — Renders valuable aid in establishing thn Mission at 
Wesleyville — Restrains his tribe ^m war — Deprived of his hereditary lands, 
and driven into the wilderness- With Andrles Stoffles, a Hottentot, visits Great 
Britain to procure compensation, and to solicit assistance in promoting the 
moral and spiritual improvement of his countrymen — Notorious facts—Exam- 
ined before a select Committee of the House of Commons— Extracts Arom the 
printed evidence — ^Very explicit and coDcIusive->Addreas of Stoffles at Exeter 
Hall— Testimony of E. Baines, M. P., on the occasion— Restitution awarded 
him— Returns to AArica-— Visited by James Backhouse— High testimony respect- 
ing him— Lines by T. Pringle. 

ATOBiB8STOM^ffl^.0hri8ti«iHot.> jf,„i,„^ MagooMt.lSaS. 374 

His early life and conversion— Testifies of the Grace of God to his countrymen 
—His impressive manner— Imprisoned for preaching — Preaches to his fellow- 
prisoners — His valuable assistance to Missionaries— Formation of thesettlement 
of Kat River— Embarks for England— His eloquent and animated addresses 
His health declines and he returns to Africa— His happy death— His personal 
appearance . 

Extbact op a Lbtteb pbom John "J • . , xi^^j 



856 
356 

357 

859 



Candleb ) 

Gbateful Slaves Madden's Westlndies 

Simeon Wilhelm Bickersteth's Memoir 

Bom in Africa— Received into the Missionary School at Bashia— His teachable, 
gentle, and affectionate disposition— Accompanies E. Bickersteth to England — 
His education under the VicarofPakefleld— His health suffers— High testimony 
respecting him— Makes considerable progress in learning Arabic — Begins Latin 
— Powerftil influence of Divine Grace exemplified in him— His decease. 

Louis Desboulbaux Bajfna:Cs European Set, 



880 

881 
882 








^6"^ 





ContfutB* 





A confidential Slave— Purchases his freedom— Remarkable gratitude to his 
former master. 

Pbince Gaoaitoha Acqua Communicated 888 

A son of an AfHcan King — After some singular incidents he arrives in England 
— Meets with kind friends in London — His admiration and astonishment in 
viewing the metropolis- Highly appreciates European knowledge — His^ account 
of the mode of procuring Slaves — Oradations by which intelligence occupied his 
former ignorance and superstition — ^Visit to the British Museum — Progress of 
his religious acquirements — Introduced to Lord John Russell and T. F. Buxton 
—The lattmr presents him with a writing case — ^The inscription upon it — His sense 
of the evils of Slavery —Scientific men much admired the organic structure of his 
head — Returns to Africa — Subsequent gratifying particulars respecting him. 

Bevoit the Black Ahhi QrSgoire 397 

Eminent for an assemblage of virtues. 

BsNJAMnr CocHBAKE MaddeiCs WeH Indies 397 

A skilful N^ro Doctor in Jamaica — Learned Mandingo Negroes — A Koran 
written from memory by one of them. 

BosBTTA Anti'Sflawry Seporter 399 

A remarkable Narrative, evincing that the Negro character is not devoid of 
humanity or magnanimity when fairly tested. 

DlgraTEBBSTEDTESTIMOKYTONEOaO") t»^t.^ t^^** At\A 

Ability AKD Faithfulness j Robert JaunU 404 

Alexasdbb Petion Belchambe/sBiog.Die.S^c, ... 406 

A dark Mulatto— President of H ayti— Educated in the Military School of Paris 
— A skilful engineer— A man of fine talents — ^Unfortunate in his government — 
Candler's testimony respecting him — Interesting and pleasing anecdote. 

Jambs W. C. PsNiONeTOK Commumcaied 406 

Minister of a Presbyterian Church in New York— A fugitive from Slavery— His 
birth and parentage — Escapes from Slavery— Sheltered atthehouseofaQuaker 
in Pennsylvania— Who gives him some instruction — Teaches a school near 
Flushing — ^Religions impressions— Desires to become a minister — ^Studies at the 
Theo]<vicaI Seminary at New Haven— Preaches eight years at Hartford- 
Elected to a seat in various Conventions — Deputed to attend at the World's 
Anti-Slavery Convention in London ; also the World's Peace Convention — Takes 
part in them— Preaches in many chapels in England— Supplies the pulpits of 
some of the most popular ministers — Favourably received on his return to 
America — Presides over an assembly of Whites — Examines candidates in 
Church History, Theology, &c. — His publications->Refr)tes cahimny before a 
large audience of Whites. 

iGNATiirs Sancho W4 Life and Letters 410 

Bom on board a Slave-ship— Taken to England and presented to three ladies — 
The Duke of Montague admires and takes an interest in him — On the death 
of the Duke the Duchess admits him into her household — Marries and com> 
mences bosineM— Gains the public esteem — ^Applies himself to study— His re- 
putation as a wit and humourist— Two volumes of his letters published — 
Exhibit considerable epistolary talent, rapid and Just conception, and universal 
philanthropy— Extracts from several of them— Interested in the unfortunate 
Dr. Dodd— Writes on his behalf— Addresses Sterne— Sterne's reply— Concluding 
observations. 

Eta Babtbls Shato'e SoiU^ Africa 426 

A Mulatto woman of South Africa — Her conversion — An example of piety— 
Zealous in inviting and bringing others to grace. 





€utnis. 





John Mobblt Hartford Ckmremi : 

Well known for indostiy, prudence, and integrity— Devotee his property to 

cluurltable ol^ects. 
Nanot PiTOHTOSD Sartfbfd CouTomi 427 

L<>TT Cabey Mott: — Chamben 427 

Bom e Slave In Virginia^-Ezceesively profkne — Becomes awakened — learns 
to read and write — His business abilities— Often rewarded with presents— Saves 
850 doHlars, and purchases his fireedom and that of two of hts children — Aftet^ 
wards of his family— Purchases land in Richmond— Devotes bis leisure to 
reading — Interest in African Missions— Goes out to Sierra Leone—Substance of 
his farewell sermon— Death of his second wife — ^Wide field of usefulness— His 
great abilities place him in a station of influence — Description of him by an 
American writer^Relieves the suflbrings of the early emigrants— Makes liberal 
sacrifices of property and time — Acts as physician— Made health Officer and 
General Inspector— His melancholy death from an explosion— Proof that Blacks 
are not destitute of moral worth and innate genius. 

Testimokt of Joseph Stubos ConmrniicaUd 431 

Respecting the Intellectual Powers of the Negro— Comparison between Black 
or Coloured and White children. 

CoBKELius Sohne*9 Moravian Missiont ... 483 

A Negro assistant Missionary in St Thomas — His conversion and progress in 
religion — Christian address to his children on his death bed. 

MoBAViAN Missions Oldendorp 436 

Amongst the Negroes of the West Indies — Opposition to the conversion of the 
Negroes— Visit of Count Zinzondorf— He returns to Europe — His appeal to the 
Danish Government— Negroes addresses to the King and Queen of Denmark — 
The Count takes one of the Negroes to visit the German Churches — Particulars 
respecting David, Abraham, and others of the Black assistant Missiooaries 
—Susanna Jaos— Peter and Abraham— Their evangelical dtsoounes— Abfm< 
ham's melancholy death— His steadfastness. 

Intbllioent Afbicans Effidence htfore Meet Com. ... 441 

A Nbobo Slave and Poet Em lAfe In/ Dr, Madden 442 

Composes verses at the age of twelve— Cruel treatment — Made a mere automaton 
I<eams to draw— Melancholy events— His sufferings— Trust in God— Treated 
with greater kindness — Pursuit of knowledgo under difficulties — Effects his 
escape from Slavery — Specimens of his Poems translated from the Spanish — 
To Calumny— Religion— The Firefly— The Dream, frc. 

Fbbdebice Douglass Hit Narrative 454 

Bom a Slave— Effects his escape— Writes his Narrative — Remark on it— His 
feelings at the chance of being one day free— His intellectual capabilities— An 
eloquent public speaker. 

Neobo Ohabaoteb and Ability Dr. Winterhottom 467 

Dr.Winterbottom's opportunities of observing N«gro character in Africar-Tbeir 
benevolence and hospitality— Mental powers— Some extremely intelligent. 

SUANA ; a Kafir Chief PkiUp's SeeeardUe 459 

An enlightened Christlaii— His happy death— Was a poet— Spechnen of hia 
abilities— Translation. 

Jasmin Thoitmazeau Motfe BioffrapUcal Sketekee 460 

Bom in AfHca— Sold as a Slave to St. Domingo— Obtains his freedom— Ettab- 
lishes a Hospital for Negroes- Medals decreed to him. 

PAxniOirEPB Memoir hjf W. A 461 

An intelligent, enterprising, and benevolent Negro— His father stolen tnm 



1 1 



t'l 



W^ 








€itin\i. 




Afrlea— 4old into SIsTer^— ParchasM hU freedom and a farm of 100 
Paul pursuee knowledge under diffleultiM— His natural talenta— 'Petition the 
Legislatnreonbehalf of the Free Negro popnlation^Tliey receive equal priTl- 
]«ge8 in oottiequenoe— Increases his propertj—Owns Teseels, houses, and land 
—Anecdote UlustratiTeof prejudice— His good conduct removes it— Establishes 
a public school at his own eiq»ense — Joins the Society of Prieads—BeemneB a 
pi«acher amongst them— Teaches Navigation-— His intsgilty— Mouxms over Am 
condition of his AfHcaa brethren — ^Visits SienraLeooo— Buggests improvemaiits 
in the eoloay — Instftotes a Society fiir promoting the interests of its memben 
and the colonlstt— Epistle issued by it— He visits England at the inviUtion of 
the African Insdtation— Good conduct of tlie Colontad eiew at Liverpool- 
African Institution acquiesce In Paul's plans— Authorise him to carry Free Ne- 
groes from America to Sierra Leone to instruct the Colonists— Visits Sierra 
Leone again— Thence to America— His joyftd welcome there— Could not rest at 
ease whilst thinking of the sufferings and degradation of his CsUow>creatufas— 
Prepares finr another voyage to Sierra Leone— Presented by the American war 
—Improves and mstares his plans— Sails with 38 Afkieans to Sianra Leone- 
Proof of Us sea] for the welfare of his race— EKpeuds from his private Aiads 
4000 dollan Ibr the baneOt of the Colony— ^nuit of land from tbm Goveraiw— 
Paul's addmas to the Negro e s His final departure fiir Amariesr— An alBwting 
scene— Seised with » eemplaiitt wliich proves fiital in 18L7-4keteh of his cha- 
racter by Petsr William*— Hli remarkably happy clcea— Testimooy of an 
American papeg— Concluding remarks. 

1Sxt«4OT0.aL««b mokMa«t-> j^^j^.j^ ^yg 

LAND. ) 

Respecting two libemtvd Sl a vse B emarkable proofr of their gratitude. 

Abhton Wabnib Bm NarraHw 477 

A Slave in St Vincent's — His ft«edom purchased by Daphne Crosbie, a bene- 
volent Negress — He is re-enslaved — Asserts his independence — Makes his es- 
cape—Arrives in England, and writes his Narrative— Though uneducated, very 
intelligent— Destitution and the climate prove fktal — Dies in London — His r»- 
nuu-ks on Slavery— Testimony respecting him. 

Albxanbsb GBTrMUBLL CommwitUuxted 479 

Of pine African parentage — One of the only four episcopal Coloured clexgymen 
in the United Statee— Remarkable example ofwhat the African can become by 
cultivation— Extracts from his Eulogy on the Life and Character of Clarkson— 
Abounds in pathos and rich touches of eloq u e nce V ishs England— Addressee 
meeting of Anti-Slavery Society— Preaches in St Oeoige^s Church, Bverlon- 
Paitieulais of ttisoeoaaion 'Rketeh ef his sennon— A IMag proof of the oapa- 
bUity of the African. 

AmKBtya-^woMXtn ^ -Bis^-^ j,,^^ ^ ^^^,^1 ^ 

Tviiuraas. ) 

Habobsi; the BsOHVAiTA BoY FfingU^t AJHoon Sketches ... 491 

An mphan boy, ten years ol age, stolen by banditti — Falls under Pringle's pro- 
tectkm— His aibcting story immoxtaliaed by Prlngle, in a beautifrd and touch- 
ing poem— Accompanies Priogle to England— An interesting and remarkahie 
youth— His religious feelings— His death. 

BXTBAOBDXJTABT FIDELITY OB A. \ 

Nceso Bar. jJrM&JVMnil 

The Ami8Tai> Oaptives Simrge'e United Statee, ^e, 

AlMcans from the Mendi country— Overcome the crew of the Slaver— The vessel 
brought into Newhaven— They are lodged in Jail-«Interest excited in their be- 
half— ^Their cruel treatment— Finally become liberited-^Their progress in 







i'tninis. 




learning— Their excursion through the States— Impression made — Fund raised 
to convey them home with Missionaries— Cinque— A remarkable man — Sturge's 
account of these Africans — Their superior intellect — Belief in a Supreme Being 
— Embark for Sierra Leone. 

Testimovy OP Db. Thompson Parliament, Beport 502 

LiAWBLLYV CupiDO MiCHSLLB Jomes Backhoute 503 

A descendant of a Hottentot chief— Received into a Missionary School — His 
amiable disposition— Early religious impresNions— Brought to England to 
educate— Enters the family of James Backhouse^-His health declines rapidly 
— Influence of divine grace exemplified in him — His happy close. 

The G-BATEPUL Neobo MotVs Biog.Skelche$ 505 

The Faithpul Neqbbss Idem 506 

Pbaucis Williams Ahh4 QrSgoire 507 

Bom of AfHcan parentsin Jamaica— Duke of Montague struck with histalitntt— 
Sent to England to educate— Publishes a poem — Returns to Jamaica— Teaches 
a School— Composes poems in Latin— A specimen of one addressed to the 
Governor of Jamaicar— Translated into French by Abb£ Oregoire— Into English 
by Long, and versified- Just observations of the Dean of Middleham. 

Hevbt H. Qabnbtt Communicated 510 

Bom in Maryland— Descended f^om an AfHcan chief— Escapes with his family 
from Slavery— Hunted by men stpalers- Becomes a cabin boy on board a 
schooner— Enters the African Free School at New York— Admitted into Canal 
Street Collegiate School— Studies Latin— Enters Canaan Academy— Events 
there— His marriage— Religious impressions— Turns his attention to the gos- 
pel ministry— Gains reputation at the Oneida Institute aa a courteous and 
accomplished man, an able and eloquent debater, and a good writer— Appears 
as a public speaker— Graduates at Whitestoun, and receives his diploma- 
Ordained a minister at Troy — Obtains a hearing before the legislatures of New 
York and Connecticut — His remarkable speeches — Publishes a Discourse on 
the Past and Present Condition, and Destiny of the Coloured Race — Connected 
with a newspaper — He is a pure Black. 

Solomon Baitley NarraHw and Letters 513 

Robert Hnmard interested in obtaining and publishing his Narrative— Prevails 
upon him to write it— Account of his early life — Bom a Slave— Various trials 
and difficulties — His deep religious impressions — His growth in the truth bean- 
tiftilly narrated— A few of his letters — His call to the ministry— Visits Liberia 
—Returns to America again — Just observation of Clarkson after reading the 
Narrative of this pious Negro. 

Hannibal, OB Annibal AbbS Or^oire 523 

A well-educated Negro^Becomee a lieutenant general and director of artillery 
in Russia — His talented son— commenced the establishment of a fort and 
fortress at Cherson. 

Facts PBOM Libebia CoUmutatUm Herald 523 

Remarkable exhibition of Negro capability in Liberia, a colony of free negroes 
— ^Their sound Judgment and Christian character— Christian government — a 
purely moral community — Public school — Religion and morality progreesing— 
Exclusion of Ardent spirits— Improvement— The Governor J. J. Roberta, a 
Slave in Virginia a few years ago— His superior character and ability — Ex- 
tract from his Inaugural address— Hilary Teague, a Coloured senator— The 
son of a Virginian Slave — Extracts from an eloquent speech made by him, 
embracing a most beauUftU exposition of the history, trials, exertions and 



II 





(«NJli 




€nlnii. 



aspirAtiun of the Negro oolonisu — The abettonof Slavery challenged to exhibit 
half the talent and ability eyinced in the addresses of these Coloured legislators. 

Jqajqizs Jaaosb 8haM)^» MemoriaU 584 

A South Aftieaa— His coiiTenion — Veiy desirous of instrociioa— Hie piugresi 
in knowledge— 'Zeat^-TraTeis with liissiowtfy Threlfall'-Cottnge in danger^ 
A martyr to the Tmth — ^Lines on the occasion, by MoBtgomery. 

Testim OHiss OF Havvah KiL&AM .,,Ser lAfi 526 

A Nobis Slati Bm AVCiPAna) .., ChuceUe OffloieUe 588 

EuBTACB Cha/mheri Jovnud 538 

A remarkably benevolent and intelligent Negro, bom in St. Domingo— Defini- 
tion of the characteristics of his life by a Phrenologist— Saves his master's life 
and many hundreds besides — Rescues the former from danger>-They sail to- 
gether to Ameriea-~8neeonrs unfortunate sufferers at Baltimore— His liberation 
— Subsequent devotedness— Saves his master's life again— Death of the latter — 
Eustace's remarkable benevolence— Accompanies General Rochambeau to En- 
gland and France— Kindnees to a poor widow— French academy grant Um a 
prise — Worthy of a noble monument. 

WiLUAic Ws£L6 Bbowv Mis yotreOive 541 

Escapes flpom Slavery— Harrowing scenes portrayed in his Narrative — Befriended 

by a Quaker^— Assists his ftigiltve brethren in Canada— His abilities evinced in 

an article written by him on the Slave Trade. 

A Mass of Facts demonstntiye of Kegro capability reniAin in 

the Author's hands — a few claim a passing notice — Zhikoa, a 

Kegro Qneen — ^Bb Sxnieba, King of Kooranko — ^Assaita 

YsBBA, a Kegro King — Jxjana, a South Afirican Widow — 

LUCT CaBDWBLL — JOSBFH BaCHBIt— JOHH WlLLIAKB— JaCOB 

LnTKS— Pbtbb Lorxs^ZiLPHA Montjot— Alicb, a female 
Slave — GbobobHabdt — Qitashi — MoeBS, a Kegro of Virginia 
— Zaboaiu— Ohableb Kkight—Josbph May — Maquama — 
Jacob HoDess — ^Thb Ksaso Sbbyaitt — Bblhtda Lucas— 
GoKBz — Afbikakbb — JupiTXB Hammob — ^Anoblo Soli- 

MABH from 545 to 649 

Lirnie WiTKBSBBS, demonstratiye of Kegro capability 550 

Joseph Thobbb Thome and Kimball 550 

Bom a Slave— Remained one till twenty years of age — Now a lay preacher in 
the Episcopal Church— His accomplished wife and family. 

Thomas Habbis Thome and Kimball 551 

Thome and Kimball's account of a visit to his family— Interesting conversation 
—Lively discussions— Their equality with Whites— FacU respecting T. Harris- 
Bom a Slave — His business talents — Eminently distinguished by manly graces 
and acc<Hnplishments. 

8. A. Pbbscod Thome and Kimball 653 

A young Coloured gentleman— Educated in England— Editor of a Newspaper 
—Debarred ftom Ailing various offices— Excluded from the Society of Whites 
—Dr. Lloyd's observation respecting him. 

JOBOAB Thome and Kimball 554 

Improvement of Coloured people in Jamaica— Are Aldermen — Justices of 
Peace, &&— Mr, Jordan Is a member of the Assembly— Owns the largest book 
store In Ja m a ic a , and an extensive printing office, issuing a paper twice a week 
— Other papers Issued by Coloured people— Many Coloured printers. 



/ 






Cnottttts. 




RicHASD Hnj. Thome and Kimball 

A Coloiu«d gentleman of very vuperior abilities — Secretary of the special magis- 
trate department of Jamalea — Member of the Assembly — High testimony re- 
specting him— Travels two yean in Hayti— His publiahed letters written In a 
flowing and luxuriant style-^Secretary to Ihe Oovemor and main-spring of the 
Government during administration of Lord Sllgo and Sir Lionel Smith — A na- 
turalisi^Has recently published a valuable ornithological work. 

LoKDON BouBNB Tkome otid KhnbiUl 557 

Interesting account of a visit to his family— Genuine Negroes— Their intelli- 
gence— Mr. Bourne a Slave till 23 years old— Bis freedom purchased by his 
Ikther for 500 dollars— And his mother and four brothers for 2500 dollars— Has 
become a wealthy merchant— Highly respected for his integrity and business 
talents— Many other Coloured persons and fSsmilies of equal merit as those 
named — Some are popular instructors, and one ranks high as a teacher of lan- 
guages. 

CONCLUDIKG Obsebyatioits 560 






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INTRODUCTORY POEM: 



BY 



BERNARD BARTON. 



A Tribute for the Negro Race ! 

With all whose minds and hearts 
Have known the power of Gospel Grace, 

The love which it imparts. 

Who know and feel that God is Love ! 

And that His high behest. 
Given from His throne in Heaven above, 

Says — ** Succour the oppre»s^d!'' 

A Tribute for our Brother Man ! 

Our Sister Woman too ! 
With all whose feeling hearts can own 

What unto each is due : 

Who cherish holy sympathy 
With human flesh and blood, 

And feel the inseparable tie 
Of that vast Brotherhood ! 








XXXIV. 



Sntroitttttonf ^^nnn. 




That the same God hath fashion*d all, 

Moulded in human frame ; 
And bade them on His mercj call, 

Pleading — A Father's Name / 

That the same Saviour died for each, 

So each to Him might live ! 
That the same Spirit sent to teach, 

To ALL can Wisdom give. 

A Tribute to the mental power 
Of Blacks, as well as Whites ; 

For Nature, in her ample dower, 
Owns all her Children's rights : 

And scorns, by casual tint of skin. 
Those sacred rights to adjust, 

Which, to the immortal Soul within, 
Her God hath given in trust ! 

A Tribute to fair Freedom's spells, 

The boon of God on high ; 
For — ever — where His Spirit dwells, 

There must be Liberty ! 

That Spirit breaks each galling yoke — 

Fetters of cruel thrall. 
The brand's impress, the scourge's stroke. 

It loathes, laments them all. 






^m 




3strBitortDrt( ^vm. 

Lastly, — A Tribute unto Him, 
Our Father ! throned in Heaven ! 

For all wlio yet, in life or limb. 
Succumb to Slavery's leaven. 

That He for such His axm may bare, 

Their Liberator be ; 
And in His Will and Power declare 

" The Negro shall be free ! " 

That as His mighty, outstretch'd hand 

Led Israel forth of yore. 
So He to Afric's injured land 

Would Freedom — Peace restore. 

That Gospel Love, and Gospel Grace, 
May there His Power proclaim ; 

Make glad each solitary place, 
And glorify His Name ! 






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tjiitr ongnuil iqiutlttii idtji % otjmr 
prHons of ;^inifciidt ; mit^ a to ob- 
snooHotis on tjn iosltnubU ngiitH of 
3&tai, tjit lin of &kmn, kt., h. 



■i) 



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■^ 




A TRIBUTE FOR THE NEGRO. 




I INTO THE CLAEfS OF ' 
BACE TO HUMANITY. 4c. 



CHAPTEB I. 

Sin of Slarery inorefttiiigly acknowledged — Delusion respeetlng the moral 
and intelleotnal capadtj of the Negro — ^An important question — To 
despise a feUow-being on acoonnt of any external peculiarity, a sin — 
duistiamty the mani&station of unirersal love — Inquiry into the causes 
of the diversity characterising yarions nations and people — ^Analogous 
in animalH — ^Bemarks of Buffon and Lairrenoe on this subject — Connec- 
tion between the physiological, moral, and intellectual characters in 
Man — ^The diyersities trifling in comparison with those attributes in 
which they agre&— STothing to warrant us in referring to any particular 
race an insurmountable deficiency in moral and intellectual Acuities — 
Scripture testimony to unity of origin in the human race. 

In the present enlightened age, talent and piety have 
combined their energies, in endeavouring to promote the 
welfare and emancipation of the degraded and enslaved 
African. The grievous sin of man making merchandise of 
Us fellow-creatures, and holding them in perpetual slavery, 
has long been a subject of eloquent declamation, and has 
for some time been denoimced by the unanimous voice of 
the British pubHc. England has given to the nations a 
noble example, in abolishing, at a great sacrifice, a system 
of injustice and cruelty, in which she had long taken a 
guilty part. 

*' Twas Britain's mightiest sons that struck the blow ! " 

" And monarchs trembled at the o'erpowering sound, 
And nations heard, and senates shook^around, 
And widely struck, by the yictorious spell, 
From Negro limbs, the enslaviug shackles fell ! '* 








a €xMt kt tin Mt^tn. 



Yet notwithstanding the evils of Slavery are becoming 
increasingly felt and acknowledged, it is evident that there 
still exists, in the minds of many who deprecate the whole 
system as unjust, a strong delusion with regard to the 
moral and intellectual capacities of the Coloured portion of 
mankind, and as regards their proper station in the scale 
of intelligent existence. 

It is an important question, whether the N^ro is con- 
stitutionally, and therefore irremediably, inferior to the 
White man, in the powers of the mind. Much of the future 
welfare of the human race depends on the answer which 
experience and facts will furnish to this question ; for it 
concerns not only the vast population of AMca, but many 
millions of the Negro race who are located elsewhere, as well 
as the Whites who are becoming mixed with the Black race 
in countries where Slavery exists, or where it has existed till 
within a very recent period. Many persons have ventured 
upon peremptory decisions on both sides of the question ; 
but the majority appear to be still unsatisfied as to tlie real 
capabilities of the Negro race. Their present actual infe- 
riority in many respects, comparing them as a whole with 
the lighter coloured portion of mankind, is too evident to 
be disputed ; but it must be borne in mind that they are 
not in a condition for a fair comparison to be drawn between 
the two. Their present degraded state, whether we consi- 
der them in a mental or moral point of view, may be easily 
accounted for by the circumstances amidst which Negroes 
have lived, both in their own countries, and when they have 
been transplanted into a foreign land. But if instances can 
be adduced of individuals of the African race exhibiting 
marks of genius, which would be considered eminent in 
civilized European society, we have proo& that there is 
no incompatibility between Negro organization and high ( ; jsy^ 
intellectual power. 

It has been well observed by a late writer, that it is 
important to elucidate this question, if possible, on several 







a €xMt fat % Mt^n. 




accounts ; and that if it be proved to be correct, the Negro 
ia qualified to occupy a different situation in society to that 
which has been declared to belong to him, by the almost 
unanimous acclaim of civilized nations. If the capabilities 
and aptitudes of the Negro are such as some writers argue, 
he is only fitted, by his natural constitution and endow- 
ments, for a servile state ; and the zealous friends of his 
tribe, Wilberforce and Clarkson, Allen and Gumey, with 
many others, who were thought to have obtained an exalted 
station among the great benefactors of the human race, 
must be rq^arded as having been simply well-meaning en- 
thusiasts, who, under an imagined principle of philanthropy, 
argued with too much success for the emancipation of 
domestic animals, of creatures destined by nature to remain 
in that condition, and to serve the lords of the creation 
in common with his oxen, his horses, and his dogs. If 
science has led to this conclusion, as the true and just in- 
ference from facts, the sooner it is admitted the better : 
the opinion which is opposed to it must be unreasonable 
and injurious. 

But the purport of the present volume is to prove from 
facts which speak loudly, that the Negro is indubitably, 
and fully, entitied to equal claims with the rest of man- 
kind; — a task by no means difficult, no more so indeed, 
totheimpartial judge, than to demonstrate the self-evident 
truths 

" That smoke ascends, that snow is white." 

The claims of the Negro are, however, called in question by 
so many, and their rights as men denied by those who point 
at the colour which God has given them, with the finger of 
scorn, that some counteracting influence seemed desirable. 

To despise a fellow-being, or attach a degree of infe- 
riority to him, merely on account of his complexion, or any 
other external peculiarity which may have been conferred 
upon him, is to arraign the wisdom of the AUwise Creator, 
and, consequently, an offence in the Divine sight. ** He 





OVT 



i 






3i €xMt fttt tilt Jltgn. 



than inquiries into the nature of those Tarieties in com- 
plexion, fonn, and habits, which distinguish from each 
other the several races of men. Our curiosity on this 
subject ceases to be awakened when we have become accus- 
tomed to satisfy ourselves respecting it with some hypo- 
thesis, whether adequate or insufficient to explain the 
phenomenon ; but, if a person previously unaware of the 
existence of such diversities, could suddenly be made a 
spectator of the various appearances which the tribes of 
men display in different regions of the earth, it cannot be 
doubted that he would experience emotions of wonder and 
surprise. To enter into a full consideration of this interesting 
subject is not within the province of this work. It will, how- 
ever, be necessary to make a few observations upon it, so 
far as to demonstrate that the whole family of Man is iden- 
tically of the same species. Those who desire to enter more 
largely into this study, may refer to Prichard's ''Researches 
into the Physical History of Mankind,** or to Dr. Lawrence's 
well known '' Lectures," in which the able authors have 
maintained, with the greatest extent of research, and fully 
proved, atmity of species in all the human races. 

Notwithstanding the great diversity which is found to 
exist in the extent of mental acquirements, as well as of 
the physiological peculiarities, and physical qualities, cha^ 
racterizing the inhabitants of various portions of the world, 
there can be little doubt that this diversity is more attribu- 
table to external or adventitious causes, to the circum- 
stances in which they Uve, to their particular habits, their 
progress in the culture of arts and sciences, and their ad- 
vancement in civilization and refinement, and to a variety 
of physical and moral agencies and local circumstances, 
rather than to any singularity or variation in their original 
natural organization and endowment To the operation 
of all these causes, may be added, the surprising effects of 
education when almost imiversally applied, which are suf- 
ficiently obvious wherever its influence extends. 








^ '^tMt br tjit jUtgro. 



That climate should also exert a powerful influence on 
Man may be very reasonably supposed ; it has an analo- 
gous influence on the other tribes of animated beings. 
The animal kingdom presents us with numerous striking 
instances of diversity in the texture and colour of their 
coverings, occurring, undoubtedly, in the same species. 
Sheep are particularly marked by the great difference of 
their fleece, in different latitudes. In Africa, and very warm 
countries, a coarse rough hair is substituted in the place of 
its wool, which, in other situations, is soft and delicate. 
The dog loses its coat entirely in Africa, and has a smooth 
soft skin. The wool of the sheep is thicker and longer in 
the winter and in hilly northern situations, than in the 
summer and on warm plains. Climate, coupled with food, 
appear to be the great modifying agents, in the production 
of these and many other varieties in the animal world; 
but no attempt has been made to assign a separate origin 
in their case. The white colour, in the northern regions, 
of many animals, which possess other colours in more 
temperate latitudes, as the bear, the fox, the hare, beasts of 
burden, the falcon, crow, jackdaw, chaffinch, &c., seems 
to arise entirely from climate. This opinion is strength- 
ened by the analogy of those animals which change their 
colour, in the same country, in the winter season, to white 
or grey, as the ermine and weasel, hare, squirrel, reindeer, 
white game, snow bunting, &c. The common bear is dif- 
ferently coloured in different r^ons. 

With regard to the physiological distinctions of Man, 
there is no point of difference between the several races, 
which has not been found to arise, in at least an equal 
degree J among other animals as mere varieties, from the 
usual causes of degeneration, &c. What differences are 
there in the figure and proportion of parts in the various 
breeds of horses; in the Arabian, the Barb, and the 
Oerman ! How striking the contrast between the long- 
legged cattle of the Cape of Good Hope and the short- 








a Crilittte fiir tjiB ^?gra. 



have undergone greater changes. In relation to Man, thej 
are improved in some articles, and vitiated in others ; but 
with regard to nature, improvement and degeneration are 
the same thing ; for they both imply an alteration of origi- 
nal constitution. Their coarse hair is changed into fine 
wool ; their tail, loaded with a mass of fat, and sometimes 
reaching the weight of forty pounds, has acquired a mag- 
nitude so incommodious, that the animals trail it with 
pain. While swollen with superfluous matter, and adorned 
with a beautiful fleece, their strength, agility, magnitude, 
and arms are diminished. These long-tailed sheep are 
half the size only of the mouflon. They can neither fly 
from danger, nor resist the enemy. To preserve and mul- 
tiply the species they require the constant care and sup- 
port of Man. The degeneration of the original species is 
still greater in our climates. Of all the qualities of the 
mouflon, our ewes and rams have retained nothing but a 
small portion of vivacity, which yields to the crook of the 
shepherd. Timidity, weakness, resignation, and stu- 
pidity, are the only melancholy remains of their degraded 
nature."* 

The pig-kind aflbrd an instructive example, because 
their descent is more clearly made out than that of many 
other animals. The dog, indeed, degenerates before our 
eyes ; but it will hardly ever, perhaps, be satisfactorily as- 
certained whether there is one or more species. The extent 
of degeneration can be observed in the domestic swine; 
because no naturalist has hitherto been sceptical enough 
to doubt whether they descended from the wild boar ; and 
they were certainly first introduced by the Spaniards into 
the new world. The pigs conveyed in 1509, from Spain 
to the West Indian island Cubagua, tlien celebrated for 
the pearl fishery, degenerated into a monstrous race, with 
toes half a span long.f Those of Cuba became more than 

• Buffon, by Wood, yol. 4, page 7. 

t Clayigero, Storia Antica del Messico, toL 4, page 145. 







1 (Krilrnte for i^t j^Fgrn. 



11 



twice as large as their European progenitors. * How re- 
markably^ again, have the domestic swine degenerated from 
the wild ones in the whole world : in the loss of the soft 
downy hair from between the bristles, in the vast accumu- 
lation of &t under the skin, in the form of the cranium, in 
the figure and growth of the whole body. The varieties 
of the domestic animal, too, are very numerous : in Pied- 
mont, they are almost invariably black ; in Bavaria, red- 
dish brown; in Normandy, white, &c. The breed in 
England, with straight back, is just the reverse of that in 
the north of France, with high convex spine and han^ng 
head ; and both are different from the German breed ; to 
say nothing of the solidimgular race, found in herds in 
Hungary and Sweden, known by Aristotle, with many 
other varieties. 

The ass, in its wild state, is remarkably swift and lively, 
and stiU continues so in his native Eastern abode. 

Common fowl, in different situations, run into almost 
every conceivable variety. Some are large, some small, 
some tall, some dwarfish. They may have a small and 
single, or a large and complicated comb ; or great tufts of 
feathers on the head. Some have no tail. The legs of 
some are yellow and naked, of others, covered with 
feathers. There is a breed with their feathers reversed in 
their direction all over the body; and another in India 
with white downy feathers, and black skin. All these 
exhibit endless diversities of colour.f 

Most of the mammalia which have been tamed by Man 
betray their subjugated state, by having the ears and tail 
pendulous, a condition which does not belong to wild ani- 
mals ; and in many, says Lawrence, the very functions of 
the body are changed. 

The application of these facts to the human species is 
very obvious. If new characters are produced in the 

* Herrera, Heclios de los Castellanos en las Islas, &c., vol. 1, page 239. 

t Lawrence. 












a ^rihttte fiit tjn ^tp. 



domesticated animals, because they have been taken from 
their primitive condition, and exposed to the operation of 
many, to them unnatural causes ; if the pig is remarkable 
among these for the number and degree of its varieties, 
because it has been most exposed to the causes of degene- 
ration ; we shall be at no loss to account for the diversities 
in Man, who is, in the true, though not ordinary sense of 
the word, more a domesticated animal than any other.* 
He, like the inferior animals, is liable to run into varieties 
of form, size, stature, proportions, features, and colour, 
which being gradually increased, through a long course of 
ages, have become, to a certain extent, hereditary in families 
and nations. 

That the superficial observer, on beholding the great 
variation existing between the inhabitants of one portion 
of the world, and those of another, should be led to query, 
" Are all these brethren ?" need not surprise us ; yet, if 
we examine into the subject, we shall find that there is no 
one of the varieties to which Man is liable, which does not 
exist in a still greater degree in animals confessedly the 
same species, and the numerous examples of the widest 
deviation in the colour and physiological distinctions of 
these, fully authorize the conclusion, that, however striking 
may be the contrast between the fair European and the 
ebon African, and however unwilling the former may be 
to trace up his pedigree to the same Adam with the latter, 
the superficial distinctions by which they are characterized, 
are altogether insufiScient to establish a diversity of species 
or any insurmountable disparity between the two. 

Having adverted to the diversities of external appear- 
ance exhibited in the various races of Man, and alluded to 
the physiological distinctions by which they are marked, 
let us inquire to what extent their moral and intellectual 
characters exhibit such peculiarities as the numerous modi- 
fications of physical structure might lead us to expect ; 

* littwreDoe. 



'W 








3i €tMt kt l^ jlltgro* 



whether the appetites and propensities, the moral feelings, 
and dispositions, and the capahilities of knowledge and 
reflection, are the same in all. There can be little doubt, 
that the races of Man are no less characterized by a diversity 
in the development of the mental and moral faculties, 
than by those differences of organization which have been 
already explained* There is an intimate connection be- 
tween the mind and the body, and the various causes which 
exert their influence physically, have, to a certain degree, 
a corresponding effect upon the mental constitution of Man. 
That climate, again, and other elements of the external 
condition, are powerful agents in this respect, is very pro- 
bable, if we may judge from their analogous influence on 
various animals. We are informed that the dog in Kamts- 
chatka, instead of being faithful and attached to his master, 
is malignant, treacherous, and full of deceit. He does not 
bark in the hot parts of Africa, nor in Greenland ; and in 
the latter country, loses his docility so as to be imfit for 
hunting.* 

There is a decided coincidence between the physical 
characteristics of the varieties of Man, and their moral and 
social condition, and it also appears that their condition in 
civilized society produces considerable modification in the in- 
tellectual quahdes of the race. But this is a subject so ex- 
tensive in its bearings, and in many particulars so intricate 
and complex, that I shall not attempt its further investi- 
gation here, but refer again to the works of Lawrence and 
Prichard, in which it is very ably elucidated. 

To whatever causes we may, ultimately, be able to 
attribute the numerous varieties existing amongst mankind, 
it is evident, if they have not been ordained to bind them 
together, they were never ordained to subdue the one to 
the other ; but rather to give means and occasions of mu- 
tual aid. The good of all has been equally intended in 
the distribution of the various gifts of heaven ; and certain 

* Bees. 







a €xMt to tin Mt^n. 



it is, that the diversities among men are as nothing, in 
comparison with those attributes in which they agree : it 
is this which constitutes their essential equality. *'A11 
men have the same rational nature, and the same powers 
of conscience, and all are equally made for indefinite im- 
provement of these divine faculties, and for the happiness 
to be found in their virtuous use. Who that comprehends 
these gifts, does not see that the diversities of the race 
vanish before them ?"* 

It was long since declared, and it has been repeated 
thousands of times, that the Indian and the African, from 
their nature, are incapable of civilization, and only adap- 
ted to a state of servitude. Early in the sixteenth cen- 
tury, the question was regarded as one of such moment that 
Charles the Fifth ordered a discussion of the subject to 
be conducted before him. The advocate in favour of this 
idea was first heard, when a zealous champion, in answer, 
warmed by the noble cause he was to maintain, and nothing 
daunted by the august presence in which he stood, de- 
livered himself with fervent eloquence that went directly 
to the hearts of his auditors. ^'The Christian religion," 
he concluded, ^' is equal in its operation, and is accommo- 
dated to every nation on the globe. It robs no one of his 
freedom, violates no one of his inherent rights, on the 
ground that he is of a slavely nature, as pretended ; and it 
well becomes your majesty to banish so monstrous an op- 
pression from your kingdoms, in the beginning of your 
reign, that the Almighty may make it long and glorious !'* 

I am convinced, that the more we examine into the 
diversities characterizing the various families of Man, the 
more thoroughly shall we be able to prove, that the coinci- 
dence between them is greater than the diversity, and that 
we shall find nothing to warrant us in referring to any par- 
ticular race, any further than we should between the rough- 
hewn and polished marble, a deficiency of those moral and 

* Dr. GhAnning. 



ffr^ 











51 frihttb fiir t^ Jfftgrn. 



intellectual faculties, which it has pleased the aU-wise and 
^^^^ beneficent Creator, who "hath made of one blood aU the 
nations of men/' to bestow alike on every portion of the 
human family. Thought, Reason, Conscience, the capacity 
of Virtue and of Love, an immortal destiny, an intimate 
moral connection with God, — these are the attributes of 
our common humanity, which reduce to insignificance all 
outward distinctions, and make every human being un- 
speakably dear to his Maker. No matter how ignorant he 
may be, the capacity of improvement allies him to the 
more instructed of his race, and places within his reach, 
the knowledge and happiness of higher worlds. " The 
Christian philosopher," says Dr. Chalmers, " sees in every 
man, a partaker of his own nature, and a brother of his 
own species. He contemplates the human mind in the 
generality of its great elements. He .enters upon a wide 
field of benevolence, and disdains the geographical barriers 
by which little men would shut out one half of the species 
from the kind offices of the other. Let man's localities be 
what they may, it is enough for his large and noble heart, 
that he is bone of the same bone." 

A powerful argument may yet be adduced, which ap- 
pears to me conclusive of the whole question relating to 
man's unity of origin, and that is, the testimony of the 
sacred Scriptures, which ascribe one origin to the whole 
human family. Our Scriptures have not left us to deter- 
mine the title of any tribe to the full honours of humanity 
by accidental circumstances. One passage affirms, that 
" God hath made of one blood all the nations of men, for 
to dwell on all the face of the earth ;" that they are of one 
family, of one origin, of one common nature : the other, 
that our Saviour became incarnate, " that he, by the grace 
of God, should taste death for every man." " Behold then," 
says the pious Richard Watson, " the foundation of the 
fraternity of our race, however coloured and however scat- 
tered. Essential distinctions of inferiority and superiority 







CHAPTER II. 

Tbe idea that moral and inteUeotual inferiorit j is inseparable from a co- 
loured skin, a fiJladous one — Befuted by hcU — The apparent inftriority 
of the Negro prindpallj arises from Slayery and the raysges of the Qlaye 
trade — ^Extent of theee — ^Their pemidons consequences — Frerent the 
'Segro from adrancing in ciyilization or improvement — Justified on the 
ground of Christianising them, Ac — ^This plea philosophicallj iSilse — 
What can we expect from Negroes in their present condition — ^The 
reproach falls on their treatment, &c. — Similar effects obserrable on any 
people— Instanced in European Slayes — Loose his shackles, and the 
Negro will soon refute the calumnies raised against him. 

If, 83 I have already shown, the claims of all mankind 
to one imiversal brotherhood are so clearly and unequivo- 
cally defined, we can have no authority for impressing upon 
a large portion of the great family the stigma of infe- 
riority, under the mere pretext of some external peculia- 
rities which the Creator has been pleased to confer upon 
them. Nothing can be more fallacious, nothing has ever 
been more pernicious in its consequences, than the as- 
sumption, that moral and intellectual inferiority are insep- 
arable from a coloured skin. Oh! when will prejudice 
give way, if not through the influence of Christian kind- 
ness, before the pressure of facts ? How long shall the 
White Man answer "No!" to the appeal of the injured 
Negro, "Am I not a man and a brother?" How long 
shall we persist in turning a deaf ear to the imited cry 
of the whole ebon race of Africa : 

'* Deem our nation brutes no longer, 
'Till some reason je shall find. 
Worthier of regard and atronger, 
Than the colour of our kind. 

" Slares of gold ! whoso sordid dealings 
Tarnish all jour boasted powers, 
Prore that you hare human feelings, 
Ere jou proudly question ours.*' 








a €xMt fat % jlrgrn. 



I would invite all who entertain the opinion that the 
dark coloured portion of mankind necessarily belong to 
a race of beings inferior to the fairer portion of our 
speciesi casting aside all previously imbibed prejudice, to 
peruse the facts narrated in the following pages. They 
will be found to exhibit many striking instances of good 
and commendable traits existing naturally in the African 
character, to which facts and testimonies innumerable might 
be added, amply sufficient, considering the limited advan- 
tages they have possessed, not only to refute the groundless 
imputation of mental and moral deficiency, and prove their 
title to the claim of being accounted intelligent and rational 
creatures, but that they are also endowed with every cha- 
racteristic constituting their identity with the great family of 
MAN. Their physical, moral, and intellectual capabilities, 
have been so far put to the test, that they can no longer be 
charged with being deficient in intelligence, enterprise, or 
industry. The facts brought forward in this volume are 
sufficiently substantiated as to leave the question no longer 
a doubtful or theoretical one, but to excite us at once to 
regard them as brethren, in every sense of the word, entitled 
to equal privileges vnth ourselves, to the enjojrment of all 
those inalienable rights with which Man has been entrusted 
by his Creator. Surely it will be impossible for us to peruse 
these facts, without blushing for the enormities, which 
beings with a fairer skin, and professing a religion which 
inculcates ^* universal love and good will to men," are still 
exercising over another portion of the same family. 

Happy would it be for humanity's sake, if we could 
draw the curtain of night over the many dark transactions 
that disgrace the conduct of the White Man towards his 
more sable brother, which consist indeed of little else than 
a series of wrongs and outrages, infiicted on the innocent 
and the defenceless ! It is a lamentable fact, that whatever 
checks the atrocious traffic in the fiesh and sinev^ of the 
Negro may, from time to time, have experienced, it is still 






V^'>A 






3i. d^tilnttt for % jUrgrn. 



pursued with increased enei^ and success, so much sO| 
that it is impossible to form any adequate idea of its 
extent and horrors.* Afirica is annually robbed of four 
HUNDRED THOUSAND of her population^ to glut the cu- 
pidity, or to minister to the pride and luxury of nominal 
Christians, and the followers of the False Prophet From 2 
to 800,000 of this mighty host perish by fire and sword in 
their original capture ; by privation and fatigue, in their 
transit to the coast ; and by disease and death, in their most 
horrible forms, during the middle passage. The remainder 
are sold into perpetual Slavery, and subjected, with their 
offipring in perpetuity, to all the revolting incidents of that 
d^raded state. 

To say nothing of the disgrace and the guilt which 
this nefarious system attaches to the civilized nations who 
are implicated in it, it is an utter impossibility, whilst the 
ravages consequent upon these violations of all the rights 
and feelings of man continue to be perpetrated against the 
natives of Africa, whilst the inhabitants of the whole con- 
tinent, both on her defenceless coasts, and to her very 
centre, continue to be hunted like wild beasts of the forest; 
I say, it is an utter impossibility, whilst this state of things is 
permitted to exist, that Africa or her sons should experience 
any advances, either in civilization or improvement. 

The present apparent inferiority of the Negro race is 
undoubtedly attributable in a great measure to the existence 
of the Slave traffic in Afirica, with all the baneful influences 
necessarily attendant upon it, and subsequently, to the 
degraded condition to which its unfortunate victims are 

* Wiem the emdeH againti ike Slaoe Trade fint commenced, half a 
eeniwy ago, IT WAS oaxcvlated thbbb wxbe pbox two to thbxb 
lOLLioirfl OF 8LATB8 IH THB wosld! Th&re were reeetUfy, according to 
doemHeHUquoiedhySn'T.I'.JBMxioH^six.TOBMVSSUiLLiovsl When,fiffy 
yeare ago, the AiiirSlanery operaUone began, U wa$ eetmaUd thai ONB 

HinnOBBD THOITSAITD SLA.TBB WBEB AWTALLT BATISHBD BBOIC AjTBICA ! 

nere are now caUmUOed to he FOUR HUNDRED THOUSAND 
AKKUALLT tobh jboh tblBIB hoicks and vatssub ! ! ! These are 
the great fiieta regarding Slayeiy and the Slaye Trade at this moment ! 









a €xMt &r % ilfgrn- 



reduced, and held by their oppressors. It is only when 
they are in possession of privileges and advantages equiva- 
lent to the rest of mankindi that a fair comparison can 
be drawn between the one and the other. The Negro, 
by nature our equal, made like ourselves after the image 
of the Creator, gifted by the same intelligence, impelled 
by the same passions and affections, and redeemed by the 
same Saviour, has now become reduced through cupidity 
and oppression, nearly to the level of the brute, spoiled of 
his humanity, plundered of his rights, and often hurried to 
a premature grave, the miserable victim of avarice and heed- 
less tyranny ! ^' Men have presumptuously dared to wrest 
from their fellows the most precious of their rights — to 
intercept, as far as they can, the bounty and grace of the 
Almighty — to close the door to their intellectual progress 
— to shut every avenue to their moral and religious improve- 
ment — to stand between them and their Maker. Oh ! awful 
responsibility ; how shall they answer for such a crime ? " • 

But the Slave, we are told, is taught religion and Chris- 
tianity. This is a cheering sound to be wafted from the 
land of bondage. It is cause of rejoicing to hear that any 
portion of the Negroes taken into Slavery are instructed 
in religion. But if ever this is the case, it forms the ex- 
ception and not the rule. " In Georgia, any justice of the 
peace may, at his discretion, break up any religious assem- 
bly of Slaves, and may order each Slave present to be cor- 
rected without trial, by receiving, on the bare back, 
95 stripes with a whip, switch, or cow-skin.'* In North 
Carolina, " to teach a Slave to read or write, or to seD, or 
give him any book (Bible not excepted), is punished 
with 39 lashes, or imprisonment.'* Such laws as these do 
not speak very strongly for the argument that the Slave is 
taught religion, " Woe to him that taketh away the key of 
knowledge !" To kill the body is a great crime ; the Spirit 
we cannot kill, but we may bury it in a deathlike lethargy. 



* Clwkson. 









ia €nMt for t{|t j&Bgtn. 



and is this a light crime in the sight of Him who gave it ? 

There can be no doubt that^ generally speaking, not a 
ray of Christiau truth is afforded to the Negro Slave, but, 
on the other hand, that it is often most cautiously with- 
held. The majority of persons connected with Slave pro- 
perty stand chargeable with criminal neglect, or the great 
proportion of Slaves would not now be degraded and im- 
moral Pagans. Not a few are criminally hostile and 
persecuting. They have paled round the enclosures of 
darkness and vice, intent upon nothing so much as to scowl 
away the messengers of light and mercy, by whatever name 
they may be called, and to seal up the wretched people 
under their power, in ignorance and barbarism. Under 
such circumstances, the state of the Negro Slave is most 
deplorable. It may be emphatically said of a land of 
Slavery, that " darkness covers the earth, and gross dark- 
ness the people ; " and if a single ray of light glimmers 
in the midst, it only serves to render the surrounding 
darkness still more visible — ^more clearly to exhibit the 
hideous abominations beneath which the Negro groans. 

But even if the opportunity is said to be afforded him, 
how can the Slave comprehend the principle of Love, the 
essential principle of Christianity, when he hears it from 
the lips of those whose relations to him express injustice 
and selfishness ? And even suppose him to receive Chris- 
tianity in its purity, and to feel all its power ; — ^is this to 
reconcile us to Slavery ? Is a being who can understand the 
sublimest truth that has ever entered the human mind, 
who can love and adore God, who can conform himself to 
the celestial virtue of the Saviour, for whom that Saviour 
died, to whom heaven is opened, whose repentance now 
gives joy in heaven, — ^is such a being to be held as pro- 
perty, driven by force as the brute, and denied the rights 
of man by a fellow-creature, by a professed disciple of the 
just and merciful Saviour ? Has he a religious nature, 
and dares any one hold him as a Slave ? 







a €xMt fat % Jlfgra. 



I am aware that much has been said on various oc«- 
casioUB^ respecting the compensations conquered and op- 
pressed nations and people have received for the injuries 
inflicted upon them^ when they have fallen under the 
sway of empires in a higher state of civilization than 
themselves. The atrocious outrages of the Slave trade, 
as we have heard, have been commended on this ground, as 
affording a means of imparting to the Negroes the blessings 
of civilization and Christianity, by transplanting them into 
a land of civilized men and of Christians. Could any plea 
be more philosophically false ? Providence is sometimes 
pleased to bring good out of evil, but we are by no means 
justified on this ground in doing evil that good may ensue. 
On no occasion does God require the aid of our vices. 
He can overrule them for good, but they are not the chosen 
instruments of human happiness. 

Our war of extermination against the Kafirs has al- 
ready cost us upwards of three millions, and will probably 
cost three millions more. How much better would it 
be to substitute religion and commerce for the sword. 
A dozen waggons laden with British goods would do more 
for the civilization and conciliation of that tormented 
country than all the bayonets of Europe. It is painful 
to reflect that the history of Africa, a coimtry so long 
colonized by men professmg that faith which teaches 
us that ''God hath made of one blood all the nations 
of men, " should furnish so few points of relief to the dark 
shades of a picture, which exhibits the inhabitants of that 
continent as the wretched victims of the White Man's 
avarice and cruelty. Yet, thanks be to God, there are some 
bright spots amidst this gloom of darkness, some fertile spots 
amidst this extensive waste and wilderness of iniquity and 
wo, and wherever they meet the eye they cheer the heart. 
These are principally the results of missionary enterprise, to 
which our attention will be drawn when we have to consider 
the advances of the Negro in a religious point of view. 







1 





a ^ritiitte for % Mt^n. 



To return again to the iniquities perpetrated so coolly 
against the unoffending African, we cannot but admire 
the subtle reasoning and humanity of those, whose hands 
are imbrued in the traffic in human flesh, asserting in 
defence of their nefarious deeds, that they may be the 
means of Christianizing their unhappy victims, and of 
advancing their moral condition ; and who, after tearing 
the wretched Negroes from their native soil, transporting 
them in chains across the wide ocean, and dooming them 
to perpetual labour, complain that their understandings 
shew no signs of improvement, that their tempers and dis- 
positions are incorrigibly perverse, faithless, and treach- 
erous. What can be expected from them, when they arc 
attended with everything that is unfavourable to their im- 
provement, and axe deprived of every means of bettering 
their condition, or cultivating their minds ? *^ Destitute 
of all instruction, worked like brutes, and punished more 
severely ; crushed by the iron hand of oppression into the 
very dust ; having everything to fear, and nothing to hope 
for ; vdthout any impelling motive but that of terror ; with 
scarcely any possibility of enjoyment but what arises from 
his mere animal nature, what virtue can we look for in the 
poor Slave ? If his appetites and passions are checked, it 
is not by the operation of principle, but by the dread of 
corporeal punishment. Can anything manly or generous 
be expected from those who are debased to the condition 
of brutes, who are kept in a state of perpetual and abject 
servility ? Can we suppose that a very nice sense of justice 
will be entertained by those who are constantly treated 
with injustice ; who know it, and feel it ; who see the 
White Man sin vrith impunity, and the Black Man often 
suffering without crime ? Can we be so unreasonable as to 
look for undeviating honesty and integrity in those who 
are conscious that they are the objects of continued 
wrong, inflicted by those whom they regard as so much 
their superiors in knowledge ? Are they not constantly 









a €xMt kt i\)t JItgrn. 



taught by the conduct of White Men, that power is right ; 
and that, therefore, i^i^hateyer they are able to do with im- 
punity they have a right to do ? Must they not feel that 
fraud and cunning are the only weapons with which they 
can engage the White Man, and obtain any advantage ? 
Shall we then wonder, when we are told by all who know the 
Negro character, that in the midst of all their ignorance, 
there is a shrewdness which seems natiu'al to them ; that 
the system of oppression under which they live, cherishes 
the habits of falsehood and petty theft ? Can purity and 
chastity exist in such circumstances as theirs, where there 
is no protection of the marriage union ; where all are al- 
lowed to herd together as the beasts of the field, and have, 
in the conduct of the White Man, so bad an example be- 
fore their eyes ? What means are used to enlighten their 
minds or form their morals ? Can any plant of virtue, 
vegetate without the light of knowledge, and the culture 
of instruction ? What are they suffered to know of Chris- 
tianity, but its outward forms ; and what impressions must 
they receive of it from their Christian (?) masters ? Can 
they see anything in it which is attractive ? What motives 
have they to embrace it ? Ignorant alike of the doctrines 
and the duties, the divine consolation and the holy precepts 
of Christianity, they remain Pagans in a Christian land, 
without even an object of idolatrous worship ; * having no 
hope, and without God in the world.' Let not, then, the 
abettors of Slavery, who trample their fellow-creatures 
beneath their feet, tell us, in their own justification, of the 
degraded state, the abject minds, and the vices of the 
Slaves ; it is upon the system which thus brutifies a human 
being that the reproach falls in all its bitterness.** 

It is absurd to tell us of the vast inferiority of the Negro 
Race, whilst they are kept in a state of degradation, which fnv^ 
renders mental and moral improvement an impossibility, 
which not only stints the growth of everything generous and 
manly, but destroys every spring of virtuous action, and 














1 i^riktc &t % jSrgti. 



reduces them nearly to the condition of brutes. Similar 
effects would be equally visible in those of any nation or com- 
plexion, were they subjected to a treatment as cruel as that 
which the Negro has long endured. ** Treat men as wild 
beasts/' says a philosophical writer, ''and you will make 
them such." M* Dupuis, the British Consul at Mogadore, 
observes, that '' even the generality of European Christians, 
after a long captivity and severe treatment among the Arabs, 
appeared at first exceedingly stupid and insensible. K they 
have been any considerable time in Slavery, they appear lost 
to reason and feeling; their spirits broken; and their facul- 
ties sunk in a species of stupor which I am unable adequately 
to describe. They appear d^raded even below the Negro 
Slave. The succession of hardships, without any protecting 
law to which they can appeal for any alleviation or redress, 
seems to destroy every spring of exertion or hope in their 
minds. They appear indifferent to everything axoimd them ; 
abject, servile, and brutish." • 

There is ample proof that bondage and severity have a 
certain tendency to degrade the mind, and to debase and 
brutalize the feelings of mankind* It is impossible to mark 
ihe state of degradation to which the Negro is reduced, and 
not inquire, — ^how men can be elevated, while the burdens 
which oppress them are so great ? — how they can be indus- 
trious, when the sinews of industry are so much crippled ? 
—or, how they can be expected to discover anything like 
even a virtuous emulation, while precluded by their cir- 
cumstances from rising above a condition of Slavery the 
most hopeless and wretched ? But let the shackles be 
loosed from the Negro ; let him feel the invigorating in- 
fluence of freedom ; let hope enter his bosom ; and let him 
be cheered and animated with the prospect of reward for 
his exertions, and the foul calumny of his great and inevi- 
table inferiority wSl soon be refuted in himself! 

* Wilberforoe's Appeal in behalf of the Negro SlaTes of the West Indies. 








CHAPTER III. 

Theory of BouBsean and Lord TTMnt^w — ^ f^iBe one — InjuriouB to the beit 
interests of hnxnanity, and contrary to Scripture — Iignnes done to the 
Hegro on the gronnda of inferiority — Shocking effects resvdting from 
this idea — Ciyilized nations before the Christian era — ^Bomans, and their 
ancestors — Our own — Anecdote related by Dr. Philip^Cioero*s renuurks 
respecting them — Christian guilt towards Aborigines — Lamentable &cts 
— Dr. Johnson on European conquest — Slavery justified by representing 
the N^gro a distinct species — And even a brute— This supported by some 
writers — ^Arguments of Long — Strange book published at Charleston 
— Chamber's reply — Negroes said to admit their own inferiority— Be- 
marks of Dr. Channing on this subject — Inferiority ascribed to other 
races — ^The Esquimaux — The whole refuted by Dr. Lawrence. 

Those who are acquainted with the writings of Rousseau, 
Lord Kaimes, and others belonging to the same school, are 
not ignorant of the attempt which has been made, in oppo- 
sition to the Bible, to establish the theory, already alluded 
to, which represents the human race as derived from dif- 
ferent stocks. Apart from the authority on which the 
Mosaic account of the creation of Man is built, the consi- 
deration of God's having " made of one blood all the nations 
of the earth," is much more simple and beautiful, and has 
a greater tendency to promote love and concord, than that 
which traces the different members of the human family to 
different origins, giving rise to invidious distinctions, flat- 
tering the pride of one class of men, and affording a pretext 
to justify the oppression of another. Had this opinion, 
which we are now combating, been perfectly innocuous in 
its operation, or had it been confined to philosophers, we 
might have left it to its fate ; but its prevalence, and the 
use which has been made of it, show that it is as hostile to 
the best interests of humanity as it is contrary to the truth 
of Scripture. ♦ 

It is a singular fact, that the injuries done to the Negroes 

• Dr. Philip. 




^ 

A cv 





kSslii 





a (Erihab firt tjn JIfgni. 



on the East and West coasts of Africai the murders for- 
merly committed by the colonists on the Hottentots and 
Bushmen of South Africa, and the privations and su£ferings 
endured by the Slaves in America and the Colonies, 
are justified on this principle, as involving m them a conse- 
quent inferiority. *' Expostulate vrith many farmers in 
South Africa," says Dr. Philip, " for excluding their Slaves 
and Hottentots from their places of worship, and denying 
them the means of religious instruction, and they will tell 
you at once that they are an inferior race of beings. 
Asking a farmer in the district of Caledon, whether a Black 
Man standing by him could read, he looked perfectly aston- 
ished at the question, and supposed he had quite satisfied 
my query by saying, * Sir, he is a Slave.* In the same 
manner, the cruelties exercised by the Spaniards upon the 
Americans were justified by their wretched theologians, 
by denying that the poor Americans were men, because they 
wanted beards, the sign of virility among other nations.*' 

The effects of this pretended idea of inferiority have 
been carried to an extent, towards the African, truly awful 
to contemplate. In their own country, they have become 
the most wretched of the human race ; duped out of their 
possessions, their land, and their liberty, they have entailed 
on their offspring a state of existence, to which, even that 
of Slavery might.bear the comparison of happiness, and to 
which death itself would be decidedly preferable. Such 
may not be the case universally, but it is the treatment by 
which the aborigines of Africa have been generally reduced 
to a state of degradation and vnretchedness, surpassed in 
debasement only by the heartless barbarities of many 
Europeans, who, pretending to believe that the natives 
are destitute of the qualities, and excluded from the rights 
of human beings, find no difficulty in classing them with 
the beasts of the forest, and destroying them vrithout com- 
punction, that they may obtain imdisturbed possession of 
their country. The only consideration from which their 









a €xMt fitt tin Mtita. 



lives have often been either spared or preserved^ seems to 
have been, that in a state scarcely above that of oxen 
or of dogs, they might perform every species of labour or 
drudgery in the dwellings or farms of those who now occupy 
the lands on which the herds of their ancestors formerly 
grazed in freedom. 

" A farmer, " says Barrow, in 1797, " thinks he cannot 
proclaim a more meritorious action than the murder of one 
of these people. A farmer from Graaff-Reinet, being asked 
in the Secretary's office a few days before we left town, if 
the savages were numerous or troublesome on the road, 
replied, * he had only shot four ^ * with as much composure 
and indifference, as if he had been speaking of four part- 
ridges* I myself have heard one of the humane colonists 
boast of having destroyed with his own hands nearly 
three hundred of these unfortunate wretches.** 

A witness quoted by Pringle* says, '* If the master took 
serious dislike to any of these unhappy creatures, it.was no 
imcommon practice to send out the Hottentot on some 
pretended message, and then to follow and shoot him on 
the road." 

But the sad effects of this notion of inferiority are no 
where so conspicuously manifested as in the brutal treat- 
ment to which the poor African has been doomed in the 
New World, and in the degrading epithets by which he is 
designated by his lordly task-masters. The oppressors of 
the Negro have committed a serious moral mistake, in 
perverting what should constitute a claim to kindness and 
indulgence into a justification or palliation of their con- 
duct in enslaving their fellow men, and of that revolting 
and anti-christian practice, the traffic in human flesh ; a 
practice branded with the double curse of degradation to the 
oppressor and the oppressed. The very argument, which 
has been used for defending the wrongs committed against 
the African, appears to me to be a tenfold aggravation 
of the enormity. Superior endowmente, higher intellect. 



- ^71^ 






greater capacity for knowledge, azts, and science, should 
be employed in extending the blessings of civilization, 
and in multiplying the enjoyments of social life ; not as 
a meam of oppressing the weak and ignorant, or of 
plunging those who aie already represented as naturally 
low in the intellectoal scale, still more deeply into the 
abyss of barbarism. 

When we see a strong and well armed person, attack 
one eqnally powerful and well prepared, we are indifferent 
as to the issue ; or we may look on with that interest which 
the qualities called forth by the contest are calculated to 
inspire : but if the strong attack the weak, if the well 
armed assail the defenceless, if the ingenuity, knowledge, 
and skill, the superior arts and arms of civilized life are 
combined, to rob the poor savage of his only valuable 
property — personal liberty — we turn from the scene with 
indignation and abhorrence. 

" They who possess higher gifts should remember the 
condition under which they are enjoyed : — * From him to 
whom much is given, much will be required!' What a 
commentary on this head is furnished by Negro Slavery, 
as carried on, and permitted, by religious nations, by 
Christian Kings, Catholic Majesties, Defenders of the 
Faith, &c. ! " • 

For the sake of argument, let us admit that there ma^f 
exist an intellectual imbecility in the mind of the Negro ; 
— instead of its justifying our inflicting upon him the 
miseries of Slavery, does it not rather give him an additional 
claim to onr sympathy and Christian compassion ? If the 
retreating forehead and depressed vertex do indicate an 
inferiority in the mental capacity of the Negro, does it 
prove that he is not a human being, — that he has not an 
immortal soul,^-or that be is not an accountable creature ? 
Does it prove that he is not capable of every rational act, 
and that he is unendowed with every social feeling which is 
* IiSirmioe. 




If 



'11 






a. €iMt ftr % Mt^. 



And we may form not an imperfect idea what our ancestors 
were, at the time Julius Caesar invaded Britain, by the 
present condition of some of the African tribes. In them 
we may perceive, as in a mirror, the featores of our pro- 
genitors, and, by our own history, we may learn the extent 
to which such tribes may be elevated by means favourable 
to their improvement. ♦ 

When the inhabitants of a free country are heard justify- 
ing the injuries inflicted upon the natives of Africa, or 
opposing the introduction of liberal institutions among 
any portion of them, on the vulgar ground that they are an 
inferior class of beings to themselves, it is but fair to remind 
them, that there was a period, when Cicero considered their 
own ancestors as luifit to be employed even as Slaves in 
the house of a Roman citizen. '* Seated one day in the 
house ofafHend in Cape Town," saysDr. PhiUp, "with 
a bust of Cicero in my right hand, and one of Sir Isaac 
Newton on the left, I accidentally opened a book on the 
table at that passage in Cicero's letter to Atticus, in which 
the philosopher speaks so contemptuously of the natives 
of Great Britain.-^ Struck with the curious coincidence 
arising from the circumstances in which I then found my- 
self placed, pointing to the bust of Cicero, and then to that 
of Sir Isaac Newton, I could not help exclaiming, ^ Hear 
what that man says of that man's country ! ' " 

Were it not so indubitably recorded on the page of 
history, we should hardly be willing to believe that there 
was a time when our ancestors, the ancient Britons, went 
nearly without clothing, painted their bodies in fantastic 
fashion, offered up human victims to uncouth idols, and 



• Dr. PhiUp. 

t *' Biitamiici belli exitiu espeotatnr : constat enim aditus insula) esse 
sumitos mirifids molibus : etiam illud jam cognitum est, neqne argenti 
•crnpnltim esse ullom in ilia insula, neqne nllam spem pneds nisi ex man- 
dpiis : ex quibos nnllos pnto, te literis ant mnsicis emditos expeotare." 

Epist. Ad. Attionm, 1. iv., Epist. 16. 








Yet this is the sort of reasoning employed by the perpe- 
trators and apologists of Negro Slavery. Alas, for Chris- 
tian guilt ! can it be equalled by any Pagan crime ? First we 
murder the aborigines of North America, to take possession 
of their hunting grounds, and then we rob the distant land 
of Africa of its inhabitants, to cultivate our stolen posses- 
sions. Thus do one set of *' barbarians melt away before 
the sun of civilization," that we may fatten on their spoils, 
and another is pronounced ^' non compos mentis" that we 
may plunder them of the only property the God of nature 
has given to Man ! 

" We think uninoyed of miUions of our noe» 
Swept from thy soil by cruelties prolonged ; 
Another dime then ruTaged to replace 
The wretched Indians ; — ^Africa now wronged 
To fill the void where myriads lately thronged.*' 

It is a lamentable fact, that in our treatment generally, 
of what we term Savage nations^ all respect for common 
honesty, justice, and humanity, appears to be utterly for- 
gotten by men otherwise generous, kind, and apparently 
sensitively honourable. In an estimate formed by Dr. 
Johnson of what mankind have lost or gained by European 
conquest, having adverted to the cruelties which have been 
committed, and the manner in which the laws of religion 
have been outrageously violated, he adds, '^ Europeans 
have scarcely visited any coast, but to gratify avarice and 
extend corruption, to arrogate dominion without right, 
and practise cruelty without incentive," and he then gives 
it as his opinion, that "it would have been happy for the 
oppressed, and still more happy for the invaders, that their 
designs had slept in their own bosoms." 

The system of oppression under which the African race 
suffer so grievously, renders it imperative on their oppres- 
sors to allege some reasons, as plausible as they are able, 
in their own defence. That Slave merchants, who traffic 









a €inMt fet tjif Mtin. 



in human flesh, and Negro drivers, who use their fellow- 
creatures worse than cattle, should attempt to justify their 
conduct by depressing the African to a level with the 
brute, is what might reasonably be expected. They lay 
great stress on the alleged fact, that Negroes resemble 
more nearly than Europeans, the monkey tribe ; and they 
have even gone so far as to pronounce them, on the ground 
of this approximation, not only a distinct species^ but 
'^ brute animals sent for the use of man.*' Thus do the 
oppressors of their fellow-men satisfy their consciences by 
pretending to believe that the imfortunate Negro is a 
brut^, or at best, only a connecting link between the brute 
creation and Man. They desire to degrade him below the 
standard of humanity, attempting to deface all title to the 
Divine image from his mind ; thus do they reconcile the 
cruel hardships under ^hich the victims of their oppres- 
sion are still doomed to groan, in the islands and on the 
continent of the New World. 

It has already been stated that some writers on natural 
history, and particularly on that of Man, have regarded 
the natives of Africa as inferior to Europeans in intellect, 
and in the organization contrived for the development or 
exercise of the mental faculties. By these writers it is 
maintained that Negroes make a decided approach towards 
the native inferiority of the monkey tribe — ^that they are 
endowed by the Creator with the noble gift of reason in a 
very inferior degree, when compared with the more 
favoured inhabitants of Europe. Two descriptions of men 
have come to this conclusion. The first are those who have 
had to contend with the passions and vices of the Negro 
in his purely Pagan state, and who have applied no other in- 
strument to elicit the virtues they have demanded than 
the stimulus of the whip and the stem voice of authority. 
Who can wonder that they have failed? They have ex- 
pected " to reap where they have not sown," and " to 
gather where nothing has been strown ;" they have required 









% €xMt fir % Jltgrn, 



moral ends, without the application of moral meaiis ; and 
their failure, therefore, leaves the question of the capacity 
of the Negro untouched, and proves nothing but their own 
folly. In the second class may be included our minute 
philosophers, who take the gauge of intellectual capacity 
from the formation of the bones of the head, and link 
morality with the contour of the countenance; men who 
measure mind by the rule and compasses, and estimate ca- 
pacity for knowledge and salvation by a scale of inches 
and the acuteness of angles. 

Several of the writers alluded to, have spoken positively 
of the Negro, as being only one remove from the brute, and 
as forming the connecting link between the brute creation 
and the human race. Montesquieu at once pronounces 
them not human beings, but as occupying an intermediate 
rank below the Whites, and destined by their Creator to 
be the Slaves of their superiors. The historian Long 
goes through a lengthy course of argument, and occupies 
many quarto pages, to establish what he conceives a great 
probability, if not certainty, that some of the African tribes 
must have a close affinity with the ourang-outang. To 
these may be added the perverted judgment of a Jamaica 
historian, whose statements, made in 1774, may be ac- 
oounted for when it is mentioned that he was a Slaveholder, 
while the Slave Trade was in all its vigour there. He 
says : — " Their brutality somewhat dimini^shes when im- 
ported young, after they become habituated to clothing 
and a regular discipline of life ; but many are never re- 
claimed, and continue savages, in every sense of the word, 
to their latest period. We find them marked with the 
same bestial manners, stupidity, and vices, which debase 
their brethren in Africa, who seem to be distinguished from 
the rest of mankind, not in person only, but in possessing, 
in abstract, every species of inherent turpitude that is to 
be found dispersed at large among the rest of the human 
creation, with scarcely a single virtue to extenuate this 




---T) 








^ €vMt for % jlrgnr. 



shade of character, difieriDg in this particular from all other 
men* When we reflect on the nature of these men, and 
their dissimilarity to the rest of mankind^ must we not 
conclude that they are a different species of the same genus V* 

We might reasonably anticipate, that in the present en- 
lightened age, opinions like these would have given way 
before the many proofs which have been adduced to show 
how grossly unfounded they are. But we have no occasion 
to refer to the past centuiy for effusions of a proud and 
false philosophy, denying that the Negro has any claim to 
humanity, or, to say the very least of him, that he is so 
degenerate a variety of the human species, as to defy all 
cidtivation of mind, and all correction of morals. 

It is but a few years since a strange book was published 
at Charleston, in South Carolina, entitled '^ The Natural 
History of the Negro Race,'* purporting to be a translation 
from the French of J. H. Guenebault. Its professed object 
is to prove, by investigation, that Negroes are not human 
beings, in the full sense of that expression, but are an 
inferior order of animals, forming a species between the 
ourang-outang or chimpanzee, and the White race of man- 
kind. This audacious attempt is made with some show of 
ability. A very extensive physiological^ metaphysical, and 
historical investigfttion is instituted, and no point is left 
unnoticed which is supposed to bear evidence against the 
unhappy black-skinned race. 

The volume commences with a long dedication to the 
members of the Literary and Philosophical Society of 
Charleston, setting forth, in the most affectedly pious man- 
ner imaginable, the beneficence of the Deity in giving such 
wonderful variety in all His works, which is of course in- 
tended to smooth the way for what is to follow. The first 
chapter refers to the general features, characteristics, figure, 
and colour of the Negro species ; the second refers to the 
race in particular nations ; the third is a comparison be- 
tween the Negro, the White Man, and the ourang-outang; 








a €nMt firr tjit Mtiu. 



the fourth enters into the subject of the comparative anatomy 
of the Negro and the European ; the fifth treats of Negro dis- 
eases and degenerations ; the sixth and seventh of Mulattos 
and Creoles ; and, lastly^ there> is a defence of Slavery. 
The author of this singular production asserts that '^ Every 
thing serves to prove that Negroes form not only a race, 
but undoubtedly a distinct species, from the beginning of 
the world, as we see other species among other living 
beings." "Some Negroes,"he says, "have beenbroughtup 
with care and attention, have received in schools and colleges 
the same education given to White children, and yet they 
have been unable to reach the same degree of intellect." 
" Negroes," he continues, " are conscious that an affinity 
exists between them and monkeys, as, according to all travel- 
lers, they look upon monkeys as wild and lazy Negroes. In 
fact, when we consider the great analogy between monkeys, 
Hottentots, and Papous, — so great that Galen, in the ana- 
tomy of a Pitheque, mistook him for a man ; when we 
remark how inteUigent the ourang-outang is, how much 
his bearing, actions, and habits, are similar to those of 
Negroes, and how easily he is instructed, it seems that we 
must acknowledge the most imperfect Negroes to be next 
to the most perfect jnonkeys." 

Space admits not of our entering into the pleading of 
the author of South Carolina on this subject ; suffice it to 
say, his argument in favour of the existence of Slavery is 
drawn from an alleged inferiority in the Negro races, as 
well as from the countenance which he asserts is given to 
a state of perpetual servitude in the Old and New Tes- 
taments. The inferiority of the Negro, in a mental, moral, 
and religious point of view, as well as the perversion of the 
Scriptures in support of Slavery, will be entered into 
more fully in the subsequent pages. 

The grand conclusion arrived at by the author, 
from all his specious arguments, is, that — "For such 
men, necessity is the only possible restraint — force. 








a €tMi fiir % jifgra. 



the only law; so decreed hj their constitution and 
climate." 

The talented editors of the " Edinburgh Journal," in 
reviewing this singular production, and quoting from it 
more at length, make the following very appropriate con- 
cluding observations : — " The answer to all these argu- 
ments is, we think, not difficult. Supposing that the 
Negroes differ in all the alleged respects from the Whites, 
the difference, we woidd say, is not such as to justify the 
Whites in making a property of them, and treating them 
with cruelty. But the Negroes are not, in reality, beyond 
the pale of humanity, either physically or mentally. Their 
external configuration is not greatly different from that of 
Whites. Their being the same mentally, is shewn by 
the fact, that many Negroes have displayed intellectual and 
moral features equal to those of Whites of high endow- 
ment. We might instance Carey, Jenkins, Cuffe, Gxistavus 
Yassa, Toussaint, and many others. If any one Negro 
has shewn a character identical with that of the White 
race, the whole family must be the same, though in general 
inferior. The inferiority is shewn to be not in kind, but 
in degree ; and it would be just as proper for the clever 
Whites to seize and enslave the stupid ones, as for the 
Whites in general to enslave the Blacks in general. The 
Blacks, moreover, have shewn a capability of improvement. 
They have shewn that, as in many districts of even our 
own island of Great Britain, many parts of mind appear 
absent only when not brought out or called into exercise, 
and that, by education, the dormant faculties can be awakened 
and called into strength, if not in one generation, at least 
in the course of several. The tendency of Slavery is to 
keep down, at nearly the level of brutes, beings who might 
be brightened into intellectual and moral beauty." 

With regard to the assertion of the author of the strange 

book alluded to, that ** Negroes are conscious of their 
affinity with monkeys," and consequently acknowledge 




■>n 








a €nMt fcr tjn Mt^n. 



their own inferiority to the other races of mankind^ I 
utterly deny the truth of such an assertion, unless, in- 
deed, his allusion has reference only to those in a state of 
Slavery. If so, an answer may be given him in this par- 
ticular, in the words of Dr. Channing : — 

*^ The moral influence of Slavery is to destroy the pro« 
per consciousness and spirit of a Man. The Slave, re- 
garded and treated as property, bouglit and sold like a 
brute, denied the rights of humanity, tmprotected against 
insult, made a tool, and systematically subdued, that he 
may be a manageable, useful tool, how can he help regard- 
ing himself as fallen below his race ? How must his spirit 
be crushed f How can he respect himself? He becomes 
bowed to servility. This word, borrowed from his con- 
dition, expresses the ruin wrought by Slavery within him. 
The idea that he was made for his own virtue and happi- 
ness scarcely dawns on his mind. To be an instnunent of 
the physical, material good of another, whose will is his 
highest law, he is taught to regard as the great purpose of 
his being. The whips and imprisonment of Slaveiy, and 
even the horrors of the middle passage from Africa to 
America, these are not to be named in comparison with 
this extinction of the proper consciousness of a human 
being, with the degradation of a man into a brute. 

" It may be said that the Slave is used to his yoke; that 
his sensibilities are blunted ; that he receives, without a 
pang or a thought, the treatment which would sting other 
men to madness. And to what does this apology amount? 
It virtually declares, that Slavery has done its perfect work, 
has quenched the spirit of humanity, that the Man is dead 
within the Slave, It is not, however, true that this work 
of abasement is ever so eflectually done as to extinguish 
all feeling. Man is too great a creature to be wholly 
ruined by Man. When he seems dead he only sleeps. 
There are occasionally some sullen murmurs in the calm 
of Slavery, showing that life still beats in the soul, that 






^i^ 





Q':^ 




40 



a €rMt fax % Mt^n. 




the idea of Rights cannot be wholly effiiced from the 
human being. 

^' It would be too painful, and it is not needed, to detail 
the processes by which the spirit is broken in Slavery. I 
refer to one only, the selling of Slaves. The practice of 
exposing fellow-creatures for sale, of having markets for 
men as for cattle, of examining the limbs and muscles of a 
man and woman as of a brute, of putting human beings 
under the hammer of an auctioneer, and delivering them, 
like any other article of merchandise, to the highest bidder, 
all this is such an insult to our common nature, and so in- 
finitely degrading to the poor victim, that it is hard to con- 
ceive of its existence, except in a barbarous country. 

" The violation of his own rights, to which he is inured 
from birth, must throw confusion over his ideas of all 
human rights. He cannot comprehend them ; or, if he 
does, how can he respect them, seeing them, as he does, 
perpetually trampled upon in his own person ?" 

But, to return to our enlightened author of South Caro- 
lina, — I shall dismiss him by remarking, that it is a strange 
thing, in this nineteenth century, pre-eminent for the ad- 
vancement of light and knowledge, to have occasion to assert, 
that the idea of the least identity between the Negro and 
any portion of the brute creation is as false and unfounded 
as it is shocking and detestable. Such an absurd theory, 
though always publishing its own falsehood, may serve its 
purpose, when civilized men themselves turn savages to 
advocate Slavery ; " but let facts bring out the truth, as 
they do in the circumstance, that two native Africans have 
recently gone back from England, to the plains which gave 
them birth, as clergymen !" * 

That very little importance can be attached to the allega- 
tion of an external resemblance between the Negro and 
inferior animals, may be clearly inferred from the fact, 
that the same remark has been made, even by intelligent 

* " Jamaica : Enslayed and Free." 







^ •- 



i^ 





"^lol 













^ 



% €rilHtte fiir t^ ^Bgrn. 



travellers, respecting particular people of other varieties of 
the human race. Regnard concludes his description of the 
Laplanders with these words : ^^ voila la description de ce 
petit animal qu'on appelle Lapon, et Ton pent dire qu*il 
vlj en a point, apres le singe, qui approche plus rhomme." 
An Esquimaux, who was brought to London by Cartwright, 
when he first saw a monkey, asked ^^ Is that an Esquimaux ?" 
His companion adds, *^ I must confess, that both the colour 
and contour of the animal's countenance had consider- 
able resemblance to the people of their nation." N. 
del Techo calls the Caaiguas of South America, '' tarn 
simiis similes, quam hominibus ;" and J. R. Forster, in the 
observations of his journey round the world, asserts, '^ the 
inhabitants of the island of Mallicollo, of all the people 
whom I have seen, have the nearest relationship to the 
monkies." 

Whether we investigate the physical or the moral 
nature of Man, we recognize at every step the limited ex- 
tent of our knowledge. That the greatest ignorance has 
prevailed on this subject, even in modem times, and among 
men of reputed learning and acuteness, is evinced by 
the strange nodpn very strenuously asserted by Monboddo 
and Rousseau, and firmly believed by some, that Man and 
the monkey, or at least the ourang-outang, belong to the 
same species, and are not otherwise distinguished from 
each other, than by circumstances which can be accounted 
for, by the different physical and moral agencies to which 
they have been exposed. The former of these writers 
even supposes that the human race once possessed tails ! 
and he says ^^ the ourang-outangs are proved to be of our 
species, by marks of humanity that are incontestible ;'* a 
poor compliment to Man, indeed. 

** The completely unsupported assertions of Monboddo 
and Rousseau,*' says Dr. Lawrence, **only show that they 
were equally unacquainted with the structure and functions 
of men and monkeys; not conversant with zoology and 




G 






a ^rilmte for t|ii JSigra. 



physiology, and therefore entirely destitute of the princi- 
ples on which alone a sound judgment can be formed 
concerning the natural capabilities and destiny of animals, 
as well as the laws according to which certain changes of 
character, certain departures from the original stock, may 
take place.'* 

^* The peculiar characteristics of Man,** continues the 
above writer, " appear to me so very strong, that I not 
only deem him a distinct species, but also put him into a 
separate order by himself. His physical and moral attri- 
butes place him at a much greater distance from all other 
orders of mammalia, than those are from each other 
respectively.' 



»» 





<TIN&" 



I >v 




ssirS,.^ tf? ■mziS'Jir^^ 






CHAPTEB IV. 

Bednelion of an afBnity between tlie Negro tact tlie brate creation, a mere 
Mibterfoge — ^Enropean phyaiognomy often Bimilar to the Negro's — ^Hand- 
•ome JLfricana deacnibed by many traveUera — Some remarkabij beautifnl 
''-Not diJBcnlt to loae the impreesion of their colour — ^Blumenbach's 
Negro cranuB — Imperoeptible gradations of one race into another — 
Further analogies in animals — Effects of the dyiUzing process in im- 
proving the form of the head and featnres— Exemplifications— Bliiatrated 
in the case of Kaspar Haoser— Testimony of Dr. Philip on this salgeot 
— ^Dr. EJiQx on N^gro cranio— BQa important conclusion — Dr. Tiede- 
man's experiments — Condusiye observations of Blumenbach — And 
others — ^The dvilization of many African nations superior to that of 
European Aborigines — ^No deviations in the races of Man sufficient to 
constitute distinct spedee — ^Departures from the general rule accounted 
for — ^Equal variations observable in our own coimtry — ^Bemarkably ex- 
emplified in Ireland. 

It is evident then that the deduction of an affinity with the 
brate creation, from the allegation of a resemblance between 
the Negro and the Monkey, is a mere subterfuge. The 
Negroes of Mozambique, whom Barrow describes as infe- 
rior to many other Afiricans, may be instanced as exhibiting 
those general characteristics which are mostly associated 
with our ideas of Negro physiognomy. There are many 
Europeans who have countenances exactly resembling these 
and other Negroes; and varieties and intermediate grada- 
tions, almost imperceptible, may be traced, connecting all 
the different races. We perceive, indeed, an astonishing 
difference, when we place an ugly Negro (for there are 
such, as well as ugly Europeans,) against a specimen of a 
Grecian ideal model ; but when we examine the interme- 
diate gradations, this striking diversity vanishes. '^ The 
physiological characters of the Negro," says Dr. Lawrence, 
** taken in a general sense, are as loosely defined as his 
geographical distribution ; for among the Negroes, there 
are some, who, in smoothness of the hair, and general 
beauty of form, excel many Europeans. 










a <£rilmb fiit % jligrn. 



Clapperton describes the sultan of Boussa^ as having 
features more like a European than a Negro. Lander was 
struck with the regularity of features^ elegance of form, 
and impressive dignity of manners and appearance in the 
sable monarch Khiama. 

" Of the Negroes of both sexes," says Blumenbach, 
" whom I have attentively examined, in very considerable 
numbers, as well as in the portraits and profiles of others, 
and in the numerous Negro crania, which I possess, or 
have seen, there are not two completely resembling each 
other in their formation : they pass, by insensible grada- 
tions, into the forms of the other races, and approach to 
the other varieties, even in their most pleasing modifica- 
tions. A Creole, whom I saw at Yverdun, bom of parents 
from Congo, and brought from St. Domingo by the Cheva^ 
lier Treytorrens, had a countenance, of which no part, not 
even the nose, and rather strongly marked lips, were very 
striking, much less, displeasing : the same features, with 
an European complexion, would certainly have been gene-* 
rally agreeable." 

The testimony of Le Maire, in his journey to Senegal 
and Gambia, is to the same effect ; that there are Negresses, 
except in colour, as handsome as European women. 

Yaillant says of the Kafir women, that, setting aside the 
prejudice which operates against their colour, many might 
be accounted handsome, even in a European country. 

The accurate Adanson confirms this . statement in his 
description of the Senegambians: — ^'Les femmes sont a 
peu pres de la taille des hommes, egalement bien faites. 
Leur form est d'une finesse et d*une douceur extreme. 
EUes ont les yeux noirs, bien fendus, la bouche et les levres 
petites, et les traits du visage, bien proportionnes. II s*en 
trouve plusieurs d'une beaute parfaite. Elles ontbeaucoup 
de vivacite, et sur tout im air aise de liberte qui faitplaisir.*' 

The JeloSsy according to Mungo Park, although of a 
deep black, have not the protuberant lip or the flat nose of 








a €riltittE fiir t^ Jfep. 



the African countenfuice. Moore testifies concemiog this 
tribe to the same effect : — " The Jalofis," says he, " have 
handsome features." " Although their colour is a deep 
black," says Golbeiry, " and their hair woolly, they are 
robust and well made, and have regular features. Their 
countenances," he adds, " are ingenuous, and inspire con- 
fidence ; they are honest, hospitable, generous, and faith- 
ful. The women are mild, very pretty, well made, and of 
agreeable manners."* 

Pigasetta states, that the Congo N^roes are very like 
the Portuguese, except in colour; and Dampier, in his 
account of Natal, describes the natives as having an agree- 
able countenance. 

Dr. Philip, speaking of a family of Bechuanas whom he 
visited, says : — " We were very much struck with their fine 
figures, and the dignified, easy manner with which they re- 
ceived us, TheircounteDancesandmanners discovered marks 
of cultivation, accompanied with an air of superiority, which 
at once marked the class of people to which they belonged, 
and which, under other circumstances, would Have been 
admired in an EngUth drawing-room."-f 

Isert, a Danish traveller, says : — "Almost all the Negroes 
are of good stature, and those of Acra have remark- 
ably fine features. The contour of the lace, indeed, 
among the generality of these people, is different ^om that 
of Europeans ; but, at the same time, feces are found 
among them, which, excepting the black colour, would in 
Europe he comidered beautifuV'X 

Abdallab, a native of Guber, in West Africa, although 
having the true Negro features and colour, is described as 
having a veiy intelligent, preposessing countenance. § 

" On my late tour, in August, 1825," says Dr. Philip, 
'* I first came in contact with the Bechuanas. I have 

• Golbeny'B TrsToli, vol. I, t Philip'" KCTe<m;hes. 

t Fhiloaoph. Mag. m. \4A. § AddbIs of Oriental literature, 537. 







a €rihnb fiit % Mt^n. 



seldom seen a finer race of people ; the men were generally 
well made, and had an elegant carriage ; and many of the 
femalet tpere blender, and extremely graceful. I could see 
at once, from their step and air, that they had never been 
in Slavery. They had an air of dignity and independence 
in their manners, which formed a striking contrast to the 
crouching and servile appearance of the Slave."* 

On visiting a family of this tribe. Dr. Philip observes, 
'^ I had in my train a young man who was a native of Lat- 
takoo ; and when tliey found out there was a person in our 
company who understood their language, they were quite 
in raptures. I think I never saw two finer figures than 
the father and the eldest son. They were both above six 
feet ; and their limbs were admirably proportioned. The 
father had a mozt elegant carriage, and was tall and thin ; 
the son, a lad about 18 years of age, was equally well pro- 
portioned, and had one of the finest open countenances that 
can possibly be imagined. The second son was inferior in 
stature, but he had a fine countenance also ; and, while 
they indulged in all their native freedom, animated by the 
conversation of my Bechuana, or began to tell the story of 
their misfortunes, expressing the consternation with which 
they were seized when they saw their children and parents 
killed by an invisible weapon, and their cattle taken from 
them, they became eloquent in their address ; their coun^ 
tenancesy their eyes, their every gesture, spoke to the eyes 
and to the heart.^^-f 

^^ Teysho, chief counsellor of Mateebe, King of the 
Wankeets of South Africa, is a handsome man," says the 
same writer ; ** and the ladies who were with him were fine 
looking women, and had an air of superiority about them.":}; 

We have the testimony of another recent traveller, and 
resident for some time in South Africa. Thomas Pringle, 
in speaking of the Bechuana, or great Kafir family, says : 

Some of them were very handsome. One man of the 

* Philip's Afirican BeflOttrclies. f Idem. X Idem. 



ft 









[5jf4i> 



% €nMt fin tin Jltgri* 



Tamaha tribe, wcuyl think, the finest specimen of the human 
figure I ever beheld in any country — ftdly six feet in height, 
and graceful as an Jpollo. A female of the same party, 
the wife of a chief, was also a beautiful creature, with fea- 
tures of the most handsome and delicate European mould.**^ 
It has often been asserted, that independently of the 
woolly hair and the dark complexion of the Negroes, 
there are sufficient differences between them and the rest 
of mankind, to mark them as a very peculiar tribe. This 
may be the case to some extent. Yet from the foregoing 
remarks of accredited travellers, it is evident that the 
principal differences are not so constant as may generally 
be imagined. Many Negroes, we have been informed, 
strike Europeans as being remarkably beautiful. This 
would not be the case if they deviated much from the 
European standard of beauty. Slaves in the Colonies, 
brought from the east coast of intertropical Africa, and 
from Congo, are often destitute of those peculiarities, 
which, in our eyes, constitute ugliness and deformity. *'In 
looking over a congregation of Blacks,'* observe Sturge 
and Harvey, ** it is not difficult to lose the impression of 
their colour. There is among them the same diversity of 
countenance and complexion, as among Europeans ; and 
it is only doing violence to one's own feelings, to suppose 
for a moment that they are not made of the same blood 
as our8elves."f 

" Bone of our bone, flesh of onr flesH tHon art, 
Coheritor of kindred being thou ; 
From the full tide that warm'd one mother*8 heart, 
Thj veins and ours receiyed the genial flow." 

The six Negro craniae engraved in the two first decades 
of Blumenbach, exhibit very clearly the diversity of 
character in the African race ; and prove, most unequivo- 
cally, that the variety existing in individuals amongst 

• Pringle*s " Sketches of South Africa." 
t Sturge and Harvey's West Indies. 








% €nMt for % jStgra. 



them, is certainly not less, but greater, than the difference 
between some of them and many Europeans. 

Amongst the numerous tribes or nations in each division, 
comprising the five great varieties which naturalists have 
assigned to Man, some come nearer to one, and some to the 
other of the two immediately adjoining varieties. K we had 
numerous specimens of each, we might arrange them in 
such a manner, that the interval between the most perfect 
Caucasian model, and the most exaggerated Negro or Mon- 
golian specimens, should be filled with forms, conducting us 
firom one to the other, by almost imperceptible gradations. 
We must, therefore, conclude that the diversities of features 
and skulls are not sufficient to authorize us in assigning 
the difierent races of mankind in which they occur, to 
species originally different. This conclusion will also be 
strengthened by the analogies of natural history, to which 
reference has already been made. The differences between 
human crania axe not more considerable, nor even so 
remarkable, as some variations which occur in animals con- 
fessedly of the same species. *^ The head of the wild boar 
is widely different from that of the domestic pig. The 
different breeds of horses and dogs are distinguished by 
the most striking dissimilarities in the skull ; in which view, 
the Neapolitan and Hungarian horses may be contrasted. 
The very singular form in the skull of the Paduan fowl is 
a more remarkable deviation from the natural structure, 
than any variation which occurs in the human head." * 

That the debasement of Slavery and oppression have a 
tendency to disfigure the " human form divine," is unques- 
tionable ; on the other hand it is equally well knovm, that 
civilization, education, and the influence of religion, have 
a powerful effect in improving both the form of the head 
and features, as well as the expression of the countenance. 
Many proofs might be adduced in corroboration of this 
statement, which is sufficiently obvious in comparing 

* XiAwreiioo b XiOctures. 












^ Criimtt fiir % Jlrgro* 



persons of various d^rees of education, mental culture, 
and refinement. 

Stuige and Harvey state, that '^ a gentleman of great 
intelligence, long resident in Antigua, remarked to them, 
that the features of the N^roes had altered within his 
memory, which he attributed to their elevation by educa- 
tion and religious instruction. Their countenances ex- 
pressed much more intelligence, and much less of the 
malignant passions,**' M. Durand observes, " that there is 
so great a difference between the Free Black people (in 
the Grambia country) and Slaves, in their features, that 
even an inexperienced eye distinguishes these classes of 
people immediately." John Candler, in his *' Brief Notices 
of Hayti," in aUuding to an alteration which he observed 
in the general physiognomy of the people, draws from it 
the following inference : — '* Perhaps it is that the features 
become more agreeable, in proportion as people recede 
from the effects and influence of Slavery." 

As an illustration of the remarkable effects of education 
in altering the features of Man, and entirely changing the 
expression of his contenance, we have one circumstance on 
record which is very conclusive. I allude to the singular case of 
Kaspar Hauser, who was confined in a dungeon in a state 
of entire ignorance, till he was about eighteen years of age. 
His biographer, Anselm Yon Fuerbach, President of the Ba- 
varian Court of Appeal, whose authority may be strictly 
relied upon,relate8, '* that on Kaspar's being thrown adrift in 
the world, when he was first discovered by the inhabitants of 
Nuremburg, his fSace was very vulgar : when in a state of 
tranquillity, it was almost without any expression ; and its 
lower features being somewhat prominent, gave him a 
brutish appearance. His weeping was only an ugly con- 
tortion of the mouth, and the staring look of his blue, but 
clear bright eyes, had also an expression of brutish obtuse- 
ness." Yon Fuerbach expressed a wish at this period, 

• "WestlndicB." 



H 








a €rilBib for % JtgrD. 



that K!aspar's portrait might be taken by a skilful painter, 
because he felt assured that his features would soon alter. 
His wish was not gratified, but his prediction was soon ful- 
filled. The effect of education produced a wonderful 
alteration in his whole countenance ; indeed, the formation 
of his face altered in a few months almost entirely ; his 
countenance gained expression and animation, and the pro- 
minent lower features of his face receded more and more, 
so that his earlier physiognomy could scarcely any longer 
be recognized.* 

The alteration and improvement of the features, under 
the influence of the civUizing process, is elucidated by so 
many indubitable facts, that it is tmnecessary to dwell 
longer upon this subject. If the operation of this influence 
could be applied more thoroughly and universally, it would 
cause a nearer approximation to each other, between the 
European and the African, and must tend, in a great mea^- 
sure, to obliterate those distinctions, on which the untenable 
theories of diversity of origin have been founded, and 
which have been adduced in favour of Negro Slavery. 
Dr. Philip, from the facts which have come under his 
observation, says, he has no hesitation in giving it as his 
opinion, that the complexion, the form of the count^iance, 
and even the shape of the head, axe much affected by the 
circumstances under which human beings are placed at an 
early age. In corroboration of the opinion here advanced, 
he says, '^ I have had the satisfaction to remark at our Mis- 
sionary stations, what appeared to me an improvement, not 
only in the coimtenance, but even in the shape of the head, 
for three successive generations." 

If, as travellers inform us, many Africans differ £rom 
Europeans in little else than colour, the peculiar construc- 
tion of the head, on the faith of which, some would dass 
them as a distinct species, appears to be by no means a 
constant character. Dr. Knox, who has entered minutely 

* life of Kaspar Haiuer. 








ia €xMt fat % 3?fp. 



into the study of Man, says, that in considering the lower 
specimens of humanity, too much importance has been 
attached to the cranium and the science of cranioscopy ; 
for it is not in the skulls says he» but in the outer covering 
of the body or skeleton, that nature has placed the great 
marks of difference. *' Strip off the integuments of Venus, 
and compare her with a Bush Woman, and the difference 
would be seen to be very slight.'* Dr. Knox, it may be 
obseryed, after considerable research, arrives at this impor- 
tant conclusion, ** that there is an impassable gulf between 
higher order the of animals and the Negro." 

I am not very partial to phrenology, but if quantity of 
brain and mental superiority have a connection with each 
other, we have a high authority, that of Dr. Tiedeman, an 
eminent German, for beUeving that no inferiority exists in 
this respect, for he asserts that in quantity of brain they 
equal the fair races. Dr. Tiedeman communicated a paper 
to the British Royal Society, detailing the comparative 
examination of the brains of a number of Negroes — size, 
weight, conformation, &c., demonstrating that no material 
difference exists, between them and the brains of the 
White races. 

Professor Blumenbach, the great German physiologist, 
bestowed much labour and research on the question of 
Negro capacity. He collected a large number of skulls, 
and also a numerous library of the works of persons of 
African blood or descent. He is, perhaps, the greatest 
authority, in favour of the identity of species and equaUty 
of intellect of the Black and White races. It is to Blumen- 
bach, that we are indebted for the most complete body of 
information on this subject, which he illustrated most suc- 
cessfully by his unrivalled collection of the cranise of differ- 
ent nations, from all parts of the globe. His admirable work 
On the Varieties of the Human Species, contains a short 
sketch of the various formations of the skull in different na- 
tions ; but he has treated the subject at greater length, and 








a €rMt fax % JStp. 



with more minute detail, in his Decades Craniorum, in which 
the cranise themselves are represented of theimatural size* 
From the results of the observations of Blumenbach and 
others, it appears then, that there is no characteristic what* 
ever in the organization of the skull or brain of the Negro 
which affords a presumption of inferior endowment either of 
the intellectual or moral faculties. If it be asserted that the 
African nations are inferior to the rest of mankind, from 
historical facts, because they may be thought not to have 
contributed their share to the advancement of human arts 
and science, the Mandingoes may be instanced as a people 
evidently susceptible of high mental culture and civi- 
lization. They have not, indeed, contributed much 
towards the advancement of human arts and science, but 
they have evinced themselves willing and able to profit 
by these advantages when introduced among them. The 
civilization of many African nations is much superior to 
that of the aborigines of Europe, during the ages which 
preceded the conquests made by the Goths and Swedes in the 
north, and by the Romans in the southern part. The old 
Finnish inhabitants of Scandinavia had long, as it has been 
proved by the learned investigations of Riihs, the religion 
of fetishes, and a vocabulary as scanty as that of the most 
barbarous Africans. They had lived from ages immemorial 
vrithout laws, or government, or social union ; every indi- 
vidual in all things the supreme arbiter of his own actions ; 
and they displayed as little capability of emerging from the 
squalid sloth of their rude and merely animal existence. 
When conquered by a people of Indo-German origin, who 
brought with them from the East the rudiments of mental 
culture, they emerged more slowly from their pristine bar- 
barism than many of the native African nations have since 
done. Even at the present day, there are hordes in various 
parts of northern Asia, whose heads have the form belonging 
to the Tartars, to the Sclavonians, and other Europeans, but 
who are below many of the African tribes in civilization. 






e;V 






% €tMt fsx % JItgrn. 



It is evident, firom what has already been adduced, that 
there are no differences in the form or component parts of 
the human body, amongst the various races of men, in any 
d^ree similar to those which zoologists are accustomed to 
employ, as distinctive characters. The peculiarities by 
which they are distinguished from each other are not mate- 
rial ones, existing only so long as the circumstances in 
whidi they are placed, and which originally gave rise to 
them, remain unchanged. There is no variation in the 
number or form of the extremities, which being least acted 
upon by situation and habitude, are usually considered as 
the surest test of distinct species. AU races of men have 
the same number of fingers, of toes, and of teeth ; while 
a very slight variation in any of these in animals consti- 
tutes the mark of a distinct species. 

The departures from the general rule, in various nations, 
and frequently in individuals of the same country, are 
easily solved, by the abundance or scarcity of food, and by 
other causes favourable or otherwise to the development of 
the human growth. We may witness partial demonstra- 
tions of this in our owu country ; a difference is every 
where observable between the leisurely opulent classes and 
those who are of necessity subjected to considerable mus- 
cular exercise, and that in the open air. Take '^ the lady,** 
who lives almost constantly within doors, employed at the 
utmost in netting or needlework, and contrast her slim and 
delicate firame with the coarse robust figure of the fish- 
woman or female field-labomrer, who works hard in the 
open air all day, and it is impossible to doubt that circum- 
stances influencing their physical conditions have made 
them respectively what they are. A similar contrast is ob- 
servable between the powerful frames of a set of male 
rustics, such as we find in almost any of the provinces 
of Britain, and the diminutive forms of the inhabitants 
of London. The cause is obvious. Constant muscular 
exercise in the open air, accompanied by nutriment 









a €rilmb fin tju Mt^n. 



sufficient in quantity and healthful in kind, develope 
the bone and muscle of the one order of persons to a pow- 
erful degree, while the want of muscular exercise, and a 
life spent mostly within doors, act on the other with an 
opposite effect, notwithstanding the advantage of perhaps 
a superior diet. Even the natural difference as to softness 
and elegance between the sexes, may be reversed by the 
operation of these causes. The women of Normandy, who 
labour constantly in the fields, are become much more mas- 
culine in form than the petit maitres of Paris ; and we 
could, in our own country, point out many men, who, from 
parlour life, are infinitely more feminine in stature and the 
texture of the flesh, than many rustic women. It gene- 
rally requires a series of generations to bring out these 
results in their fullest extent; but even in the life of a 
single individual the effect may often be traced. Thus we 
often see, amongst the rustic population, females who are 
comparatively elegant in form and of delicate complexion 
in their early years, but who become coarse after a brief 
experience of out-door labour. 

When, in addition to hard labour and exposure to the 
elements, there is an absolute deficiency of food and com- 
fort, human beings become, in the course of a few generations, 
much degraded in form and aspect. An interesting remark, 
which bears upon this subject, has been made respecting 
the natives of some parts of Ireland. *' On the plantation 
of Ulster, and afterwards on the success of the British 
against the rebels of 1641 and 1689, great multitudes of 
the native Irish were driven from Armagh and the south 
of Down into the mountainous tract extending from the 
barony of Flews eastward to the sea ; on the other side of 
the kingdom the same race were expelled into Leitrim, 
Sligo, and Mayo. Here they have been almost ever since, 
exposed to the worst effects of hunger and ignorance, the 
two great brutalizers of the human race." The descendants 
of these exiles, are now distinguished physically, from their 





t' 




i^;^ 






a €xMt fiir tin Mt%n. 



kindred in Meath, and in other districts^ where they are 
not in a state of personal debasement. They are remark- 
able for ** open projecting mouths, prominent teeth and 
exposed gums: their advancing cheek-bones and de- 
pressed noses carry barbarism on their very front.'* In Sligo 
and northern Mayo, the consequences of two centuries of 
degradation and hardship exhibit themselves in the whole 
physical condition of the people, *^ affecting not only the 
features, but the firame, and giving such an example of 
human degpradation from known causes, as almost compen- 
sates by its value to future ages, for the suffering and 
debasement which past generations have endured, in per- 
fecting its appalling lesson. " Five feet two inches upon 
an average, bow-legged, abortively-featured ; their clothing 
a wisp of rags, &c., these spectres of a people that once 
were well-grown, able-bodied, and comely, stalk abroad 
into the daylight of civilization, the annual apparitions of 
Irish ugliness and Irish want." In other parts of the 
island, where the people have never undergone the same 
influences of physical degradation, it is well known that 
the same race furnishes the most perfect specimens of 
human beauty and vigour, both mental and bodily."* 




* Dublin ITiiiTerBity Magazine, toI. ir., p. 653. 







CHAPTEB V. 

Complexion the most obTious external diBtinotion in Mm — Suppoaed to 
Bubrert the theoiy of a Unity of Bace — ^Analogous in animala — Chief 
cause of dirersity of Colour — Gradation in different latitudes — ^And 
in the same latitudes, at yariouB elerations — Peculiarities of Struc- 
ture and Complexion become hereditary — ^IlluBtrationB — ^In the House 
of Austria^-The Gipsies— Jews— The most strildng instance of pecu- 
liar National Countenance — Persons of the same blood — Amongst 
the great and noble — ^The colour of Man not always corresponding 
with Climate, explained — Persistency of Colour not so great as 
supposed — ^Instances of Negroes becoming light-coloured — Of Whites 
who have become black — ^True Whites not unfrequently bom among 
the Black races — Sereral instances recorded — If Colour is a mark of in- 
feriority in Man, it attaches a stigma to a great portion of the inhabi- 
tants of the world — The Hindoos — Their learning two thousand years ago 
— ^Natives of Terra del Fuego much lighter than the Negro, but infiorior 
in the scale of intelligence — Condusion from the &cts already stated — 
Black colour of the Negro a meroifal prorision — ^Dr. Copland's remarks 
on this subject — The inquiry into Unity of Spedee admirably summed 
up by Buffon. 

The most obvious external point of distinction among 
mankind is the colour of the skin, a peculiarity of little 
natural, but which has become one of great moral impor- 
ance. It is the dark colour of the African that has been 
especially urged^ as subverting the theory of a unity of 
races. Although a general survey of organized bodies, in 
both the animal and vegetable kingdom, by no means leads 
us to regard Colour as one of their most important distinc- 
tions, but, on the contrary, will soon convince us that it 
may undergo very signal changes without essential altera- 
tions of their nature, (and the remark holds equally 
good of the human subject), yet the different tints and 
shades of the skin, offering themselves so immediately 
to observation, and forcing themselves in a manner, on the 
attention of the most incurious, have always been regarded 










a €xMt Ut tjn Mt%n. 



by the generality of mankind as the most characteristic 
distinction of separate races. 

That this idea is entirely an erroneous one, is proved (as 
in other cases of variation) by a reference to various parts 
of the animal creation, colour in them being in no instance 
a mark of species. If we take a collective survey of the 
diversities of colour, distinguishing particular breeds in 
animals, we shall discover that, with considerable allow- 
ance for the organization of new varieties in form and 
organic structure, the primitive type and hue is stamped 
upon each kind. Though the same animals va^ in colour 
in the same country, each has more frequently its own dis- 
tinctive peculiarity, ^lian informs us that Eubaea was 
famous for producing white oxen.* Blumenbach remarks, 
that ** all the swine of Piedmont are black, those of Nor- 
mandy white, and those of Bavaria are of a reddish brown." 
" The turkeys of Normandy," he states, ** are all black ; 
those of Hanover almost all white. In Guinea, the dogs 
and the gallinaceous fowls are as black as the human inha- 
bitants of the same country.'*f 

To enter into a full discussion of this subject would lead 
us beyond our limits. A few more observations must suf- 
fice. That colour in Man is much influenced by climate 
is evident, and its variation appears to a considerable ex- 
tent gradadonal throughout different parts of the globe. 
" The heat of the climate," says Buffon, "is the chief cause 
of blackness among the human species." Without assu- 
ming, however, that solar heat is the alone agent affecting 
the colour of Man, the action of the sun in darkening the 
hmnan tint is too obvious to be denied or unnoticed. How 
swarthy do Europeans become who seek their fortunes in 
the tropics or under the equator, who have their skins 
parched by the burning sims of " Afric or either Ind." 
The effects are soon visible in their complexion, in the 
most distinct manner. A child, however fair, if allowed to 

* JSlum, lib. zii. cap. 86. f Priohard. 



— ^ 








a ^rilittte for % Jltgm 



romp in the open air, without any shade over the head, will 
become what is called sunburt or dusky in a few months. 
If we observe the gradations of colour in different 
localities in the meridian under which we live, we shall per- 
ceive a very dose relation to the heat of the sun in each 
respectively. Under the equator we have the deep black 
of the Negro ; then the copper or olive of the Moors of 
Northern Africa ; then the Spaniard and Italian, swarthy 
compared with other Europeans ; the French still darker 
than the English ; while the fair and florid complexion of 
England and Germany passes, more northerly, into the 
bleached Scandinavian white. At last, indeed, the grada- 
tion is broken, for a dusky tint reigns along the whole 
circuit of the Arctic border. The cause of this is not well 
explained ; but the universal prevalence of a dusky hue 
under that latitude, seems clearly to indicate that there is 
something in the climate with which it is Connected. 
During their short but brilliant summer, the sun, perpetu- 
ally above the horizon, shines with an intensity unknown 
in temperate climates. May not the natives who spend 
this season almost perpetually in the open air, in hunting or 
fishing, receive from it that dark tint, which is not easily 
effiiced ? It may be partially smoke-brown, for the 
tenants of all this bleak circuit necessarily spend half the 
year in almost subterraneous abodes, heated by fires as 
ample as they have fuel to maintain ; the smoke of which, 
deprived of any legitimate vent, constantly fills their apart- 
ments, and must have an effect in darkening the com- 
plexion, to which it very closely adheres.* 

It may be remarked, that in the central regions of 
America there are many shades of colour in different paiis, 
amongst nations evidently one in origin, the variations bear- 
ing a general reference to the situations in which the people (Ctnc^^ 
are respectively placed. For instance^ the inhabitants of 
high grounds in Central America, are pale compared with 

* Mturay'B Korth Afflflrion, 










a €rMt firt tju Jltgrn^ 



those of the low districts. Here we cannot doubt that 
climate has operated, either in clearing the dusky or ren- 
dering dusky the white. 

In the case of the aborigines of Hindostan, who are dark 
in complexion, the action of climate is clearly observable ; 
and is proved by the circumstances of the female inhabi- 
tants of the harem, derived firom the same stock, being 
generally very fair. This is unquestionably the conse- 
quence of their secluded life, which prevents that exposure 
of person which their relations of the other sex neces- 
sarily undergo. 

Let us survey the gradations of colour on the continent 
of Africa itself. The inhabitants of the north are whitest; 
and as we advance southwards towards the line, and those 
countries in which the sun's rays fall more perpendicularly, 
the complexion gradually assumes a darker shade. And 
the same men, whose colour has been rendered black by 
the powerful influence of the sun, if they remove to the 
north, gradually become whiter (I mean their posterity), 
and eventually lose their dark colour. 

It is well known, that in whatever region travellers ascend 
mountains, they find the vegetation at every successive level 
altering its character, and gradually assuming the appearances 
presented in more northern countries; thus indicating, that 
the state of the atmosphere, temperature, and physical agen- 
cies in general, assimilate, as we approach alpine regions, to 
the peculiarities locally connected with high latitudes. If, 
therefore, complexion, and other bodily qualities belonging 
to races of men, depend upon climate and external con- 
dition, we should expect to find them varying in re- 
ference to elevation of surface ; and if they should be 
found actually to undergo such variations, this will be a 
strong argument that these external characters do, in fact, 
depend upon local conditions. Now, if we inquire respect- 
ing the physical characters of the tribes inhabiting high 
tracts in warm countries, we shall find that they coincide 









a ^riliiib &r t|t jltp* 



with those which prevail in the level or low parts of more 
northern tracts. The Swiss, in the high mountains above 
the plain of Lombardy, have sandy or brown hair. What 
a contrast presents itself to the traveller, who descends into 
the Milanese territory, where the peasants have black hair 
and eyes, with strongly marked Italian and almost Oriental 
features. In the higher part of the Biscayan country, in- 
stead of the swarthy complexion and black hair of the 
Castilians, the natives have a fair complexion, ynih light 
blue eyes, and flaxen, or auburn hair. * 

In the intertropical region, high elevations of surface, 
as they produce a cooler climate, occasion the appearance 
of light complexions. In the higher parts of Senegambia, 
which front the Atlantic, and are cooled by winds from the 
Western Ocean, where, in fact, the temperature is known 
to be moderate, and even cool at times, the light copper 
coloured Fulahs are found surrounded on every side by 
black Negro nations inhabiting lower districts ; and nearly 
in the same parallel, but on the opposite coast of Africa, 
are the high plains of Enarea and Kaffa, where the inhabi- 
tants are said to be fairer than the inhabitants of southern 
Europe.f 

It must be observed, that all varieties of structure and 
complexion which are congenital, that are a part of the ori- 
ginal constitution impressed upon an individual from his 
birth, or that arise from the development of a natural ten- 
dency, are hereditary, or liable, with a greater or less degree 
of certainty, to be transmitted to o£&pring. Persistency 
in this respect is, however, far from invariable, and appa- 
rently, much more uncertain as regards colour than any pecu- 
liar formation of the body, as will be shown hereafter. In 
general, the peculiarities of the individual are transmitted 
to his immediate descendants ; in other instances they have 
been observed to reappear in a subsequent generation, after 
having failed, through the operation of some circumstances 

* Priohard. f Idem. 






issiA 





m €xMi fiir tjit jitp. 



quite inexplicable, to show themselves in the immediate 
progeny. This fact has been noticed by Lucretius : — 

" Fit qnoqne ut interdmn similes existere aToniin 
Possiat, et referant proayomm ssspe fignns ; 
Proptem quia multa modis primordia multis 
ICista BOO oeiUn&t in ooipore ssspe paientes, 
QiuD patrUms patzes tradunt k stirpe profecta. 
Inda Yeniis yariA producit sorte figuras, 
Mqormnque refiert voltiis Tooesque, oomasqne.*' 

Many striking instances of singularities of structure, 
originating in the human kind, as well as among animals, 
have occasionally arisen and been propagated through many 
generations. The growth of supernumerary fingers or toes, 
and corresponding deficiencies, are circumstances of this 
description. Maupertius has mentioned this phenomenon ; 
he assures us that there were two families in Germany, 
distinguished for several generations, by six fingers on each 
hand, and the same number of toes on each foot. * Many 
similar peculiarities have been recorded as being transmit- 
ted through successive generations, f 

The thick lip introduced into the imperial house of Aus- 
tria, by the marriage of the Emperor Maximilian with 
Mary of Burgundy, is visible in their descendants to this 
day, after a lapse of three centuries. { Haller observed, 
that his own family had been distinguished by tallness of 
stature for three generations, without excepting one out 
of numerous grandsons descended from one grandfather. || 

The gipsies afford an example of a people spread over 
all Europe for the last four centuries, and nearly confined 
by marriages, and their peculiar way of life, to their own 
tribe. In Transylvania, where there are great numbers of 
them, and the race remains pure, their features can be 
more accurately observed. In every country and climate, 
however, which they have inhabited, they preserve their 

* Priohard. f Idem, toI. i., chap. ir. 

t Coxe's Mem of the House of Austria. || Elem. Physiol, lib. xxiz. 







a €tMt fat tjji Jltgnr* 




distinctive character so perfectlyy that they are recognized 
at a glance, and cannot be confounded with the natives. 

But, above all, the Jews exhibit the most striking in- 
stance of a peculiar national countenance, so strongly 
marked in almost every individual, that persons the least 
accustomed to physiognomical observations, detect it in- 
stantiy ; though noteasily understood or described. Religion 
has, in this case, most successfully exerted its power in 
preventing communion witii other races ; and this exclusion 
of intercourse has preserved the Jewish countenance so 
completely, in every soil and climate of the globe, that a 
miracle has been thought necessary to account for the con- 
tinued transmission. 

It is owing to native or congenital peculiarity of form 
and complexion being transmitted by generation, that we 
perceive a general similitude in persons of the same blood. 
Hence we can frequentiy distinguish one brother, by his 
resemblance to another, or know a son by his likeness to 
the father or mother, or even to the grand-parents. All 
the individuals of some families are characterised by par- 
ticular lines of countenance, and we frequentiy observe a 
peculiar feature continued in a family for many generations. 

The great and the noble, have generally had it more in 
their power to select the beauty of nations in marriage ; 
and thus, while without system or design, they have merely 
gratified their own taste, they have distinguished their 
order, as much by elegant proportions of person, and 
beautiful features, as by its prerogatives in society. This 
remark is universally applicable. ** The same superiority,*' 
says Cook, *' which is observable in tiie erees, or nobles, 
in all the other islands, is found here, (Sandwich Islands.) 
Those whom we saw, were, without exception, perfectiy 
well formed : whereas, the lower sort, besides their general < ; -ky^ 
inferiority, are subject to all the variety of make and 
figure that is seen in the populace of other countries.'** 

* Lawxenoe^B Lectures. 




I n^i 



Wi 





eKlii 





a €rMt fcr tjn jStgrn. 



Dr. Philip was particularly struck with the difference 
between ihe appearance of the chiefs and their families^ 
and the common people (in South Africa) ; the superior 
class were taller in their stature ; ''their countenances ap- 
proached nearer to the European model than those of a 
lower rank ; their complexions were lighter^ and they had 
an air of nobility about them^ which indicated that they 
were bom to command."* " The men of Ashantee/' says 
Bodwick, ** are very well made ; the women also are gen- 
erally handsome ; but it is only among the higher orders 
that beauty is to be found ; and among them, free from all 
labour or hardship^ I have not only seen the finest figures, 
but in many instances, regular Grecian features, with 
brilliant eyes, set rather obliquely in the head."* 

When any characters have become thoroughly worked 
into the system, it is only probable that they should for 
some time survive the causes which gave them birth, especi- 
ally when no very active ones are in operation. This may 
serve for the solution of many cases, in which the colour 
of Man and the climate do not appear to correspond. The 
Chinese, descended from the Mongols, still retain a modi- 
fied Mongol visage and shape. The natives of New South 
Wales spring from the Oriental Negro, and continuing, 
from their rude habits, exposed to the constant action of 
sun and air, they have remained black. In like manner 
may we account for Indostan being still peopled by races 
of various form and colour. 

These are cases especially urged by those who argue in 
fi&vour of a diversity of species in Man, on the ground of 
features and colour. Instances are also adduced, in which 
individuals transplanted into another climate than that of 
their birth, are said to have retained their peculiarities of 
form and colour unaltered, and to have transmitted the same 
to their posterity for generations. But cases of this kind, 
though often substantiated to a certain extent, appear to 

* Philip's BeMorohes. . t Bodwick, p. 318. 









SI €xMt fer % Stgrn. 



have been much exaggerated^ both as to the duration of 
time ascribed, and the absence of any change. It is highly 
probable, that the original characters will be foimd under- 
going gradual modifications, which tend to assimilate them 
to those of the new country and situation. 

The Jews, however slightly their features may have assi- 
milated to those of other nations amongst whom they are 
scattered, from the causes already stated, certainly form a 
* very striking example as regards the uncertainty of per- 
petuity in colour. Descended from one stock, and pro- 
hibited by the most sacred institutions from intermarrying 
with the people of other nations, and yet dispersed, accord- 
ing to the divine prediction, into every country on the 
globe, this one people is marked with the colours of all : 
fair in Britain and Germany; brown in France and in 
Turkey ; swarthy in Portugal and in Spain ; olive in Syria 
and in Chaldea ; tawny or copper-coloured in Arabia and 
in Egypt ;♦ whilst they are " black at Congo in Africa/'f 

The researches of Dr. Prichard have dispelled many of 
the ideas formerly entertained with respect to the general 
persistency of colour and features in the human race, espe- 
cially of colour, on which the greatest stress has been laid. 
In some particular states of the constitution, the skin of 
Whites becomes, either wholly or in part, black. On 
the other hand, it is well known that the Black loses part of 
his original tint in a state of civilization. It is remarked, 
in the United States, that while Negroes kept at field- 
labour retain their pristine colour, those who are domesti- 
cated as servants become paler at the second and subse- 
quent generations, and also lose their African features and 
other peculiarities. There are also instances of Negroes 
losing their original colour wholly or in part, under the in* 
fluence of disease or some other constitutional affection. 
Dr. Strach records the case of a man who was converted 
by a fever into a perfect Negro in colour. Blumenbach 

* Smith on the Complexion of the Human Species. t Prichard. 




|i 






a €n\ivAt for tjif ^egrn. 



describes a young Negro, in London, who became white 
in the middle of his body, and also about the knees, 
¥nthout ill health having any concern, appparently, in pro- 
ducing these appearances. Other instances are recorded 
of Negroes, in different countries, without the action of 
any apparent disease, gradually losing their black colour and 
becoming as white as Europeans. An example of this kind 
is recorded in the '^ Transactions of the Philosophical 
Society.'* Klinkosch mentions the case of a Negro who 
lost his blackness and became yellow ;* and Caldani de- 
dares that a Negro, at Venice, was black when brought 
during infancy to that city, but became gradually lighter 
coloured.f There are throughout Africa several nations, 
unquestionably Negro originally, who have acquired hand- 
some forms and faces, as well as a lighter tint, in consequence 
of their living in mountainous regions, approaching to the 
temperate climate. 

Instances of white people who have become black, in 
consequence of migrating into tropical latitudes, are more 
rare, and not so distinctly made out ; yet, according to 
several accurately informed and scientific writers, such as 
Waddington, Dr. Riippell, and M. Rozet, there are black 
races in Africa, among the genuine descendants of emi- 
grants from Arabia. Detachments of the Arabian family 
migrated, eleven or twelve hundred years ago, into northern 
Africa, where they have founded states of some import- 
ance, and, in some instances, they have passed into a per- 
fectly black complexion ; although improved in form and 
stature, and notwithstanding that they reside to the north 
of the Negro countries. A remarkable fact in the history 
of Loango, in the empire of Congo, is, that the country, 
according to a statement which was fully credited by Olden- 
dorp, himself a viriter of most correct judgment and of 
unimpeachable veracity, contains many Jews settled in it, 

Klinkosch, de reA natura Cuticulse ; Frag. 1775. 
t Caldani Institut. Physiol. 170. 








91 €rihitte &r % Jltgra, 



who retain their religious rites and the distinct habits 
which keep them isolated from other nations* Though 
thus separate from the African population, they are black, 
and resemble the other Negroes in every respect as to 
physical character.* It is probably in allusion to this case 
that Pennington, in his '^ Text Book/* says, '^ the descend- 
ants of a colony of Jews, originally from Judea, settled 
on the coast of Africa, are black."f M. Rozet declares 
that there are many Negresses in the Algerine coxmtry, 
whither they have doubtless been brought from the inte- 
rior of Soudan, and very probably from Haussa, who are of 
a jet black colour, but with truly Roman countenances, j; 
In one case, a degradation resembling that instanced among 
the Irish people, has been recorded to have taken place in 
the oasis of Fezzan. " The general appearance of the men 
in that locality is plain, and their complexion black ; the 
women are of the same colour, and ugly in the extreme. 
Neither sex is remarkable for figure, height, strength, 
vigour, or activity. They have a very peculiar cast of 
countenance, which distinguishes them from other Blacks ; 
their cheek-bones are higher and more prominent, their 
faces flatter, and their noses less depressed and more pointed 
at the top than those of other Negroes. Their eyes are gen- 
erally small, and their mouths of an immense width, but 
their teeth are generally good ; their hair is wooUy, though 
not completely frizzled." They are a dull phlegmatic 
people. Here we have, with black skins, Negro faces, and 
woolly hair, a people descended from the white tribes of 
Arabia, and who still speak the language of that country. 

The Portuguese who planted themselves on the coast of 
Africa a few centuries ago, have been succeeded by des- 
cendants blacker than many Africans.§ 

Langsdorf mentions an English sailor who had been for 






* Oldendorp^B Qeflcliiote der MiBsion der ErangeUschen Briider, &c. 

t Text Book, p. 26. t M. Boset's Toyage, U. 140. 

§ PenniDgton'B Text Book, p. 96. 








% €xMt fiir \^ Jlfgra. 



some years in Nukahiwah, one of the Marquesas Islands^ 
becoming so changed in colour that he was scarcely to be 
distinguished from the natives.* 

It is a remarkable circumstance attending the black 
people in Africa, in India, and in Central America, that 
amongst them Albinos are frequently bom ; that is, per* 
sons of a pure dead white, with white hair and red eyes. 
This is thought to be a diseased condition ; but, besides 
these, there are instances by no means unfrequent, of true 
Whites being bom amongst ike Black races. This fact was 
long doubted ; but it seems to be now set at rest. White 
children, or Dondoes, are frequently bom from Black 
parents in all parts of Africa. Many of them are of what 
we should call a fair complexion. Among the Funge, a 
race of Shilukh Negroes, who, some himdred years ago, 
conquered and settled in Sennaar, they are particularly 
numerous ; insomuch as to have formed a separate caste, 
distinguished by the name of El Aknean (the red people.) 
Bufibn has given a minute description of a white Ne- 
gress, bom in the island of Dominica, of black parents, 
who were natives of Africa, f A white Negro is described 
by Dr. Goldsmith, who saw him exhibited in London. He 
says, '^ upon examining this Negro, I found the colour to be 
exactly like that of a European ; the visage white and 
ruddy^ and the lips of the proper redness.'* " However," 
he adds, ^' there were sufficient marks to convince me of 
his descent." % Burchell has given a description of a female 
of a light complexion, bora from the race of the Black 
Kafirs in Soutii Africa. ** The colour of her skin was of 
the fidrest European, or, more correcdy described, it was 
more pink and white." Her features were those of her 
race, the parents being genuine Kafirs. § Dr. Winterbot- 
tom mentions two white Negroes of the Mandingo country, 
from the testimony of an eye-witness. He describes from 

* LangBdorfB Yoyages, V. p. 90. f Pridiard. 

t OoldnnitVs Hist. Earth and Anim. Nat., ii. 24. § Pricliard. 




c^ 



■>n 







dL/^ 




a €n\ask kx t{u jUtgni- 



his own observation^ a white Negro woman whom he saw 
in the Sooson country, whose relatives were all black. No 
doubt could be entertained of her being of genuine N^pro 
origin. Pallas has minutely described a white Negress 
seen by him in London in 1761. She was bom of Negro 
parents in Jamaica, and was sixteen years of age. She was 
of small stature, fair complexion, with ruddy lips and cheeks. 
Her hair was quite woolly, and of a light yellow colour. 
This girl had the Negro features strongly marked, and had 
every appearance of genuine Negro descent. There are 
many other well attested accounts of such persons, but it 
would be tedious to enumerate them. The foregoing are 
brought forward merely to show that the dark colour of the 
Negro is neither constant, nor always entailed on posterity, 
and therefore can form no criterion of a distinct species. 

Besides the numerous varieties in colour, which the 
different races of men present, there are other points of 
distinction equally obvious, and found to exist with similar 
regularity. Some of these are considered of minor import- 
ance, as the shade of the hair, eyes, beard, &c. 

If complexion be made to constitute the great mark of 
inferiority in Man, if it be accounted the distinguishing 
livery of degradation and servitude, the stigma is equally 
attached to a great part of the inhabitants of the world ; 
the sentence of imbecility must necessarily be passed on 
a very large portion of mankind ; for " the dark-coloured 
races," says Dr. Lawrence, ** cover more than half of the 
earth's surface.*' The colour of many of the Hindoos is 
perfectly black, as black as any Negroes. The Brahmins of 
the highest order are black. Yet the dark colour of the 
Hindoos is often united with a delicacy of form and expres- 
sion, arising from habits of mind and of life, which render 
them in this respect, the antipodes of what the Negro is sup- ^^-^ 
posed to be. This people, it is said, calculated eclipses 
2000 years ago, and at a more recent period astonished 
Alexander the Great, and his savans, by their advancement 



'^ 



^ 



:<3 







a Ctihafe fiit % jSigrn. 



in ciirilization. Here we have an incontrovertible evidence 
that neither inferiority, nor imbecility, are the necessary 
accompaniments of a coloured skin. It may be observed, 
that there are portions of mankind much lighter in com- 
plexion than Negroes, who are, nevertheless, their inferiors 
in an intellectual point of view. Whilst the dark races of 
Africa are often found to produce intellects of respectable 
capacity, sometimes above mediocrity, the natives of 
Terra del Fuego, who are much lower in the scale of human 
intelligence, are far from being tiaged with so deep a 
dye, and have hair more nearly resembling that of the 
European races. 

Every one who will make himself acquainted with facts, 
must be satisfied that the whole of the pretexts alleged in 
support of the assumption of some of the races of Man 
being irremediably inferior to others, are as entirely falla- 
cious, as the opinion of such being the case, has been per- 
nicious in its consequences. The deviations from a common 
model in mankind, it has been proved, are less in degree than 
those which are found to exist in many other parts of the 
animal creation. Not one of the distinctive characters that 
can be adduced, in any of the varieties constituting the great 
family of Man, is sufficient to warrant the supposition of 
anything approaching to distinct species. It has been 
shown that there are differences equally great, and even 
greater, between individuals of the same family, and fami- 
lies of the same nation ; and we may discover particular 
men, and even entire families, in this country, who are 
intellectually weaker, than any reasonable person could 
pretend the generality of the Africans to be. 

Whatever may be the immediate or remote causes of the 
dark complexion of the Negro, or other races, philosophical 
enquiry, if unable fully to solve the problem, has at all 
events proved it to be a provision of mercy and benevolence. 
It can be shown that hot water, in vessels of different 
colours, and equal capacities, cools faster in the dark or 







a €iMt fax % Jlip- 



black ones. The black colour of the native of tropical 
regions may justly, then, be considered as a wise expedient 
provided by Omnipotence, for cooling or modulating the 
fever of the blood, under the influence of a scorching sun. 
To call in question the proper humanity of the Negro, to 
scorn him on account of his colour, is to insult that Grreat 
and Allwise Being, who, by the most beautiful and benevo- 
lent provision, thus protects him from the deleterious influen- 
ces around him. Copland, in his ** Dictionary of Practical 
Medicine," observes : — '* The skin of the dark races is not 
only different in colour, but is also considerably modified 
in texture, so as to enable it to perform a greater extent 
of function than the more delicately formed skin of tiie 
white variety of the species. The thick and dark rete 
mucosum of the former, is evidentiy more suited to the 
warm, moist, and miasmal climates of the tropics, than that 
with which the latter variety is provided. The skin of the 
Negro is a much more active organ of depuration than that 
of the White. It does not merely exhale a larger proportion 
of aqueous fluid and carbonic acid from the blood, but it 
also elaborates a more unctuous secretion ; which, by its 
abundance and sensible properties, evidentiy possesses a 
very considerable influence in counteracting the heating 
effects of the sun*s rays upon the body, and in carrying off 
the superabundant caloric. Whilst the active functions, 
aided by the colour of the skin, thus tend to diTniniJtb tiie 

heat of the body, and to prevent its excessive increase by 
the temperature of the climate, those materials that require 

removal from the blood, are eliminated, by this surface ; 

which, in the Negro especially, perform excreting functions 

very evidently in aid of those of respiration, and of biliary 

secretion, &c." ♦ 

The interesting branch of philosophical investigation we 

have been pursuing, is admirably summed up by Buffon : 

— " Upon the whole," says he, " every circumstance concurs 

* Article — dimato. 




11 









a €nMi fitt tjiB Mi^n. 



in proving, that mankind are not composed of species 
essentially different from each other ; that, on the contrary, 
there was ori^nally but one species, which, after multiply- 
ing and spreading over the whole surface of the earth, has 
undergone various changes from the influence of climate, 
food, mode of living, diseases, and mixture of dissimilarindi- 
yiduals ; that, at first, these changes were not so conspicuous, 
and produced only individual varieties ; that these varieties 
became afterwards more specific, because they were ren- 
dered more general, more strongly marked, and more 
permanent, by the continual action of the same causes ; 
that they are transmitted from generation to generation, as 
deformities or diseases pass from parents to children ; and 
that, lastly, as they were originally produced by a train of 
external or accidental causes, and have only been perpe- 
tuated by time, and the constant operation of these causes, 
it is probable that thej will gradually disappear, or at 
least that they will differ from what they are at present, 
if the causes which produced them should cease, or if 
their operation should be varied by other circumstances 
and combinations." 

In the consideration of the various points of distinction 
which the external appearance of Man presents, one cir- 
cumstance ought, therefore, to be deeply impressed on the 
mind, viz. : — that neither peculiarity of conformation nor 
colour, have the slightest reference to original endowment, 
either in a mental or moral point of view, and consequently, 
that no race whatever has been doomed to perpetual degra« 
dation. In all himian beings the same nature has been 

implanted, in however different degrees ; and no man, 
whatever be his colour, or form, or country, is so low in 

the intellectual and moral scale as to be entirely deficient 

of any one of the properties which constitute the most 

splendid talent and virtue. 





i 






CHAPTER VI. 

Not in HxUrtud Characteristics alone that Man is pre-eminently distin- 
guished — In Articulate Language — Its uniyersality — Total absenoeamong 
brutes — Uniform traits in human nature — Superior Psychical endow- 
ments — ^Reason and Intellect — Unirersal belief in a Supreme Being— 
And ideas of his attributes, existence of the soul after death, and a state 
of retribution — Preralence of similar inherent ideas amongst therarious 
Negro tribes — They possess the same internal prindplee as the rest of 
manldnd — ^And a portion of that Spirit which is implanted in the heart 
of '* eyery man" — Further coincidence when oonyerted to Christianity — 
Early attempt to oonyert the Slayes of the Caribbee Islands — Its sin- 
gular success ; as also in other Islands — Subsequently in Afinca and the 
West Indies — ^After restoring to the Negro his rightful liberties, it is 
our duty to promote the cultiyation of his moral and religious Acuities — 
Final blending of all the yarious tribes in harmony, 

Our observations have, thus far, been confined almost 
exclusively to the consideration of the physiological dis« 
tinctions of Man. It is not, however, in external charac- 
teristics alone that we are able to discriminate our species 
from that portion of the inferior animal creation which 
most nearly resemble us. It is neither in these solely, nor 
even principally, that the great differences consist, by which 
Man is so pre-eminently distinguished, and which separate 
him, at so wide an interval, from the most anthropomor- 
phous of animals. 

The use of articulate language may be regarded as one 
of the most peculiar and charaqteristic endowments of 
mankind. The universality of its existence among our 
species is a fact not less striking than its total absence 
among brutes, even those which make the nearest approach 
to perfection, and in whose organization nothing has been 
discovered that precludes its use. We may have heard of < j>^ 
cliildren being bom dumb, but there is no tribe of men 
without speech. There are uniform traits in human 
nature and habitudes, both intellectual and moral, which 






Siil 




Si 

4 

m 



1 ^rilnitt far t^ Jltgni. 



may be regarded as fixed principles of action, as well as 
the more yariable ones, exhibited in the nse of artificial 
clothing, fire, the necessary arts of life, arms, and the prac- 
tice of domesticating animals. These are all peculiar 
characteristics of Man, inasmuch as they do not exist in 
the brute creation, beyond what mere instinct may teach. 

Perhaps there are no traits existing in animated 
beings more characteristic of species, than the psychical 
qualities with which Providence has severally endowed 
them. Under this term may be included the whole of the 
sensitive and perceptive faculties, reason, inteUect, feel- 
ings, sentiments, &c., or, what in the lower animals 
approaches nearest to them. 

Reason and inteUect, with the feelings, sjrmpathies, in- 
ternal consciousness of mind, and the habitudes of life and 
action resulting therefrom, are perhaps the most real and 
essential characteristics of humanity. These are common 
to all the races of Man ; they stamp him with an infinite 
superiority over any of those animals which most nearly re- 
semble him, and they will ever constitute an impassable gulf 
between the one and the other. A full and complete in- 
vestigation of these attributes, would require a comprehen- 
sive survey of human nature in its various relations. Our 
limits vriU not permit us to traverse so wide a field. The 
reasoning powers of Man being everjrwhere self-evident, 
what I shall endeavour now more particulariy to illustrate, 
is the universality of certain ideas or apprehensions, by 
nature inherent in every portion of our species. 

There are individuals, apparently amongst all the races 
of men, who, even in an uncivilized and barbarous state, 
entertain ideas, fiEdnt and imperfect though they may some- 
tunes be, of the existence of a supernatural power, by 
which all things exist and are controlled ; differing often 
materially in t^eir conceptions of its nature and attributes, 
and having also various methods of worshipping and en- 
deavouring to conciliate the favour of this Great Power, to 







felsLi 





a €n\aAt fox % j&tgrn. 

yf which they hold themselves to be subject and responsible, &c. 




Availing myself largely of the admirable " Researches" of 
Dr. Prichard on this subject, I shall be enabled to demon- 
strate the general prevalence of such ideas amongst the 
Negro tribes, and, in addition to their conception of a 
Supreme being, a belief in their responsibility to that 
Being, their apprehension of the existence of the soul 
after death, and also of a state of retribution. 

It is commonly said that the religion of the African 
nations, those at least who have not embraced Mahomed- 
anism, is the superstition of Fetisses ; that is, of charms or 
spells. This expression conveys a notion which is not 
perfectly correct. The superstition of charms or spells 
holds a place in the minds of the idolatrous Negroes, but 
this does not preclude a very general prevalence in their 
belief of the first principles of natural religion. It may 
be observed, that among nations enjoying a much higher 
degree of mental culture, the prevalence of superstitions 
and practices, more or less resembling the Fetissism of 
Africa, may be recognised. 

Barbot, in' his description of Guinea, relates, that 
^* Father Godfrey Loyer, apostolical prefect of the Jaco- 
bites, who made a voyage to the kingdom of Issini, and 
studied the temper, manners, and religion of the natives, 
declared they had a belief in one universally powerful 
Being, to whom the people of the countries visited by 
Father Loyer, address prayer." " Every morning," he says, 
^* after they rise, they go to the river side to wash, and 
throwing a handful of water on their head, or pouring sand 
with it to express their humility, they join their hands and 
then open them, whispering softly the word * Eksuvais.* 
Then lifting up their eyes to heaven, they make this 
prayer [translated], — * My God, give me this day rice and (fpvp) 
yams, give me gold, &c.'" 

The excellent missionary, Oldendorp, who appears to 
have had rare opportunities, and to have taken great pains 











a €xMt fet t^ jgfgni. 



to become accurately acquainted with the mental history 
of the Negroes, assures us that he recognised among them 
an universal belief in the " existence of a God/* whom 
they represent as very powerful and beneficent. " He is 
the maker of the world and of men ; he it is who thunders 
in the air, as he punishes the wicked with his bolts. He 
regards beneficent actions vnth complacency, and rewards 
them with long life. To him the Negroes ascribe their 
own personal gifts, the fruits of the earth, and all good 
things. From him the rain descends upon the eiurth. They 
believe that he is pleased when men offer prayers to him 
in all their wants, and that he succours them in dangers, 
in diseases, and in seasons of drought. This is the chief 
God, who lives far from them on high ; he is supreme over 
all the other gods.'* 

** Among all the Black nations," continues Oldendorp, 
" with whom I have become acquainted, even among the 
utterly ignorant and rude, there is none which did not be- 
lieve in a God, which had not learnt to give him a name, 
which did not regard him as the maker of the world, and 
ascribe to him more or less clearly all the attributes which 
I have here briefly summed up. Besides this supreme 
and beneficent divinity whom all the various nations wor- 
ship in some way or other, they believe in many gods of 
inferior dignity, who are subject to the chief Deity, and 
are mediators between him and mankind.'** 

"The Negroes," says Oldendorp, "profess their de- 
pendence upon the Deity in different ways, especially by 
prayers and offerings. They pray at different times, in 
different places, and, as the Amina Negroes told me, in 
every time of need. They pray at the rising and setting 



* In UiiB aooount of the religion of the Negroes, Oldendorp asaerte tliat 
he relatee nothing which he has not receiyed immediately and exactly firom 
the Kegroes themselTes. — See C. Q-. A. Oldendorp's G^hiohte der Mission 
der Erangelisohen Brflder anf den Oandbaischen Inseln St. Thomas, St. 
Croix, nnd St. Jan ; 1777, s. 818. 





^\^ 









% €iMt for % JSigrn. 



of the sun» on eating and drinking, and when they go to 
war. Even in the midst of the contest, the Amina sing 
songs to their God, whom they seek to move to their assist- 
ance by appealing to his paternal duly. The daily prayer 
of a Watje Negress was, * O ! God, I know thee not, but 
thou knowest me ; thy assistance is necessary to me/ At 
meals they say, ' O 1 God, thou hast given us this, thou 
hast made it grow ;* and when they work, ' O ! God, thou 
hast caused that I should hare strength to do this.' The 
Sember pray in the morning, * O ! God, help us ; we do 
not know whether we shall live to-morrow ; we are in thy 
hand.' The Mandingoes pray also for their deceased firiends." 

The Kafirs are not, as some have thought, destitute of 
religious ideas. The Kosas believe in a Supreme Being, 
to whom they give the appellation of Uhlunga, supreme, 
and frequently the Hottentot name Utika, beautiful. They 
also believe in the immortality of the soul. They have 
some notion of Providence, and pray for success in war and 
in hunting expeditions, and during sickness for health and 
strength. They conceive thunder to proceed from the 
agency of the Deity, and if a person has been killed by 
lightning, they say that Uhlunga has been among them. * 

The Watje Negroes assemble at harvest upon a pleasant 
plain, when they thank God thrice upon their knees, under 
the direction of a priest, for the good harvest, and pray to 
him for further blessings. When they have risen, the 
whole assembly testify their gratitude to God by their 
rejoicing, and clapping of hands, f 

** Of the Bliakefa, the priests of Karabari and of Sokko, 
it is remarkable, that they give some instruction to the 
people concerning the Divinity and prayer. The Negroes 
come to them for this purpose, either singly, or in compa- 
nies, when they pray with them, on their knees, that God, 
whom they call Tschukka, will protect them from war, cap- 
tivity, and the like." 

• Prichard*8 Besearohes. t Oldendoip. 




<i 








% €xMt for tjn Mt^n. 



*' There is scarcely any nation of Guinea which does not 
believe in the immortality of the soul, and that it continues 
to live after its separation from the body, lias certain neces- 
sities, p^orms actions, and is especially capable of the 
^oyment of happiness or misery." * 

" The N^oes believe almost universally that the souls 
of good men, after their separation from the body, go to 
God, and the wicked to the evil spirit, whence, at the death 
of their chiefs, they make use of the expression, * God 
has taken their souls !' The Loango imagine the abode of 
the blessed to be where Sambeau Pungo, that is, God, 
dwells ; but hell, to be above, in the air, while others on 
the contrary suppose it to be deep in the earth.'* 

*' Those who will candidly consider these facts," says 
Dr. Prichard, ''and give them their due weight, must allow 
that they prove the same principles of action, and the 
same internal nature in the African races as are recognized 
in other divisions of mankind : and this conviction will be 
increased by a careful perusal of all the details which the 
Missionaries have afforded, of the progress of their conver-* 
sion, and of the moral changes which have accompanied it." 

It is evident, from the foregoing statements, that the 
N^oes of Africa exhibit, in their original and primitive 
state of mind, untaught by foreign instructors, at least 
within the reach of history, the same internal principles, 
in common with the rest of the human family. However 
latent, and even imperceptible it may sometimes be, they 
are undoubtedly endowed with a portion of that Spirit, 
which the Almighty has implanted in the heart of '' every 
man that cometh into the world." Let us endeavour to 
ascertain how far the process of their conversion to Chris* 
tianity, indicates a further coincidence of feeling and sen- 
timent between them and the other divisions of mankind. 

The first attempt to convert the Slaves of the Carib- 
bean islands to Christianity, originated in a meeting of some 

* Oldendorp. 









a €uMt ht tjiB Miffa. 



followers of Count Zinzendorf, with one Anthony, a Negro 
from the island of St. Thomas, who had been baptized at 
Copenhagen. This man represented in so strong colours 
the wretchedness and ignorance of his countrymen and 
relatives, and urged so zealously his entreaties on the bre- 
thren to undertake their conversion, that the congregation 
at Hermhut, before whom he had been induced to appear, 
were disposed to make the attempt under the most unfa- 
vourable circumstances. The work proceeded slowly at 
first, and amidst great opposition ; yet a small number of 
hearers were soon collected, some of whom gave signs of 
sincere conversion, and of disgust at their former courses 
of life. When Bishop Spangenberg visited the mission in 
1736, he foimd in it not less than SOO Blacks who attended 
the services of the brethren, who evinced a great desire to be 
instructed in the Christian religion. By the constant exhor- 
tations of the brethren, a perceptible change was soon pro- 
duced in the minds and characters of the Negroes. In 1793 
Count Zinzendorf visited the island, and was filled with 
astonishment at the greatness of the work which had 
been accomplished. 

The other Danish islands, St. Croix and St. Jan, were 
afterwards visited by the Moravian Missionaries, whose 
exertions were attended with like success. In 1768, the 
number of Negroes who had been baptized in the three 
islands by the missionaries during thirty-four years, 
amounted to 4711. 

It may be said that there is no evidence in this, that 
Negroes are capable of receiving all the impressions 
implied in conversion to Christianity. This evidence 
can only be fully appreciated by those who read the bio- 
graphical notices, and other particulars detailed by the 
historians of the commimity to which Oldendorp belonged. 
But no part of the evidence is more conclusive, than the 
selection of short homilies composed by Negro preachers 
or assistants, and addressed by them to congregations of 







t> 




a €nMt fax % jlip. 



Mi their cotmtrymen. Some of these^ though they do not 







rival in strength of diction the discourses of Watts or 
Doddridge^ breathe the same spirit, and were evidently 
written under the influence of the same sentiments and 
impressions. A selection of these addresses has been ap- 
pended by Oldendorp to his work, which I have so often 
cited. Translations of a few of them wiU be found in the 
subsequent pages of the present volume. 

On the majority of the Negro race, the light of the 
Gospel has never yet shone fully ; the seeds of truth im- 
planted in their hearts have made but little progress. Yet 
there are, both in Africa and the British West Indies, thou- 
sands and tens of thousands of them who have been brought 
to the '^excellent knowledge of Christ/* with all the spirit- 
stirring, controlling, and cheering truths of religion, some 
of whom now, even firom childhood, assisted by the pious 
instruction of the Missionary, catch with the first opening 
of their understandings, the rays which emanate from the 
Gospel sun. Numerous societies, too, and congregations 
of adults, listen to the truths of the Gospel, meditate on 
them at their labours, talk of them in the hut, sing them 
in hymns, and in admonitory advices commend them to 
their children. The light of religion has now penetrated, 
so to speak, the solid darkness of minds hitherto left with- 
out instruction ; it has struck the spark of feeling into 
hearts unaccustomed to salutary emotions: the darkness 
is not yet dissipated, but that day has dawned upon the 
ebon race of Africa, which never more shall close. 

The facts recorded in the present chapter are very con- 
clusive; they need no comment, demonstrating as they do, so 
clearly, that the despised African is blessed with the same 
living principle, the same psychical endowments, by which 
Man is everywhere so pre-eminently distinguished. Let 
then, the rightful liberties of the injured Negro be restored 
to him, and, as a recompense for the long series of in- 
juries inflicted on their unhappy race, let it be our concern 








a €rMt fiir tin JIfgtn. 



to promote the cultivation of their intelleotual and religions 
faculties, and endeavour to bring the animal propensities 
their uncivilized nature may possess, under the control of 
their moral sentiments. The intellectual faculties may at 
first be small, the moral sentiments weak, and the animal 
impulses powerful ; but every exercise of those which are 
good will make them better ; while the bad, by being con- 
trolled, will gradually become more controllable. It is evident 
that the Deity has designed Man to be to a great extent his 
own creator, furnishing only the elements from which by an 
active exercise of what he has, he may work out higher 
gifts. And though the progress he makes may be so 
slow, that, like some of the great astronomical movements, 
its full effects cannot be detected by any single generation, 
it is not the less sure. Human improvement becomes 
always more and more rapid in its course, for every new 
generation starts at the point at which the preceding one 
had attained. There is every reason to hope, then, that 
ultimately, civilization will become universal, and that all the 
various tribes of the earth will be vnlling to join harmoni- 
ously, in the exercise of those sentiments by which men on 
earth may furnish a species of heaven. 






^i 





CHAPTER VII. 

Beep-rooted prejudice to eradicate respecting Colour in Man — Less in 
Europe tlian the New World — Eyinoed in the caae of Douglass — 
National expression of sympathy for him from the British public — ^The 
« Douglass Testimonial" — British Christians respect the Diyine image 
alike in ebony and ivory — Effects of prejudice in South Africa — ^Ameri- 
cans deeply implicated in this feeling —Hare an interest in keeping it 
up— Strongest in the !Free States — Sereral instances of its nature and 
extent — Circumstance exhibiting a striking contrast in favour of the 
Sable race — ^Further effects of prejudice — Public opinion so strong in 
the United States that it is dangerous to protest against the Unchristian 
conduct practised towards persons of Colour. 

Previous to the advent of that glorious era which 
the conclusion of our last chapter predicts, much deep- 
rooted prejudice, the growth of centuries, will require to be 
overcome. A thorough change in public opinion must be 
wrought, before an entire reconciliation can take place 
between the White and Black races. Although the pre- 
judice against the latter does not exist in Europe to the 
extent to which it is carried in the New World, there are 
too many on this side the Atlantic who entertain the faUa- 
cious idea that a black skin necessarily confers an inferiority 
on its possessor; and some of the professed friends of the 
Coloured race, who deprecate Slavery as unjust, are still 
unwilling to extend towards them the full rights of social 
intercourse and Christian fellowship. 

In consequence of our coming so little in contact with the 
objects of this prejudice, opportunities do not often occur 
to elicit the real feeling amongst us towards them ; and 
when they do occur, whatever private opinions individuals 
may hold, the popular feeling is so much on the side of 
the Negro, that ideas of prejudice, for the most part, 
remain quietly suppressed in the bosoms of those who 
entertain them. But the gross indignity offered to Fre- 
derick Douglass, and the unwarrantable injustice done to 




M 








a ^xMi fer tju JIfgni. 



him about a year ago, in depriving him of his purchased 
right to a cabin passage in the ship *' Cambria/' is a circum- 
stance which cannot be overlooked. That a British agent, 
upon British soil, should be found to yield to a despicable 
prcgudice, and deliberately persevere m refusing, to an 
honourable and noble-mmded man> the enjoyment of un- 
questionable rights, was an act as disgraceful to our coimtry 
as it must have been painful to the feelings of a fellow 
creature. It affords but another feature of that hateful 
system which drives the Negro to the cotton field, which 
^separates him from his family, and reduces him to the 
condition of a chattel. The facts of the case may be stated 
as follows : — 

Frederick Douglass, a h]gUy-req>ectable and talented 
Coloured gentleman, from America, who had been for 
some time advocating the rights of his oppressed biethren 
in this country, being about to return to his native 
land, applied to the Lcmdon agent of the Cunard steamers 
for a cabin passage to Boston from Liverpool, aad engaged 
a berth in the *^ CMnbria," paying the stipulated sum. He 
took the precaution of inquiring whether the fact of his 
being a Man of Colour would be any bar to his enjojrmeiil 
of full social intercourse, and was told that he would be 
entitled to all the rights and privileges of other eabifi pas^ 
seng^nk On die morning of the day of sailing, accom^ 
panied by several kind friends, he pres^ited himself on 
board the steamer at Liverpool, and having i^fied fer the 
cabin for which he had paid, he was politely informed diat 
it had been approjMriated to another passenger, and that 
unless he consented to take his meals ^one^ he oould not 
be admitted as a passenger. There was no tune f<Mr legal 
redress ; the '* Cambria'* was sailing die next morning, and 
an affectionate family were awaiting the arrival of a bus* 
band and father on the other side of the Atlantic. 

Tins conduct was in strong contrast with the fact, that 
during the nmeteen previous months, hh distinguished 






% €sMt firr tjit jitp* 



talents, his amiable maanent andbis high moral worth, had 
prea him a ready admiavkm into the best English society. 
It waa only when he came nndef eomm^Nnal influences, 
that his colour was discovered to be a sufficient reason, not 
for denying to him, in advance, the right to acquire a con- 
reyance in the ship on the advtftised t«nns of passage, but 
for breaking a solenm contract already entered into, and 
ratified by the payment and acceptance of his money, and 
the delivery to him of his berth certificate. Whence this 
exclusion ? Was he unfit for social intercourse with the 
other passengers 2 Was he suf^osed to be a suspicious 
charaet^ ? No such thing. Oon '' who has made of one 
blood all nations of men" had given him a darker complexion 
than any of the other passengers, and {or this he was in-< 
suited, degraded, and socially excluded. The circumstance 
was said to be mainly attributable to the saloon emapany 
bmng partially c<MnpQsed of Americans* Be this as it may, 
it must be remembered, that the act took place in England, 
in Liverpool — and on board a steam*ship, a large propor- 
tion of whose proprietors are EngUshmoi!— yes, these 
firee-bom Englishmen consent, *^ for filthy lucre," toaregu- 
laticm which excludes firom social intercourse some of the 
the finest specimens of humanity which evar came firom the 
hand of God. Such treatment bowed Douglass's spirit to 
the uttermost, and he parted from his friends on board 
the steamer, the next morning, with absolute agony, yet 
throughout, he evinced much Christian bearing and unsub- 
dued moral firmness under the infliction of this outrageous 
wrong. One of his fiiends, in allusion to this circumstance, 
wrote as follows :-^" I never felt the real dignity of his cha- 
racter, as on this trying occasion. With the spirit of his 
Lord and Master, he calmly bore the outrage. ' When he 
was reviled, he reviled not again;' but he exhorted us to be 
temperate, and above all, not to let blame attach to parties 
who were guiltless." It is but justice to the Captain of the 
Cambria" to add, that he kindly and promptly placed his 








31 €nMt fet t^ Hfgra. 



own cabin at Douglass's disposal, and assured him of every 
attention. He consequently took his meals there, seeing 
that his society, however highly it had been prized in 
Great Britain, was not good enough for these represen- 
tatives of the American republic. 

The Tinlooked for, and unwarranted treatment, of one so 
deservedly esteemed in this country, roused the sympathies 
of the British public. From the cottage to the lordly 
mansion — ^from the hamlet to the cities of our land, was felt 
the injustice he had experienced, and the cry was Shame ! 
Shame ! As a more full expression of the genuine feeling 
of national sympathy, it was determined that an appropriate 
Testimonial should be presented to the sufferer, whose only 
crime was the complexion given him by his Creator ! A 
public subscription was commenced, which soon exhibited 
a sum total of £500, This sum was forwarded to Frederick 
Douglass by the Boston mail steamer, along with a valuable 
library of books collected by a lady in the south of Eng- 
land. It was intended that the amount should be applied 
in behalf of the millions, who still lie crushed under the 
rod of the oppressor ; or in such a manner as shaU tend to 
elevate the moral and intellectual condition of the Coloured 
people, and to assist in bursting those fetters which have 
so long held them in thraldom. 

In the Douglass Testimonial^ the aristocracy of the skin 
will have a substantial proof that British Christians respect 
the Divine image, alike in ebony and ivory ; and that true 
nobility of character, generous self-sacrifice for the good of 
others, and an honest, daring advocacy of human rights, are 
appreciated in this coimtry without reference to complexion. 
The friends of Negro liberty will be glad to learn that 
Frederick Douglass has already provided himself with an 
excellent press and printing materials, out of the proceeds 
of the British subscription, and has established a weekly 
anti-Slavery paper, at Rochester, State of New York, en- 
titled The North Star. The object of The North Star, is 






V , 







(ska 



rh 




m 



^^^ 



a €nMt fax % jifp. 



to attack Slavery in all its forms and aspects, to advocate 
universal emancipation, to exalt the standard of public 
morality, to promote tlie moral and intellectual improve- 
ment of the Coloured people, and to hasten the day of 
freedom to the three millions of our enslaved fellowmen. 
We wish it every encouragement and success, and cannot 
doubt it will be a formidable instrument in bringing down 
the walls of the modem Jericho.* 

Of the effects of prejudice, in another quarter of the 
world, we have strong proof in the following circumstance 
related by Thomas Pringle in his ^^ Residence in South 
Africa.'' A clergyman, he states, refused to marry Chris- 
tian Grroepe, a Mulatto Hottentot, a most respectable and 
well-educated man, because the poor woman could not ac- 
curately repeat the Church Catechism ! ** The fact is," 
says Pringle, '' there existed a strong prejudice among the 
White Colonists against the full admission of the Coloured 
class to ecclesiastical privileges, and the majority of the 
colcmial clergy were so little alive to the apostolic duties 
of their sacred office, as to lend their sanction, directly or 
indirectly, to these unchristian prejudices, which were ako 
counteiianced by the Colonial laws." 

"As for religion," says Dr. Philip, "it was considered a 
serious crime to mention the subject to a native. They 
were not admitted within the walls of the churches. By 
a notice stuck above the doors of one of the churches, ' Hot- 
tentots and dogs^ were forbidden to enter." 

Our trans-atlantic brethren are very deeply implicated 
in the ungenerous and anti-Christian prejudice against 
colour, and in America it may be said to pervade all classes 
of the community. Their churches being often composed 
of Slave-holders, or those connected in some way or other 

* The price of the Nbrih Star ib two dollars (88. 6d.) per annum, if 
paid in adranoe^ or two dollars and a half (IDs. 6d.) if payment be delayed 
orer six months. English subscribers will be liable to an additional charge 
of 2d. per week postage. The names of subscribers may be sent to T. P. 
Barkas, Grainger Street, Newoastle-on-T^e. 








a ^rilntte fia % jSignr. 



with the system^ are nearly all more or less deeply imbued 
with the predominating feeling in regard to the African race. 
There is» indeed, an interest there, in keeping up this pre- 
judicial feeling. Few, if any of the Christian communitiea^ 
are exempt from a portion of that load of guilt, which 
perradesyree and religioua America like a feculent fog; 
and unless there be a thorough change in this respect, and 
the rights of mankind become fiilly recognised, and ex- 
tended to every shade of colour, no other result can ration- 
ally be contemplated, than a prolongation for generati<ms 
yet to come, of those manifold indignities, and similar re* 
volting scenes of wrong and barbarity, which are now 
inflicted on millions of the down-trodden race of Africa. 
Happily this prejudice is steadily giving way, yet many 
instances might be mentioned, of frequent occurrence, which 
prove it to be still very strong; and in general, the striking 
language of De Beaumont, a recent French traveller in the 
United States, will be found too true. '^ The prqudice 
against colour," says he, ''haunts its victim wherever he 
goes, — in the hospitals, where humanity suff<»s, — ^in the 
churches, where it kneels to God, — ^in the prisons, where it 
expiates its offences, — in the grave-yards, wh^re it sleeps 
the last sleep." 

I do not now altogether allude to the prejudice against 
the Slave population, but to the general tone of feeling 
against the whole mass of the descendants of Africa; for 
the extent to which it is carried, appears to be greatest, 
according to every authority, in those States of America 
which hold no Slaves. It seems remarkable, that the 
strongest prejudice against Colour should exist in the F^ee 
States, and against JFree Coloured persons/ But such is 
the case, and the feeling is stronger towards them in pro<r 
portion to their advancement in a moral or religious point 
of view, or their rise in the scale of society. There is 
never any objection expressed to mixing with Coloured 
people while they are Slaves; as such, the daintiest ladies 





^e'A 




(£^l> 





% €nMi fax t|pt $t%xL 



and gentlemen do not hecdtate to ride in the same carriage 
iritk tbem^ to have them about their peiBons, and to nurse 
their children. ''Their sufferings/* says IL C. Howdls, 
''are just in proportion to their exaltation in society, to 
then: mental attainments, to the acuteness of their religious 
feeling, and to their standing in social life. It is not the 
class of Ck>loured people sunk in degradation, wretchedness, 
ignorance, and filth, that are despised supremely in the 
United States. Strange to tell, they are not the people 
gainst 'vdiom the prejudice of the United States seems to 
bear. No ; those who are sunk in degradation are sup- 
posed to be in their prefer position, and they are passed 
by as the swine that wallow in the mire, with indifference, 
it being scarcely thought worth while to point the finger 
of acorn at them. I was once in the funily of Mr. Forten, 
a Coloured gentleman of Hdladdphia, a man of the most 
refined and courteous character, with a wife full of amia^ 
bility and Christianity, and elegance of deportment, with 
a fine lovely family of sons and daughters, and I saw the 
tears trickle down her cheeks when, speakii^ of the Coloured 
people, and the indignities they wesre called to endure, 
fllie said: — In proportion as Coloured persons are respect- 
able, ao are thrir auffmngs ; we cannot even go out 0£ our 
own home without haring a company of degraded crea^- 
tores nmning after us in the streets and calling out, 
* Nigger, nigger !' "♦ 

The prejudice i^ainst colour is stronger in Barbadoes 
than in any of the British colonies, although the Coloured 
class of its population are numarous, wealthy, and respect- 
able, comprising some of the first merchants of the 
island. The public opinion of the colony is powerful, and 
exercises an unfavourable influence, the Blacks being con- 
sidered an mferior race by nature, bom to a servile con- 
dition ; and a spirit of caste is cherished between the 
Wyte, Black, and intermediate races. 

• Speech of H. C. HowellB, A. 8. Ooilt. 1840. 








r>r^:^ 



A Coloured gentlemaQ/' says Joseph Sturge, " in- 
formed me^ that last winter, his wife being about to take 
a journey by rail to Philadelphia, she v^as compelled, 
though in delicate health, to travel in the comfortless ex- 
posed car, expressly provided for Negroes, though he 
offered to pay double fare for a place for her in the 
regular carriage."* 

'^ To give some idea of the extent to which the prejudice 
against persons of Colour operates," says George Thomp- 
son, ** I will state one or two facts. J had occasion to go 
from the city of New York by means of a steam vessel. 
I was on the deck of the vessel when a four-wheeled car- 
riage came up, from which two very well-dressed persons 
got out. They were persons of Colour, though not very 
dark. . They occupied a space about mid-ship, and I took 
occasion to watch the conduct of the passengers and crew 
towards them. The bell rang for supper, and I went down 
into the cabin. Some time afterwards I returned to the 
deck. A thick mist, almost equal to rain, had fallen. I 
discovered this couple leaning upon a large heap of lug- 
gage, and perceived that they were excluded from the com- 
pany. I went down into the cabin and fetched up a friend. 
Dr. Graham, with whom I had before conversed upon the 
subject, and who had denied that such prejudices existed. 
Come, Doctor, said I, and judge for yourself. He came 
upon the deck. The gentleman and lady had removed 
from the place where I had left them, and were standing 
at the door of the kitchen, a situation which the cooking 
and other things that were going on rendered very offen- 
sive. The gentleman was earnestly entreating the cooks 
to let his lady go in and sit down there during the night. 
The Doctor said, why do you not go and put your wife into 
a berth ? The gentleman replied, I would willingly give 
twenty times the value for a berth, but I am not allowed. 
1 saw that delicate female, who was in circumstances 

• Stiirge*8 United States. 











% €riliBtf fnr % JStp. 



89 



that required sympathy and attention, sit down upon 
a butter tub which was turned up for her, and there 
she remained during the night. There was another case, 
in which a gentleman took a Coloured man down into the 
cabin with him. The captain instantly said, * Take that 
Coloured man away !' ' What,' said the gentleman, ' will you 
not allow him to stay with me V * No ! nor you either if 
you take his part.' ' Then I do take his part,' said the gen- 
tleman. The captain then took the White gentleman by 
the throat, and considerably maltreated him. He then put 
him on shore, and left him midway." 

** I was once travelling in a carriage," says George Brad- 
bum, (a member of the Massachusetts legislature), ^* into 
which twelve or thirteen persons, most of them my friends, 
were crowded. Accompanying us was another carriage, in 
which there were only two persons ; but they were Coloured 
persons. For the purpose, as well of bearing testimony 
against this prejudice, as of getting a more comfortable 
seat, I got into the carriage with the two Coloured men. 
At this, my friends felt themselves so much scandalized, 
that one of them said, it had sunk me fifty per cent, in his 
estimation ; and others doubted, if they could ever more 
give me any of their votes." ♦ 

** In the state in which I live," says Col. Miller, '^ one 
of the judges was once travelling in the night. A lady was 
in the carriage. The night was cold. ' Madam,' says he, ' I 
hope you do not feel the cold!' and again, ^ madam, I hope 
you do not suffer from the inclemency of the season.' He 
paid her other compliments also. When they came to the 
inn, the waiter brought in a light, when he found that it 
was a Black lady to whom he had been so remarkably polite. 
He was filled with confusion, and ran out of the room with 
the waiter. People are shocked at the idea of regarding the 
Coloured people as their equals. ' What !' they cry, * are we 
to live with the Niggers ? What ! all mixed up together, 

* Speebh in Anti Slareiy GonTentioii, 1840. 





N 








a €xMt kt t^ jgfgrn* 



as if we were all tlie same sort of flesh and blood V ^ ^ 
A thousand instances of this kind nught easily be cited^ 
but as they are not exactly within the scc^e of the present 
work, further than being iUustratiYe of the effects of that 
prejudice which results from the idea of inferiority attach^ 
ing to the Negro race, I shall conclude with a few extracts 
from John Candler's *^ Brief Notices of Hayti/^ the first ex^ 
hibiting a striking contrast nmch in favour of the SaUe race. 
'^ Our first visitor at Jacmel wsb a Mulatto gentlewoman, 
the widow of a Black man, who had filled the office of 
Collector of the Customs, and who occupied one of the 
best houses in the place. She had lived in the United 
States, spoke our language fluently, and came to pay 
us respect as strangers. This kind-hearted matron paid us 
several visits, entertained us at her table, and introduced 
us to some of the best families of the place. Her conduet 
was the more remarkable, as, in America, she had suffered 
grievous persecution from the cruel prejudice existing in 
that country against Colour. Her first husband was a sea 
captain : on one occasion, she left the shore with him in a 
boat, to take a final leave of him on board a vessel, and was 
carried by the winds to a greater distance from home than 
she expected. The boat re-conveyed her to the shore and 
landed her at a strange place. Seeing a tavern, ^e made 
her way to it to obtain lodging for the night : the landlady 
looked at her repulsively, and spumed her from the door* 
* We take in no Niters here,' was her coarse lan^^uage ; 
' if you want to rest, go to the Nigger huts on the top of 
the hill !' The poor lady told us her heart was too full to 
bear this imchristian rebuke with meekness : she sat down 
and burst into tears. She did, however, toil up to the 
Negroes' huts, and was there received kindly. The Ameri- 
cans, in their own estimation and boast, are the finest 
people on the face of the globe : according to the terms of 
their constitution, ' all men are free and equal ;' yet they 

* Speech in Anti SlaTery OonTention, 1840. 



( < " v^ 






1 €xMt fat tilt Stgm. 



treat the houseless stranger, if tinged mth a coloured hue, 
as one of nature's outcasts ! Whenever a White man firom 
America or Europe fbUs sick in Jacmel, no one is so ready 
to offer to nurse, and show him kindness, as this poor de- 
spised woman» whose mother was an African* What a 
contrast; and what a striking lesson does such a &ct as this 
teach to ihe proud republicans of * Columbia's happy land.' 

** The son and son-in-law of General Inginac, Secretary 
of State for Hayti, on their return home a few years since 
from Paris, where they had been received in a manner 
suited to their rank and station in life, landed at New York, 
with a view of visiting the United States ; but no tavern 
or boarding-house keeper would receive them as guests, for 
fear of giving offence to the inhabitants of that city. One 
of the richest merchants at Port-au-Prince, whose father 
was one of Christophe's Barons, assured me that he went 
into a wooDen draper's store in Philadelphia, and desiring 
to be measured for a black coat, the storekeeper retorted 
with an impudent fidsehood, * We have no cloth here, Sir:' 
a hatter also, whose store was attended^ when he called, by 
some White customers, refused to sell him a hat 3 

*' Such," adds John Candler, *' is the tyranny of public 
opinion in this profiessedly free land, that a man dare not 
protest against conduct like this, and call it as it is, bar- 
barous and imchristian, without the danger of being treated 
contemptuously." 








CHAPTER VIII. 

Result of the idea of inferioritj in the Negro raoe a prolongation of their 
oppression — Unequal rights and priyileges — ^Their tendency — ^Htonan 
beings possess certain inalienable rights — ^AU men created equal — ^Ac- 
knowledgment of this great doctrine in the A"*«"*^" Declaration of 
Independence — Slavery a stain on the gloiy of America — ^A lie to the 
declaration of the Federal Constitution — Columbia may yet redeem her 
character — "No new laws required — ^Only that all should be placed on an 
equality — "No exemption of the Negro J)rom law, but should ei\joy its 
prcteeUan — Slayety said to be only a nominal thing— A fiiJse statement 
— Observations on equitable laws--Justioe always the truest policy — 
America called to a great and noble deed — ^Address to Columbia. 

In countries wliere one class of beings look down upon 
another as an inferior race. Slavery and intolerance pass 
unnoticed, they are seldom regarded as inconsistencies 
among those who have had the misfortune to be brought 
up in the midst of them. It has been justly remarked by 
an eminent writer, that, although by the institution of dif- 
ferent societies, unequal privileges are bestowed on their 
members, and although justice itself requires a proper re- 
gard to such privileges, yet he who has forgotten that men 
were originally equal, easily degenerates into the Slave, or, 
in the capacity of a master, is not to be trusted with the 
rights of his fellow-creatures. 

While it is now universally admitted, that the natural 
tendency of the exercise of uncontrolled authority is to 
harden the heart, extinguish the moral sense, and give birth 
to every species of crime and calamity, it is evident that 
the wealthy part of the community are elevated in the scale 
of being by the effective legislative enactments by which 
the poor are protected from oppression. The barbarizing 
effects of uncontrolled authority on minds in the least dan- 
ger of being corrupted by its influence, may be seen in 
every page of the history of human nature, and is well 
illustrated in the invaluable tract of Bishop Porteus on the 






a €nMt fax tjn Sfgtn, 



93 




Effects of Christianity on the temporal concerns of mankind. 
After having pourtrayed with glowing indignation^ the hor- 
rid condition of those in a state of servitude among the 
polished and civilized Greeks and Romans, we find the 
following judicious remark : — " These are the effects which 
the possession of luilimited power over our species has ac- 
tually produced, and which (unless counteracted and sub- 
dued by religious principle) it has always a natural ten- 
dency to produce, even in the most benevolent and best 
cultivated minds." 

When such is the general effect, what must it be where 
one class of people is considered as inferior beings ? 
Where all the avenues to preferment are closed to them, 
where no prize is held forth to ambition, where their minds 
are without wholesome stimulants, there can be no energy 
in the national character. Different degrees of rank and 
office are necessary in all well-constituted societies ; but 
laws which are made for favouring one part of the commu- 
nity, and depressing another, give rise to, and increase 
those moral obliquities, which destroy the proportion and 
mar the face of society. Invidious distinctions, by which 
one class of men is enabled to trample upon another, 
engender pride, arrogance, and an oppressive spirit in the 
privileged order, while they repress everything noble and 
praiseworthy in the oppressed. ^ 

It has been justly remarked, that the noblest, the most 
elevated distinction of a country, is a fair admimstration of 
justice. Nothing can be done to elevate and improve a 
people, if the administration of justice is corrupt ; but to 
insure a pure administration of justice in a country, it must 
be accessible to all classes of the community. In a state 
of society where there is one law for the White Man and 
another for the Black, and the sanctions of the law are bor- 
rowed to render the latter the victims of oppression, moral 
distinctions are confounded, and the names of virtue 

• Dr. PhiKp. 








% ^tilistr for t^ -etgnt. 




and vice come to be r^^ded lu excbaogealile terms. 
Independeat of printed statutes, there are oertain li^ta 
which human beings possess, and of which they caanot he 
deprived but bj manifest injustice. The wanderer in the 
desert has a right to his life, to his liberty, his wife, his 
children, and his property. The Negro has an undoubted 
right to these, and also to a fur remuneration fen his labour ; 
to an exemption &om cruelty and oppression ; to choose 
the place of his abode, and to enjoy the society of his chil- 
dren. No one can deprive him of these rights without 
violating the laws of nature and of nations. 
** Tk Ubertj aloiu tliat girM the flower 
Of flMting life ita liwtie and pcrfuae i 
And ir« IN weedi Tithont it. All ooMtisint, 
Xxoept wliat wiidom Isji on aril men, 
Ig eril ; bnrta tbe fiHTultiea, impedta 
Ttiai ptopBw in the road of KJeoM ; Mind* 
Tbe ejetigbt of diwoTer; t and bcgeti. 
Id thoM that •nfl'eT U, ■ loidid mind, 
Unfit to be the tenant of man'i noble form." * 

The great doctrine, that God hath " created all men 
equal, and endowed them with certain inalienable rights," 
and that amongst these are " Hfe, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness," is afSrmed in the American Declaration of In- 
dependence, and justified in the theory of its constitutional 
laws. But there is a stain upcm its glory ; Slavery, in its 
most abject and revolting form, pollutes its s<nl ; the wail- 
ings of Slaves mingle with ita songs of libeitf ; and the 
clank of their chain is heard, in horrid discord, with the 
chorus of their triumphs. The records of the States are 
not less distinguished by their wise provisiona for securing 
the order and maintaining the institutions of the coimtiy, 
than by their ingenious devices for riveting the chain, and 
perpetuating the degradatitn a£ their Coloured brethren ; 
— their education is branded as a crime, — their freedom is 
dreaded as a blastiiq; pestilence, — the bare suggestion of 




^>ik> 





St €iMt fax % Mtffi. 



their emancipation is proscribed as a treason to the cause 
of American independence. These things are related with 
sorrow^ and with feelings deeply deploring the flagrant in- 
oonsutencj so glaringly displayed between the lofty prin- 
ciples embodied in the great charter of the liberties of the 
Union and the evil practices which have been permitted to 
glow up nnder it. 

The monstrous and wicked assumption of power by 
man over his fellow man^ which Slavery implies, is alike 
abhorrent to the moral sense of mankind, to the immutable 
principles of justice, to the righteous laws of Ood, and to 
the benevolent principles of the Gospd. It ought, there- 
fore, to be indignantly repudiated by all the fundamental 
laws of truly enlightened and civilized commimities. But 
behold the debaong servitude in which millions of the 
Negro race are still held in the United States, by a people 
calling themselves Christian, and boasting of their country 
as the freest on the earth. What a mockery of religion 
was (mce the conduct of Great Britain towards the Slaves 
in her colonies — ^what a mockery of religion is the present 
conduct of America ; and what a lie to the declaration of 
her federal constitution, that '' aU men by nature are free 
and equal.** 

Columbia may yet redeem her character ; but if the 
claims of the suffering Negro are not speedily heard, the 
treatment of that people will eontinue to be one of the 
foulest blots upon her national honour that ever stained 
the escutcheon of the most degenerate nation. 

** Columbia ! upon thy shore 
The fettem clank : arise ! 
And let tlij noble eagle soar 
UnmUM to the slues." 

We ask for no new laws ; we simply require that the 
diflferent classes of inhabitants should have the same civil 
rights granted to thenu The liberty required is not an ex-> 
emption from the law, but the advantage of its protection ; 









a €rilinte ftr % JiBgrn. 



the law grants no rights to the White man which it 
may not extend with perfect safety to all classes. All we 
ask for is, that the enslaved tribes should be placed on an 
equality with the long dominant race in civil and religious 
liberty ; that the people who have been, for generations, 
deprived of the inalienable rights conferred upon them by 
their Creator, and oppressed by a system of Slavery, should 
have the enjoyment of those rights restored to them. 

It is argued by the abettors of Slavery, that it is only 
a nominal thing, that the power of extreme punishments, 
&c. are rarely resorted to, and are used reluctantly. In 
every Slave country there are undoubtedly masters who 
desire and purpose to practice lenity to the full extent 
which the nature of their relation to the Slaves will allow. 
Still, human rights are denied them. They lie wholly at 
another's mercy, and we must have studied history in vain if 
we need be told that they will be continually the prey of 
absolute power. If the leg is galled by an iron chain it is 
vain to prescribe ointment to cure the wound while the 
fetter remains. The first step towards the improvement 
of the Negroes must commence in removing the cause of 
their present degradation. They have been corrupted and 
debased by the uncontrollable power exercised over them 
by their lordly masters ; legislative enactments bestowing 
on them equal rights, would prove a salutary check to the 
one, and afford a stimulus of hope to the other. The first 
movement on the part of the legislature in their favour 
should be, the introduction of .measures to ameliorate their 
condition, and teach their oppressors to respect them. 
When it shall be seen that the laws of the country make no 
distinction between the proud master and those whom he 
considers as belonging to an inferior class of beings, the ad- 
ministration of an impartial justice will generate within 
the breast of the former ideas of common relationship, and 
secure for the oppressed a milder treatment. 

The establishment of law, forms an important era in the 










c^> 




1 (Crilittte fiir % Mt^n. 



civilization of a people, and the statute which prevents the 
superior from oppressing or tyrannizing over his inferior, 
is as favourable to the humanity of the one, as it is to the 
happiness of the other. While equitable laws, and their 
impartial administration, elevate the standard of morals, 
raise the tone of thinking, exalt the character of a countiy, 
and increase the patriotism of a people, they generate the 
principles of love and justice in the hearts of a great and 
effective part of the population. Let the Coloured people 
be admitted to a full and fair participation of those privi- 
ties from which they have been excluded, and rest assured 
that justice being done to the one, will prove, ultimately, 
the happiness and prosperity of the other. Justice is in 
aU cases the truest policy, it has proved itself so in the 
abolition of Slavery in the British Colonies ; and what an 
example is there upheld to those nations, who, in spite of 
warning, and in defiance of Christian principle, persist in 
continuing Slavery. 

Columbia ! — thou art called to a great and to a noble 
deed ; — delay it not. There is, indeed, a grandeur in the 
idea of raising some millions of human beings to the enjoy- 
ment of human rights, to the blessings of Christian civil- 
ization, to the means of indefinite improvement. The 
Slaveholding States are called to a nobler work of benevo- 
lence than is committed to any other communities. Do 
you comprehend its dignity? This you cannot do, till the 
Slave is truly, sincerely, with the mind and heart, recog- 
nized as a Man, till he ceases to be regarded as Property. 

When old Europe blasoiiB proudlj, 

Yoluxnee of historic fame ; 
You, more loftily and loudly, 

Echo young Columbia's name x 
When we boast of GhiadalquiTirs, 

Thames and Danubes, Elbee and Bhones ; 
You rejoice in statelier riyers — 

MiBsissippifl — Amazons ! 

** Many a poet, many a psean, 

Shouts our mountain songs, and tells 




o 





a Crilinte fht tin 3?tgra. 



Alpine tales, or Pyrenean — 
Snowdon, Lomond, DrachenfeU ! 

But, across the Atlantic surges, 
Andes higher claims prepares ; 

Snow-crowned Chimborazo urges 
Mightier soyereignty than theirs ! 

" And if thus yowr works of nature 

Out sublimeet works outdo ; 
Should not Man — earth's noblest creature. 

Should not Man be nobler too P 
From our crouching, oowed example. 

When your Pilgrim fathers fled, 
Beared they not a prouder temple. 

Freedom's temple, o*er your head ? 

" Tyrant-stories stain otir pages ; 

Priests and kings haye forged our chains ; 
Ye were called to brighter ages ; 

Ye were bom where Freedom reigns ; 
Many a dreary, dark disaster. 

Here has dug the firee man's graye ; — 
Ye haye neyer known a master — 

How can ye endure— a blavk ?"* 




) I 




* Dr. Bowring. 




^. 



".-r- 






CHAPTER IX. 

Pemicioiu inflnenoe of Slavery — ^ThoBe brought up in the midst ol it, ap- 
parently nnoonscious of its evils — ^Their hearts become hardened, and 
their feelings blunted — Deoeptiveness of the "Slavery Optio Glass " — 
The prodmots and gains of oppression tainted — ^Nothing can sanction 
violence and injustice— To prosper by crime, a great calamity — ^Melan- 
choly situation of those implicated in Slavery ~ Our prayers should 
ascend both for the oppressor and the oppressed — Plea of the necessity 
of coercion — ^Negroes represented as most degenerate and ungovernable— 
These accounted for-^Demoraliiing effects of Slavery — ^When its asperi- 
ties have been mitigated, various latent virtues and good qualities have 
been brought into exercise. 

In countries where Slavery exercises its pernicious in- 
fluence upon the inhabitants, its tendency is to lead them 
to r^ard those of a dark complexion as inferior beings, a 
species of property, or deserving only to become such. 
This has greatly aggravated, and its natural tendency is to 
keep up the prejudicial feeling against the Negro. When 
persons live, and are brought up in the very midst of cruelty 
and Slavery, and are inured &om their infancy to behold 
the sufferings of the poor victims of oppression, to listen 
to their cries, and behold them treated with impunity, as 
creatures possessed of mere animal propensities, the vilest 
of the vile, it is no marvel that they should imbibe those 
feelings of prejudice which are thus early instilled into 
their minds. Perceiving the mental and moral degradation 
of the Slaves, and being taught to look down upon their 
unfortunate fellows, as a race of beings in all respects in- 
ferior to, and not entitled to the enjoyment of, or even fit 
to be intrusted with, equal privileges as themselves, their 
hearts become hardened, and their feelings blunted and 
deadened towards them. 

The practice which strikes one man with horror, may 
seem to another, who was bom and brought up in the 
midst of it, to be not only innocent, but meritorious ; and it 








% €riliittt &r % jiBgrn. 



is to be feared^ there are many who grow up almost uncon- 
scious of the responsibility of their station, and insensible 
of the enormity of the evils they are committing. " A 
man bom among Slaves/' says Dr. Channing, ^^ taught 
its necessity by venerated parents, associating it with all 
whom he reveres, and too familiar with its evils to see and 
feel their magnitude, can hardly be expected to look on 
Slavery as it appears to more impartial and distant ob- 
servers." — " Men," he continues, " may lose the power of 
seeing an object fairly, by being too near as well as by 
being too remote. The Slaveholder is too familiar with 
Slavery to understand it. To be educated in injustice is 
almost necessarily to be blinded by it more or less. To 
exercise usurped power from birth, is the surest way to 
look upon it as a right and as a good." Alas ! then, for the 
unfortunate Negro ; — his oppressor, swallowing the gilded 
bait of commerce, advancing rapidly to fame and fortune, be- 
holds his victim through a very imperfect and defective lens. 
The Slavery Optic Glass is not famed for developing all 
the wonders of creation ; on the other hand, it disfigures 
and disparages the Almighty*s most glorious work, Man, 
made after the image of his Maker. The atmosphere of 
Slavery freezes, as it were, the current of sympathy ; like 
a deadly upas tree, it corrupts eveiy thing within its in- 
fluence ; and so all those who acquire gain produced by the 
" thews and sinews" of the poor Negro, become, sooner or 
later, inclined to foster evil, and ere long embark with 

" Those who trayel £ev, and sail 
To purchase human flesh ; to wreathe the yoke 
Of yassalage round beauteous liberty, 
Or suck large fortune from the sweat of Slayes/* 

Every morsel of food, thus forced from the injured, 
ought to be more bitter than gall, and the gold cankered. 
The sweat of the Slave taints the luxuries for which it 
streams. Better were it for the selfish wrong doer, to live 
as the Slave, to clothe himself in the Slave's raiment, to 











101 



eat the Slave's coarse food, to till his fields with his own 
hands, than to pamper himself by day, and pillow his head 
on down at night, at the cost of a wantonly injured fellow- 
creature. What man, without a conscience seared, can earn, 
even his bread, " Not by the sweaty but by the blood of man ?" 
Consider ! ye who are sitting in ease and enjoyment ; think 
how much cruelty is involved in the luxuries you enjoy. 

** Think! ye masters, iron-hearted, 
Lolling at your joTial boards, 
Think, how many baoks haye smarted 
For the sweets your cane affords. 

** Is there, as you sometimes tell us, 
Is there One, who reigns on high ; 
Has He bid you buy and sell us. 
Speaking from His throne, the sky ? 

'* Ask Him, if your knotted scourges, 
Fetters, blood-extorting screws. 
Are the means which duty urges. 
Agents of His will to use?" 

No earthly interest should induce any one to sanction vio- 
lence and injustice; neither can it authorize the systematic 
degradation of so large a portion of our fellow-creatures as 
are now held in cruel Slavery. " The first question to be 
proposed by a rational being is, not what is profitable, but 
what is right. Duty must be primary, prominent, most 
conspicuous among the objects of human thought and 
pursuit. If we cast this down from its supremacy, if we 
inquire for our interests, and then for our duties, we shall 
err. We can never see the right, clearly and fuUy, but by 
making it our first concern. No judgment can be just or wise, 
but that which is built on the conviction of the paramoimt 
worth and importance of duty. This is the fundamental 
truth, the supreme law of reason ; and the mind which does 
^yTib not start from this, in its inquiries into human affairs, is 
doomed to great, perhaps, fatal error. Whoever places his 
faith in the everlasting law of rectitude, must, of coiu*se, 
regard the question of Slavery, first and chiefly as a moral 











a ^rilnib fiir tjn 3StgrB- 



question. All other considerations will weigh little wit hhim 
compared with its moral character and moral influences.** 

No greater calamity can befall a people than to prosper 
by crime ; and there is^ perhaps^ no greater crime than that 
ojf man enslaving his fellow-men. The blight which falls 
on the soul of the wrong-doer, the desolation of his moral 
nature, is a more terrible calamity than he inflicts. In 
deadening his moral feelings, he dies to the proper happiness 
of a man : in hardening his heart against his fellow-creatures, 
he sears it to all true joy : in shutting his ear against the voice 
of justice, he turns the voice of Grod within him into rebuke. 
He may prosper, indeed, and hold faster the Slave by whom 
he prospers ; but he rivets heavier and more ignominious 
chains on his own soul than he lays on others. No punish- 
ment is so terrible as prosperous guilt. No fiend, exhausting 
on us all his power of torture, is so fearful as an oppressed 
fellow-creature. The cry of the oppressed, unheard on 
earth, is heard in heaven. God is just, and if justice reign, 
the unjust must terribly sufier. 

Melancholy is the situation of those who grow up uncon- 
scious of their responsibility, and the enormity of the evil 
they are committing, in being implicated in this great crime. 
Whilst our tenderest sympathies are awakened for the 
victims of their tyrannical barbarity, we should mourn deeply 
over their oppressors; our aspirations ought daily to ascend 
before Him, who can imstop the deaf ear, and open the eyes 
of those " who are blind," that He would, in His mercy, 
show them the awful situation in which they stand. 

Under the plea of a necessity for Slavery, Negroes have 
been spoken of as the most degenerate creatures upon 
earth. They are represented, as we have already been 
informed, as the lowest class of human beings, if, indeed, 
they are allowed to be included within the pale of humanity ; 
as void of memory, filthy, and disgusting to a d^ree exceed- 
ing credibility, and so ungovernable in their propensities, 
that nothing will subdue them but severe coercion. 



flt^ 






fjl - I 




% €xMi ftr % jlrp. 



103 



* 

That the various bad qualities which have been ascribed 
to Negroes, belong rather to their habits than to their 
nature, and are derived both from the low state of civiliza^ 
tion in which nearly the whole race at present exists, as well 
as from their unnatural situation in Slavery, is a proposition 
not only consistent with the analogy of all the other races 
of mankind, but immediately deducible from well established 
facts. Moral evils are imiformly and necessarily inherent 
under a system of oppression. It is a state in which no 
class of society, the dominant or the subject, is not vitiated, 
— ^vitiated in temper,- in principle, in conduct. All history 
is proof of this ; and if history failed, the present state of 
things, where Slavery exists, would supply ample testimony 
to its truth. It may well be said, that '' a debasement of 
all the mental and moral faculties, the destruction of every 
honourable principle, are the never-failing consequences of 
Slavery; so that even the most high-spirited and courageous 
Negroes become, after remaining a few years in Slavery, 
cunning, cowardly, and to a certain degree malevolent." 
'^ It is the fact of experience, that Slavery is essentially 
demoralizing, and that it compounds into the character all 
the faithlessness and feculence of moral turpitude. There 
is a class of mere human virtues, which may exist indepen- 
dently of the direct influence of religion ; but even these 
cannot, except by very accidental circumstances, vegetate 
in this soil, nor flourish in the fc^ and impurities of this 
stifling atmosphere ; they require a purer air, a brisk wafting 
of the nobler passions, the excitement of hope, the warmth 
of charity, and the mountain breeze of freedom." * 

Nevertheless, when a master's absolute will has been 
expressed in a kindly tone ; when authority has been en- 
forced with a look which told that though he had the power 
to command, he had not the heart to be a tyrant ; when he 
has applied his attention to their comforts, not because they 
were his Slaves, but because they were children of feeling, 

* Biohard Watson's Sermons. 















% €nMt for % 3ltgtn. 



and members of the one family of mankind ; when he has 
borne before them the impression that he has a Master in 
heaven, while he is a master to them ; when the asperities 
of Slavery have thus been mitigated by the manner in which 
its powers and obligations have been carried out, many have 
been the virtues called into operation ; many the soft, the 
gentle, the devoted feelings brought into steady exercise ; 
many the good, the trustworthy, and altogether praise- 
worthy habits which have been formed and confirmed on 
the part of Slaves; and, under these circumstances, the 
Slave has become so much alive to his master's interests, 
so identified in all his feelings with his master's property, 
and so attached to bis person and his family, that he would 
have regarded his emancipation as a decree of banishment, 
if his freedom necessarily forced him from a master, to have 
been whose Slave, he felt, had been his happiness. There 
have been such cases ; and though most common with do- 
mestic Slaves, they have been found among the other classes. 
That this state of things has not been more generally 
realized, is to be ascribed to no deficiency in the dispositions 
of the Negroes, but from their masters not exercising 
that kindly influence, which always so acts upon the human 
heart as to bring out something of its own echo. 

It is to the tyranny of managers and overseers, their 
demoralizing conduct, and the abuse of their authority, 
that we may mainly trace the cunning, the dissimu- 
lation, and immoral habits of the enslaved Negro, which 
have so long been attributed to his inherent character. 

'* The Negro, spoiled of all that nature gaye 
To free-bom man, soon shrinks into a Slave ; 
His passiye limbs, to measured tasks confined. 
Obey the impulse of another's mind ; 
A sUent, secret, terrible control. 
That rules his sinews, presses too his souL 
Where'er their grasping arms the spoilers spread. 
The Negro's joys, his virtues too are fled." 














GHAPTEB I. 

To form a just estimate of Negro ohanoter, we must obeerre bim under 
more iiiToarable oiroomstaQoes than thoee of SlaTerjr — Statements of 
trareliers wlio hare risited Africa, describing the natives as mild» 
amiable, rirtuous, generous, hospitable, liyely, inteUigent, and indus- 
trious, Ac — ^Their ingenuity — darkson's interriew with the Emperor of 
Bussia — ^The Emperor^s surprise at the proficiency of Negroee^ 
Waditrom's testimony before the House of Commons — ^Further testi- 
moniee of Kqor Laing, Dr. Knox, Bobin, Mungo Park, Dr. Channing, 
J, Candler, Benexet, Barrow, Le Yaillant, Dr. Philip, Pringle, Shaw, 
&c^ &C. — Description of a Chief — Observations of the Editor of the 
** Westminster Beview^ — ^Bemarkable that Kegroes should retain so 
many good qualities whan labouring under great disadvantages — ^Testi- 
mony of H. C. Howells — Dr. Channing says '* we are holding in bondage 
one of the best noes of the human &mily" — ^His delineation of the real 
character of the N^oes. 

In order to form a juat estimate of the character and 
capabilities of the Negro, we must observe him in a some- 
what more favourable situation than in those dreadful 
receptacles of human misery, the crowded deck of the Slave 
shipi or in the less openly shocking, but constrained and 
extorted, and consequently painful labours of the sugar 
plantation or of the cotton field. Amongst the civilized 
tribes of Africa, as well as amongst those who remain in a 
more savage state, we may often meet with lofty sentiments 
of independence, and instances of ardent courage and devoted 
friendship, which would sustain a comparison with the most 
sj^endid similar examples in the more highly advanced races. 
Honourable and punctual fulfilment of treaties and com- 
pacts, patient endurance of toil, hunger, cold, and all kinds 
of hardship and privation, inflexible fortitude, and unsha- 
ken perseverance in avenging insults or injuries, according 
to their own peculiar customs and feelings, show that they 
are not destitute of the more valuable moral qualities. 

Many travellers, and those who have had the most 
frequent intercourse with Africans, assure us that the 








% 4nhit for tjit jBtgrn* 



natural dispositions of the Negro race^ are mild, gentle, 
and amiable in an extraordinary degree. They bear ample 
testimony to their being possessed of intellectual capacities 
of no inferior order, assuring us also, how susceptible they 
are of every generous and noble feeling of the mind, abound- 
ing in benevolence, hospitality, generosity, and filial afiec- 
tion, thus demonstrating their capability of arriving at the 
highest attainments of the human understanding. Not un- 
frequently they are described as being conspicuous for the 
nobler attributes of our nature, and instead of the inhabitants 
of that vast continent being doomed to inevitable inferiority, 
many are the pleasing proofs, that they are highly capable 
of civilization, and that they would perhaps even excel in a 
moral and religious point of view. 

" Many of the dark races," says Dr. Lawrence in his 
Lectures delivered at the Royal College of Surgeons, 
" although little civilized, display an openness of heart, 
a friendly and generous disposition, the greatest hospitality, 
and an observance of the point of honour according to 
their own notions, from which nations more advanced in 
knowledge might often take a lesson with advantage. They 
possess a natural goodness of heart, and warmth of affec- 
tion." " I can see no reason," he adds, " to doubt that 
the Negro is equal to any in natural goodness of heart. 
It is consonant to our general experience of mankind, that 
the latter quality should be deadened or completely extin- 
guished in the Slave ship." 

Major Denham and his followers describe the Negroes 
as a kind-hearted race, lively, and intelligent. 

That in his own country, the Negro is not that lazy, 
worthless, and brutified being he is frequently described to 
be, is clearly demonstrated by the testimony of many tra- 
vellers. " The industry of the Foulahs," says Mungo Park, 
" in agriculture and pasturage, is everywhere remarkable." 
Speaking of the Negroes near one of the Sego ferries, he 
says, — "The view of this extensive city, the numerous 



^m 











a €tMt far t|t jif gra. 



houses on the river, the crowded population, and the culti- 
vated state of the country, formed altogether a prospect of 
civilization and magnificence which I little expected to find 
in the bosom of Africa." The same traveller, after relating 
an affecting interview between a poor blind Negro widow 
and her son, adds, ^^ From this interview I was fully con- 
vinced that whatever difference there is between the 
European and the Negro in the conformation of the nose 
and the colour of the skin, there is none in the genuine 
sympathies and characteristic feelings of our common na- 
ture." Of the truth of this observation he gives a striking 
example in the conduct of the Negro woman who found 
him, vrithout food or shelter, sitting under a tree in the 
country of Bambarra. This pleasing circumstance will 
be found recorded in Park's ovm words in another part of 
the present volume. 

In reading Ledyard, Lucas, Mungo Park, and others, we 
find that the inhabitants of the interior are more virtuous 
and more civilized than those on the sea coast ; surpass 
them also in the preparations of wool, leather, cotton, wood, 
and metals ; in weaving, dyeing, and sewing. 

Adanson, who visited Senegal in 1754, when describing 
the country, says, ^^ It recalled to me the idea of the primi- 
tive race of men. I thought I saw the world in its infancy. 
The Negroes are sociable, hmnane, obliging, and hospi- 
table ; and they have generally preserved an estimable sim- 
plicity of domestic manners. They are distinguished by 
their tenderness for their parents, and great respect for the 
aged ; a patriarchal virtue, which in our day is too little 
known." Golberry says, that in Africa there are no beg- 
gars except the blind. 

Barrow gives a picture, by no means xmpleasing, of the 
Hottentots. Their indolence he attributes to the state of 
subjection in which they live, as the wild Bushmen are par- 
ticularly active and cheerful. " They are a mild, quiet, 
and timid people ; perfectly harmless, honest, faithful ; and. 









SI ^rilintt fat tjit ^tgri. 



thoug]i extremely phl^matici they are kind and affectionate 
to each other, and not incapable of strong attachments. A 
Hottentot would share his last meal with his companions^ 
They have little of that kind of art or cunning that savages 
generally possess. If accused of crimes of wluch they have 
been guilty^ they generally divulge the truth. They seldom 
quarrel among themselves, or make use of provoking lan- 
guage. Though naturally fearful, they will run into the 
face of danger if led on by their superiors. * They suffer 
pain with patience. They are by no means deficient 
in talent" * 

** In his disposition,'* says Barrow, ** the Bushman is 
lively and cheerful ; in his person, active. His talents are 
far above mediocrity ; and, averse to idleness, they axe sel- 
dom without employment. They are very fond of dancing, 
exhibit great industry and acuteness in their contrivances 
for catching game, and considerable mechanical skill in 
forming their baskets, mats, nets, arrows," &c., &c. f 

That the Africans are very similar to the inhabitants of 
other parts of the globe, and regulate their conduct towards 
others according to the treatm^it they receive, may be 
easily gathered from the statements of many writers. ** The 
feelings of the Negroes," says one, ** are extremely acute. 
According to the manner in which they are treated, they 
are gay or melancholy^ laborious or slothful, friends or 
enemies. When well fed, and not maltreated, they are 
cont^ited, joyous, and ready for every enjoyment ; and the 
satisfaction of their mind is painted in their countenance. 
Of benefits and abuse, they are extremely sensible, and 
against those who injure them they bear a mortal hatxed. 
On the other hand, when they contract an affection to a 
master, there is no ofiice, however hazardous, \i^ch they 
will not boldly execute, to demonstrate their zeal and at- 
tachment. They are naturally affectionate, and have an 
ardent love for their diildren, fiiends, and countrymen* 

* Barrow's Tnyeb in South Africa. f Idcoi. 








3i €nMt fas % Mtiu. 



109 



Tbe little they posion^ they freely distribute among the 
neceadtoosy without any other motiye than that of pure 
ocHnpaasion for the indigent.'* * 

llie acute and accurate Barbot, in his laigewodcoa 
Africa, says, ** The Blacks have sufficient sense and under- 
standing, their conceptions are quick and accurate, and 
their memory possesses extraordinary strength. For, al- 
though they can neither read nor write, they never fall into 
confusion or error, in the greatest hurry of business and 
traffic Their experience of the knavery of Europeans has 
put them on their guard in transactions of exchange ; they 
carefully examined all our goods, piece by piece, to ascer- 
tain if ^eir quality and measure were correctly stated ; and 
showed as much sagacity and clearness in all these transac- 
tions, as any European tradesman could do.** 

Of those imitative arts, in which perfection can be at- 
tained only in an improved state of society, it is natural to 
suppose that the Negroes can have but little knowledge ; 
but the &hnc and colours of the Guinea cloths are proofs 
€)i their native ingenuity ; and, that they are capable of 
learning all kinds of the more delicate manual labours, is 
proved by the fact, that nine-tenths of the artificers in the 
West Indies are N^proes : many are expert carpenters, and 
some watchmakers. The drawings and busts executed by 
the wild Bushman in the neighbourhood of the Cape are 
praised by Barrow for their accuracy of outline, and cor- 
rectness of proportion. 

Of those who have speculatively visited and described 
the Slave coast, there are not wanting some who extol the 
natnial abilities of the natives. D'Elbee, Moore, and Bos- 
man, speak highly of their mechanical powers and inde- 
fatigable industry. Desmarchais does not scruple to affirm 
diat their ingenuity rivals the Chinese. 

In 1818, when the sovereigns of Europe met in congress 
at Aix la Chapelle, Thomas Clarkson obtained an inter- 

• Hut dee Antflles, p. 488. 










% €xMt fct t|u Mw. 



view with the Emperor of Russia, and was received with 
marked attention by that amiable monarch. Clarkson's 
object was to interest him on behalf of the oppressed Slave. 
The Emperor listened to his statements, and promised to 
use his influence with the assembled monarchs, to secure 
the suppression of the trade in human beings as speedily 
as possible. 

Describing tbis interview with the Emperor of Russia, 
in which the subject of Peace Societies, as well as the 
abolition of the Slave-trade was discussed, Thomas Clark- 
son observes: — "We then rose up from our seats, to 
inspect some articles of African manufacture, which I had 
brought with me as a present, and which had been laid on 
the table. We examined the articles in leather first, one 
by one, with which he was imcommonly gratified. He 
said they exhibited not only genius, but taste, and that he 
had never seen neater work either in Petersburgh or in 
London. There was one piece of cotton cloth which attrac- 
ted his particular notice, and which was undoubtedly very 
beautiful. It called from him this observation, — ' Man- 
chester,' says he, ^ I think, is your great place for manufac- 
tures of this sort, — do you think they can make a better 
piece of cotton there ?' I told him I thought I had never 
seen a better piece of workmanship of the kind anywhere. 
Having gone over all the articles, the Emperor desired me 
to inform him, whether he was to understand that these 
articles were made by the Africans in their own anintry; 
that is, in their own native villages, or after they had 
arrived in Jmerica^ where they would have an opportunity 
of seeing European manufactures, and experienced work- 
men in the arts ? I replied, that such articles might be 
found in every African village, both on the coast and in 
the interior, and that they were samples of their own in- 
genuity, without any connection with Europeans. 

" * Then,' said the Emperor, * you astonish me — ^you 
have given me a new idea of the state of these poor people. 







-■ V 



(sslil 



a ^rihttte fiir tjit 3ltgrn. 





I was not aware that thej were so advanced in society. 
The works you have shown me, are not the works of brutes, 
but of men endued with rational and intellectual powers, 
and capable of being brought to as high a degree of pro- 
ficiency as any other men. Africa ought to be allowed to 
have a fSdr chance of raising her character in the scale of 
the civilized world/ I replied, that it was the cruel traffic 
in Slaves alone, which had prevented Africa rising to a 
level with other nations ; and that it was only astonishing 
to me that the natives there, had, under its impeding influ- 
ence, arrived at the perfection which had displayed itself 
in the specimens of workmanship which he had just seen.'* 
Walstrom, in his admirable '^ Essay on Colonization,'* 
in speaking of the African race, makes the following re- 
marks : — " Their understandings have not been nearly so 
much cultivated as those of Europeans ; but their passions, 
both defensive and social, are much stronger. Their hos- 
pitality to unprotected strangers, is liberal, disinterested, 
and firee from ostentation. Their kindness and respectful 
attention to White persons, with whose characters they are 
satisfied, arises to a degree of partiality, which, all things 
considered, is perfectly surprising. On those parts of the 
coast and country where the Slave-trade prevails, the in- 
habitants are shy and reserved, (as well they may,) and on 
all occasions go armed, lest they should be way-laid and 
carried off. In maternal, filial, and fraternal affection, I 
scruple not to pronoimce them superior to any Europeans 
I ever was among. So very successful have the European 
Slave-dealers been, in exciting in them a thirst for spirits, 
that it is now become one of the principal pillars of their 
trade ; for the chiefs, intoxicated by the liquor with which 
they are purposely bribed by the Whites, often make bar- 

^ i ) gains, and give orders fatal to their subjects, which, when 

*^ sober, they would gladly retract. 

'* On a question put to me in a committee of the British 
House of Commons, I offered to produce specimens of 









a ^tiliiib firr t|ii Jltgrn. 



their manufactures in iroui gold, filigree-work, leather, 
cotton, matting, and basket-work; some of which, equal 
any articles of the kind fabricated in Europe, and evince 
that, with proper encouragement, they would make excel- 
lent workmen. Even the least improved tribes make their 
own fishing tackle, canoes, and implements of agriculture. 
If even, while the Slave-trade disturbs their peace, and 
endangers their persons, they have made such a progress, 
what may we not expect if that grievous obstacle were re- 
moved, and their ingenuity directed into a proper channel ? 
The Slave-trade disturbs their agriculture still more than 
their manufactures ; for men vdll not be fond of planting, who 
have not a moral certainty of reaping. Yet, even without 
enjoying that certainty, they raise grain, fruits, and roots, 
not only sufficient for their own consumption, but even to 
supply the demands of the European shipping, often to a 
considerable extent ; in some islands and part of the coast, 
where there is no Slave-trade, they have made great pro- 
gress in agriculture. Though, on the whole, passion is 
more predominant in the African character than reason ; 
yet their intellects are so far from being of an inferior order, 
that one finds it difficult to account for their acuteness, which 
so far transcends their apparent means of improvement.*' 

" The Blacks living in London," he adds, ** are generally 
profligate, because uninstructed, and vitiated by Slavery, 
for many of them were once Slaves of the most worthless 
description; namely, the idle and superfluous domestic, 
and the gamblers and thieves who infest the towns in the 
West Indies. Some come to attend children and sick per- 
sons on board, and others are brought by their masters by 
way of parade. In London, being friendless, and despised 
on account of their complexion, and too many of them being 
really incapable of any useful occupation, they sink into 
abject poverty." 

Major Laing, in his " Travels in Western Africa," ob- 
serves, ^'A destitute old man is unknown among the 










^z/rw 



^. 



% S^nMt for tjit ^fgrn. 



113 



Mandingoes. A son considers it his first duty to look after 
and provide for his aged father's comfort ; and if he is \infor- 
tunate enough to have lost his own, he perhaps looks for 
some aged sire, who, being without children, requires the 
care and attention of youth. There is no nation with which 
I am acquainted, where age is treated with so much respect 
and deference." 

Writers on the history of mankind seem to be nearly 
agreed in considering the Bushmen of South Africa as 
the most degraded and miserable of all nations, and the 
lowest in the scale of humanity ; yet there are accurate 
observers, who cannot be suspected of undue preposses- 
sion towards opposite sentiments and representations, who 
have drawn a less unfavourable picture of the moral and 
intellectual character of the Bushmen. Burchell, who 
sought and obtained opportunities of conversing with them 
and observing their manner of existence, though he foimd 
them in the most destitute and miserable state, yet disco- 
vered among them traits of kind and social feelings, and all 
the essential attributes of humanity.* Among other inter- 
esting remarks of this intelligent traveller, tending to the 
same result, we find an observation, that the females among 
the Bushmen displayed as much the signs of modesty as 
Europeans. " The young women were as delicate in 
feelings of modesty, as if they had been educated in the 
most decorous manner." He adds, that they are pleasing 
by a sprightly and interesting expression of countenance, 
though far from beautiful, and although their features have 
the peculiar type of the Bushmen race. Mr. Thompson 
confirms this account, and even gives a still more favourable 
description of the females of the Bushmen, f 

Dr. Knox asserts, that the Negroes are capable of civili- 
zation, and mentions the Kaffirs as being a very superior 
race, " scorning to use poisoned weapons, or resort to sub- 
tlety ; being strong, valiant, and chivalrous." 

* Diet. GLaBs d' HiBt. Nat. Art. Homme. f Travels in Africa, I. 484. 




Q 









% €nMt fat t^ jJtgrn. 



Robin speaks of a Slave in Martinico, who, having gained 
money sufficient for his own ransom, purchased with it 
bis mother's fireedom. The most horrible outrage that can 
be committed against a Negro, is to curse his father or his 
mother, or to speak of either with contempt, 

Mungo Park obserres, that a Slave said to his master : 
" Strike me, but curse not my mother ;" and that a Ne- 
gress having lost her son, her only consolation was, that he 
had never told a lie. Casaux relates that a Negro, seeing a 
White Man abuse his father, said: " Carry away the child 
of this monster, that it may not learn to imitate his 
conduct." 

" Of all the races of men," says Dr. Channing, " the 
African is the mildest and most susceptible of attachment. 
He loves, where the European would hate. He watches 
the life of a master, whom the North American Indian, in 
like circumstances, would stab to the heart." 

" There is in the Negro race," says John Candler, *' a 
spirit of kindness not common to barbarous or half-civilized 
nations ; such is the testimony of Mungo Park and other 
African travellers. A few days before our arrival at the 
Cape, a ship from Bremen, with 170 German emigrants, 
bound for New Orleans, had been wrecked at Point Isa- 
bella, and driven on shore in a heavy gale of wind* No 
lives were lost ; much damage was sustained ; but the pas- 
sengers and crew were brought in safety to the Cape. The 
news of their arrival — strangers in a land speaking 'an un- 
known tongue, dejected, care-worn, much of their little 
property lost in the wreck, some of them sick, and nearly 
all without food — aroused the feelings of these good people, 
and awakened the liveliest sympathy. The authorities, all 
Black or Coloured men, ordered houses to be opened for 
their reception, into which beds and moveables were con- 
veyed; medical men proffered their assistance, and the 
inhabitants supplied them with food and clothing. We 
passed through some of the buildings where they were 





v£kJ4 





a €rilmb far tjn Jlrgrn. 



placed, and were cheered to witness the alacrity with which 
they were served." * 

Anthony Benezet, a highly philanthropic and benevolent 
individual, a member of the Society of Friends, established 
a school in Philadelphia for the instruction of Negroes, in 
which he himself taught gratuitously. No one had a better 
opportunity of ascertaining their capabilities than he had : 
and he says, " I can with truth and sincerity declare, that I 
have found amongst the Negroes as great variety of talents 
as Bmong a like number of Whites ; and 1 am bold to 
assert, that the notion entertained by some, that the Blacks 
are inferior in their capacities, is a vulgar prejudice founded 
on the pride or ignorance of their lordly masters, who have 
kept their Slaves at such a distance, as to be unable to form 
a right judgment of them." 

Surely testimonies so creditable to the character and ca- 
pabilities of the Negro race, proceeding spontaneously from 
men in all respects intelligent and trustworthy, are sufficient 
to refute those calumnies which describe them as insensible 
to the blessings of freedom, and as incapable of appreciating 
those blessings, and even designed for no other than a ser- 
vile and ignominious rank in the human family. Surely 
they are enough to convince us that they are able ^' to 
manage their own concerns ;" that they need not the im- 
pulse of the whip, having, in a state of freedom, no disin- 
clination to work, and that willingly, from the natural 
impulse only of their own reflections. 

Volumes might be filled with equally honourable testi- 
monies in favour of the calumniated Negro. Travellers 
who have visited the interior of Africa, where the effects 
of the Slave Trade are much less felt than upon the coasts, 
assure us that the natural dispositions of the Negro are 
mild, gentle, and amiable in an extraordinary degree ; and 
that far from wanting ingenuity, they have made no con- 
temptible progress in the more refined arts ; and have even 

* Brief Notioee of Hayti. 









a 4xMt fnr t^ Jlrgrn. 



united into political societies of great extent and compli- 
cated structure^ notwithstanding the grievous obstacles 
which are thrown in the way of their civilization^ by their 
remote situation, and their want of water carriage ; that 
their disposition to voluntary and continued exertions of 
body and mind, their capability for industry, the great pro- 
moter of all human improvement, is not inferior to the 
same principle in other tribes in similar situations : in a 
word, that they have the same propensity to improve 
their condition, their faculties, and their virtues, which 
forms so prominent a feature of the human character over 
all the rest of the world. 

The travels of Barrow, Le Vaillant, and Mungo Park, 
and the writings of Dr. Philip, Pringle, and Shaw, &c., 
abound with incidents, honourable to the moral character 
of the Africans, and prove that they betray no deficiency 
in the amiable qualities of the heart. One of these travel- 
lers gives us an interesting description of the Chief of a 
tribe : — ^' His coimtenance was strongly marked with the 
habit of reflection ; vigorous in his mental, and amiable in 
his personal qualities, Gaika was at once the friend and 
ruler of a happy people, who universally pronounced his 
name with transport, and blessed his abode as the seat of 
felicity.'* Many highly polished European kings would 
appear to little advantage by the side of this sable Chief. 

There is no just ground for supposing that N^^oes in 
general are inferior to any variety of the human race in 
natural goodness of heart ; but it is consonant with our 
experience of mankind, that this quality should be deadened, 
or completely extinguished, in the Slave ship or the plan- 
tation : indeed it is as little creditable to the head as to the 
heart of their White tormentors, to expect a display of 
amiable or moral qualities from the Negro, after his treat- 
ment in oppression and Slavery. 

" The Africans,*' writes the editor of the Westminster 
Review, '* are apt to imitate, quick to seize, ambitious to 



e -. - — --— fi. 










a €n\ivit fat tju Mt^a. 



achieve civilization. Whenever brought into contact with 
Europeans^ they copy their manners, imbibe their tastes, 
and endeavour to acquire their arts. The imitative dispo- 
sition and the imitative faculty, are both in them particu- 
larly strong. They are neither unwilling nor unable to 
learn the lessons and endure the toils and shackles of 
civilized existence. In those qualities of acquiring and 
progressing, which distinguish Man from the brute, they 
resemble Man. They have now been for three centuries 
ih contact with Europeans, exposed during that period to 
the most barbarous treatment and the most destroying and 
depressing influences ; yet not only has nothing occurred to 
indicate for them the fate of other unhappy races whom 
European cruelty or European superiority has trodden out, 
but they have actually advanced under circumstances the 
most hostile to advancement.** Even in their native Africa, 
where they have received gunpowder and rum from the 
very hands which ought to have imparted to them all the 
better influences of civilized life ; cheated by knavish 
agents, cajoled by European governments, and hunted with 
bloodhounds, — ^stiU, imder all these retrograding influences, 
they have afforded admirable proofs that they are as sus- 
ceptible of civilization as any other people on the face of 
the earth. 

It is indeed remarkable, that imder the peculiar disad- 
vantages to which the Negro race are subjected, so many 
of their good qualities should often remain to a considerable 
extent unimpaired. The African is, as we have said, naturaUy 
so affectionate, imitative, and docile, that under the least 
favourable circumstances, he often imbibes much that is 
good. The influence of a wise and kind master, (the effects 
of which have been already alluded to,) are visible in the 
veiy countenance and bearing of his Slaves, and notwith- 
standing all their degradation, sufficiently deep to erase 
from them nearly every trace of the divine image, there are 
occasionally to be foimd, even among Slaves, examples of 











a €iMt fss t^ jltgnr. 



superior intelligence and virtue^ strongly evincing the 
groundlessness of the opinion that they are incapable of 
filling a higher rank than that of Slavery, and demonstrating 
also, that human nature is too generous and hardy to be 
wholly destroyed in the most unpropitious state. We also 
frequently witness in this class ^^ a superior physical deve- 
lopment, a grace of form and motion, which almost extorts 
a feeling approaching respect.*' 

H. C. Howells, of Pittsburg, U. S., made the following 
statement in the Anti-Slavery Convention, in London, 
in 1843. " There are in Pittsburg 2500 people of Colour 
who stand as high in point of intellect, and of moral con- 
duct, as the same number of the White popidation. With 
all their disadvantages pressing them down to the dust, 
there is a buoyancy raising them above everything. There 
are among them whom I love as my dearest kindred, — ^men 
who are imbued with the spirit of the gospel in no ordinary 
degree, and whose fidelity would make them ornaments to 
any station of life." * 

Is it not evident then, to use the words of the excellent 
Dr. Channing, whom I have so often quoted, that ^^ we are 
holding in bondage one of the best races of the human 
family ?" *' The Negro," says he, " is among the mildest 
and gentlest of men. He is singularly susceptible of im- 
provement from abroad. His children, it is said, receive 
more rapidly than ours the elements of knowledge. How 
far he can originate improvements, time only can teach. 
His nature is affectionate, easily touched ; and hence he is 
more open to religious impressions than the White Man. 
The European races have manifested more courage, enter- 
prise, invention ; but in the dispositions which Christianity 
particularly honours, how inferior are they to the African. 
When I cast my eyes over our southern region, the land (|f]s^^ 
of bowie knives, lynch law, and duels,— of chivalry, honour, 
and revenge, — ^and when I consider that Christianity is 

* Report of Conyention. 




'v^Mib 




a €tMt firr i^ Mtffi. 



declared to be a spirit of charity, which seeketh not its 
own, is not easily provoked, thinketh no evil, and endureth 
all things, — can I hesitate in deciding to which of the races 
in that land, Christianity is most adapted, and in which its 
noblest disciples are most likely to be reared ? The Afri- 
can carries with him, much more than we, the germs of a 
meek, long-suffering virtue. A short residence among the 
Negroes in the West Indies impressed me with their capa- 
city of improvement. On all sides I heard of their religious 
tendencies, the noblest in human nature. 



It 








CHAPTEB XL 



The African race examined in an IntellectuaL point of yiew — ^Their origin 
and noble anoestry — Ethiopians and Egyptians considered — Some 
Negroes have arriyed at considerable intellectual attainments — Haye 
distinguished themselyes yariouslj — ^Exemplified in Amo — State of 
learning at Timbuctoo in the sixteenth oentnrj — ^Abdallah — ^Hannibal — 
Lidet — ^Fuller — Banneker — Derham — Gapitein — Ignatius Sancho— 
Qiistayus Vassa — Lott Carey — Phillis Wheatley— Pladdo — Jasmin 
Thoumazeau — ^Paul Ouffe — Toussaint L'Ouyerture, and many others — 
Further testimony of Blumenbach to their capacity for scientific culti- 
yation — Corroboratiye eyidenoe in the United States — ^West Indies — 
Liberia — Qnadenthal — Further demonstration of Negro capabilities in 
liying witnesses — Jan Tzatzoe — Pennington — Douglass — Bemond — 
Orummell — Dr. M'Cune Smith — Edward Frazer, Wesleyan Minister in 
Antigua— Bichard Hill, Esq. — Some of the highest offices of State in 
Braul filled by Blacks— Blacks and Mulattoes are distinguished officers 
in the Brazilian army — Coloured Boman Catholic Clergy — Lawyers — 
Physicians — Dr. Wright's testimony to the capabilities and intellect of 
the Negro. 

With regard to the intellectual capabilities of the African 
race, it may be observed, that Africa was once the nur- 
sery of science and literature, and it was from thence that 
they were disseminated among the Greeks and Romans. 
Solon, Plato, Pythagoras, and others of the master spirits of 
ancient Greece, performed pilgrimages into Africa in search 
of knowledge ; there they sat at the feet of ebon philoso- 
phers to drink in wisdom !* How many multitudes flocked 
from all parts of the world to listen to the instructions of 
the African Euclid, who, 300 years before Christ, was at 
the head of the most celebrated mathematical school in the 
world ? Africa had once her churches, her colleges, and 
repositories of learning and of science ; once, she was the 
emporium of commerce, and the seat of an empire which 
contended with Rome for the sovereignty of the world ; 

* It is said that the ancient Greelcs represented Minerra, their farourito 
Gk>dde68 of Wisdom, as an Afirican Princess. 













% €xihvk firr tjit JItgni. 



she has been termed the cradle of the ancient Church, and 
she was the asylum of the infant Saviour. Say not then, 
that Africa is without her heraldry of science and of fame ! 

Antiochus the Grreat welcomed to his court, with the 
most signal honours, the African Hannibal ; and the great 
conqueror of Hannibal made the African poet, Terence, 
one of his most intimate associates and confidants ! Being 
emancipated by his master, who took him to Rome and 
gave him a good education, the young African soon acquired 
reputation for the talent he displayed in his comedies. 
His dramatic works were much admired by the Romans for 
their prudential maxims and moral sentences, and compared 
with his contemporaries he was much in advance of them 
in point of style. 

Some of the most eminent Fathers and writers in the 
primitive Church, Origen, Tertullian, Augustine, Clemens 
Alexandrinus, and Cyril, were Africans. Can the enlight- 
ened Negrophobists of America tell us why these tawny 
Bishops of Africa, of Apostolic renown, were not colonized 
into a Negro pew, when attending the ecclesiastical councils 
of their day ? And how do they reconcile their actions with 
the example of the Evangelist Philip, who, in compliance 
with the intimation of the Spirit, went and joined the 
Ethiopian in his chariot, preached to him the gospel of 
Christ, and baptized him in his name ? 

Most eminent writers and historians concur in the opinion 
that the ancient Ethiopians were Negroes, though perhaps 
exhibiting the peculiar features of the race in a less aggra- 
vated degree than the dwellers on the coast of Guinea : to 
the Ethiopians we are justified in ascribing the highest at- 
tainments. They appear to have been the parents of 
Egyptian science and civilization, and attained, as existing 
monuments attest, a high eminence in many arts in the 
very earliest periods of history. 

Respecting the physical history of the ancient Egyptians, 
it has been a matter of discussion to what department of 




R 







<^&i 



% '€xMt ht t^ jlfgrn. 



mankind they belonged. The fact has been strongly main- 
tained by some that they were Negroes. If we form an 
opinion of them from the accounts left us by Herodotus 
and other writers, who say that they were " woolly-haired 
Blacks^ with projecting lips/* we cannot doubt that they 
were perfect Negroes. Volney assumes it as a settled point 
that this was really the case. But the authority of Hero- 
dotus is of most weight, as he travelled in Egypt, and was 
therefore well acquainted, from his own observation, with 
the appearance of the people ; and it is well known that 
he is generally very faithful in relating the facts, and 
describing the objects, which fell under his personal ob- 
servation. In his account of the people of Colchis, he 
says, that they were a colony of Egyptians, and supports 
his opinion by this argument, that they were *' black in 
complexion and woolly-haired.*' These are the exact 
words (translated) used in his description of undoubted 
Negroes. But neither the Copts, their descendants, 
nor the mummies, of which so many thousands are 
yet extant as unquestionable witnesses, allow the sup- 
position to be maintained that their general complexion 
was black.* 

That the ancient Ethiopians were black, I have stated, 
most eminent writers are agreed upon ; hence the Scripture 
query, ^^ Can the Ethiopian change his skin ?*' Now, it is 
a fact of history, that Egypt and Ethiopia were originally 
peopled, contemporaneously, by the brothers, Misraim and 
Cush, and were long confederated under one government, 
being a similar people in politics and literature, &c. As 

* Dr. Priohard, in his Histoiy of Man, has brought together, with great 
learning and industry, most of the ancient testimonies illustratiYO of the 
question. By the most extensive researches, he has endeavoured to prove 
an affinity between the ancient Egyptians and Indians ; and to show that 
both are marked by the characters of the Negro race. Those who de* 
sire to study this question in detail, will find ample materials in Dr. 
Prichard's work. Vol. II., p. 282, 289, 330; in '^Volneys Buins of Em- 
pires," App. 278 5 «* Burkhardt's Travels ;** " Denon Descrip. de TEgyptej" 





ir«) 





\ 








% ^rilmb fht \^ Jlrgrn. 



eyidence of this, down to the time of Herodotus^ eighteen 
out of three hundred Egyptian sovereigns were Ethiopians.* 

If it be not admitted that these nations were black, 
they were imdoubtedly of very dark complexion, having 
much of the Negro physiognomy, as depicted in Egyptian 
sculpture and painting, and from them the Negro population, 
indeed the whole race of Africa, have sprung. Say not 
then, I repeat it, that Africa is without her heraldry of 
science and of fame ! Its inhabitants are the ^^ off-shoots, — 
wild and untrained it is true, but still the off-shoots, — of 
a stem which was once proudly luxuriant in the fruits of 
learning and taste ; whilst that from which the Goths, their 
calumniators, have sprung, remained hard, and knotted, 
and barren."f 

However, putting this noble ancestry entirely out of 
view, which all Africans are, nevertheless, fiiUy entitled to 
claim as their own ; — instances are not unfrequent of un- 
doubted Negroes, who have distinguished themselves in an 
intellectual point of view ; and some who have been more 
fortunately flEtvoured with opportunities of education and 
improvement, have arrived at intellectual attainments of 
no mean order, lliey are not without their philosophers, 
linguists, poets, mathematicians, ministers of the 6ospel> 
merchants, lawyers, generals, and physicians, eminent in 
their several attainments, energetic in enterprise, and honour- 
able in character. That examples of distinguished intellect 
and ability are not more frequent among the Negro race, is 
doubtless owing, chiefly, to the want of opportunities of 
cultivation and means of improvement, added to the other 
disadvantages under which they have laboured through 
successive generations. Let us again revert to facts, for 
I desire not to make any assertion without having the sup- 
port of undubitable evidence. 

Among the Turks, Negroes have sometimes arrived at 
the most eminent offices. Different writers have given the 

• Herod, Lib. 11., cap. 100. t Bichard Watsoo. 









% €tMt fer tilt Mt^tfL 



same account of Kislar Aga, who^ in 1730^ was chief of 
the Black eunuchs of the Porte, and have described him 
as possessing great wisdom and profound knowledge.* 

In 1765, the English papers cited as a remarkable event, 
the ordination of a Negro, by Dr. Keppel, Bishop of 
Exeter.f Among the Spaniards and Portuguese, it is a com- 
mon occurrence. The history of Congo gives an account of 
a Black Bishop who studied at Rome.]: 

Correa de Serra, a learned secretary of the Academy of 
Portugal, informs us that several Negroes have been 
learned lawyers, preachers, and professors ; and that many 
of them in the Portuguese possessions, have been signalized 
by their talents. In 1717, the N^ro, Don Juan Latino, 
taught the Latin language at Seville. He lived to the age 
of 1174 

An African Prince, and many young Africans of quality 
sent into Portugal in the time of king Immamiel, were 
distinguished at the Universities, and some of them were 
promoted to the priesthood. || 

Near the close of the 17th century, Admiral Du Quesne, 
saw at the Cape Verd Islands, a catholic N^ro clergy, 
with the exception of the Bishop and Curate of St. Jago. ^ 

In 1734, Anthony William Amo, an Afirican from the 
coast of Guinea, took the degree of Doctor in Philosophy 
at the University of Wittemburg. Two of his disserta- 
tions, according to Blumenbach, exhibit much well digested 
knowledge of the best physiological works of the time. 
He was well versed in Astronomy, and spoke the Latin, 
Hebrew, Greek, French, Dutch, and German languages. 
In an account of his life, published by the academic 
council of the University, his integrity, talents, industry, 
and erudition are highly commended.** 

• Obeeirations but la religion, &c., des Tares ; p. 98. 
t Oontleman's Mag., 1766, p. 145. J Prevot, General Hirtory of 

Voyages, V. p. 63. § Gregoire. || Oedes's History of Portugal, 

I. p. 694. Paris, 1735. t Gregoire. •• Gregoirc. 






1 €iMt fat t|t JItgiB. 




According to the statements of Leo Afiicanus, who 
visited the dty of Timbuctoo, on the Niger, in the 16th 
century, the progress of learning must have been con- 
siderable in its locality at that period. " In this city/' 
observes Leo, ^Hhere are great numbers of judges, of 
teachers, of priests, and of very learned men, who are 
amply supported by the royal bounty. An infinite quantity 
of M.S. books are brought hither £rom Barbary ; and much 
more money is derived from the traffic in these than from 
all the other articles of merchandize.*' As if to prevent 
us from referring these things to the Moors, Leo mentions 
Abubakir, sumamed Bargama, the kings brother, with 
whom he was well acquainted, as *^ a man very black in 
complexion, but most fair in mind and disposition." * 

Abdallah, a native of GKiber, in West Africa, although 
having the true Negro features and colour, is described as 
having a very intelligent, prepossessing countenance. '' In 
his mental faculties," says Dr. Steetzen, ^^ he appeared to 
be by no means inferior to Europeans." f 

The capacity of the Negro for the mathematical and 
physical sciences, is proved by Hannibal, a Colonel in the 
Russian artillery, and Lislet of the Isle of France, who 
was named acorresponding member of the French academy of 
•Sciences, on account of his excellent Meteorological Obser- 
vations. Fuller, a Slave of Maryland, was an extraordinary 
example of quickness in mental calculation. Being asked in 
a company, for the purpose of trying his powers, how many 
seconds a person had lived who was seventy years and some 
months old, he gave the answer in a minute and a half. 
On reckoning it up after him in figures, a differenjt result 
was obtained; ^^have you not forgot the leap years?" 
asked the Negro. This ommission was supplied, and the 
number then agreed precisely with his answer. Fuller 
was a native of Africa, and could neither read nor write. 

* TrayelB of Leo AfincaAiui. 
t Aimab of Oriental Literature, p. 537. 







a €rilrab fiir tin Mt^u. 



This circumstance is related by Dr. Rush from his own 
knowledge, a most creditable authority, and is quoted by 
Dr. Lawrence, Grregoire, Rees, Chambers, &c. 

Another instance occurred in the United States during 
the last century* of a Coloured man showing a remarkable 
skill in Mathematical Science. His name was Richard 
Banneker, and he belonged also to Maryland. He was 
altogether self taught, and having directed his attention to 
the study of astronomy, his calculations were so thorough 
and exact, as to excite the approbation of Pitt, Fox, 
Wilberforce, and many other eminent persons. An 
almanac which he composed, was produced in the British 
House of Commons, as an argument in favour of the mental 
cultivation of the Coloured people, and of their liberation 
from their wretched thraldom.* 

Boerhaave and De Haen have given the strongest testi- 
mony that our Coloured fellow-men possess no mean insight 
into practical medicine ; and several have been known as 
very dexterous surgeons. A Negress at Yverdun is men- 
tioned by Blumenbach as being celebrated for real know- 
ledge, and a '^fine experienced hand."f 

James Derham, originally a Slave in Philadelphia, be- 
came one of the most distinguished physicians in New 
Orleans.;]; 

J. E. J. Capitein was brought from Africa when about 
seven years old, and purchased by a Slave-dealer. Of his 
early history but little is known, or by what means he 
became instructed in the elements of the Latin, Greek, 
Hebrew, and Chaldaic languages. He was a painter from 
taste. He published at the Hague, an elegy in Latin verse, 
on the death of his instructor. From the Hague he went to 
the University of Leyden ; on entering which, he published 
a Latin dissertation on the calling of the Gentiles. He 
also published several sermons and letters at Leyden, one 

• Gregoire. t Chtmbers' Tracts, y. xii. 
t Mott*8 Biogr. Sketches. 







a €nhvit fiit % Jltgrn^ 



of which, went through four editions very quickly. He 
took his degree at Leyden, and was ordained to the office 
of a Christian minister in Amsterdam. He went to Ehnina 
on the Gold Coast, where it is probable he was either mur- 
dered or sold into Slavery.* 

The son of the King of Nimbana came to England to 
study, acquired a proficiency in the sciences, and learnt He- 
brew, that he might read the Bible in the original. This 
young man, of whom great expectations were entertained, 
died soon after his return to Africa.f 

Stedman was acquainted with a Negro who knew the 
Koran by heart. 

Higiemondo was an able artist. If the painter's business 
is to impart life to nature, he was master of this, according 
to the testimony of Sandrart. He resided in India. In 
1788, he or Cugoano, a native African, were in the service 
of Cosway, first painter of the Prince of Wales. J 

Ignatius Sancho and Gustavus Vassa, the former bom in 
a Slave ship, on its passage to the West Indies, and the 
latter in Guinea, on the coast of Africa, distinguished 
themselves in England in modem times. Gustavus Vassa 
exhibited talents, without much literary cultivation, to 
which a good education would have been a great advan- 
tage. Fortune bringing Ignatius Sancho to England, the 
interest of the Duke of Montague became excited on his 
behalf, and he befriended him. Some letters of Sancho's 
were published in two volumes after his decease. These 
letters exhibit a considerable display of epistolary talent, 
of rapid and just conception, of wild patriotism, and of 
universal philanthropy ; and when it is borne in mind that 
they were written by an imtutored African, and never 
designed for publication, it must be admitted they evince 
the possession of abilities in the writer, equal to a European. 
Sancho supported a commerce with the Muses, amidst the 

* IJBwrenoe'B Lectures. t Gregoire. 

X Pennington's Text Book, p. 49. 







a €n\ivit fer t^ Mt^n. 



triyial and momentary interruptions of a shop ; he studied 
the Poets, and even imitated them with some success ; he 
constructed two pieces for the stage ; the ^' Theory of Music*' 
he discussed, published, and dedicated to the Princess 
Royal ; and painting was so much within the circle of his 
judgment, that Mortimer came often to consult him; 
Garrick and Sterne were well acquainted with him ; the 
latter corresponded with him.* 

In proof of the musical talents of the Negro, it may be 
mentioned that they have been known to earn so much in 
America, as to purchase their freedom with large sums* 
The younger Friedig, in Vienna, was an excellent per- 
former both on the violin and violincello ; he was also a 
capital draftsman, and made a very successful painting of 
himself.f 

Amongst others of the Negro race who have possessed 
no mean share of the intellectual qualities, I may mention 
Sadiki, a learned Slave in Jamaica, redeemed through the 
intercession of Dr. Madden, who speaks most highly 
also of his conduct, and of his great discernment and 
discretion.^ 

Job Ben SoUiman, Prince of Bunda on the Gambia, a 
learned Slave, translated M.S.S. for Sir Hans Sloane ; was 
introduced to Court by the Duke of Montague, and 
graciously received by the Royal Family and nobility, &c. § 

Lott Carey, was bom a Slave in Virginia, but by repeated 
presents for his integrity, and subscriptions amongst mer- 
chants, by whom he was highly esteemed, he purchased his 
freedom. His intellectual ability, his firmness of purpose, 
unbending integrity, correct judgment, and disinterested 
benevolence, placed him in a conspicuous situation, and 
gave him wide and commanding influence. || 

Phillis Wheatley, was stolen for a Slave when a little 

* Life of IgDAtiiiB Sancho. t Bees, Lawrence, &o. 
t Br. Maiden's West Lidies. § Mott's Biog. Sketches. 
II Mott and Chambers. 








51 (Krilffib k tjit jKtgriK 



girl from her parents in Africa. In sixteen months she 
acquired the English language so perfectly, that she could 
read any of the most difficiQt parts of Scripture, to the 
great astonishment of those who heard her ; and this she 
learned without any instruction, except what was given her 
in the family. She wrote poems between the age of 14 
and 19, which were published in this country. The talented 
editors of the Edinbro' Journal in quoting a portion from 
one of her poems " On the Providence of God," observe, 
" it shows a very considerable reach of thought, and no 
mean powers of expression.*' PhiUis visited England 
and was admired in the first circles of society. * 

Amongst learned Mulattoes, Castaing may be mentioned 
as exhibiting poetic genius. His compositions ornament 
various editions of poetry. Barbaud-Royer Boisrond, the 
author of the '' Precis des Gemissements des Sang-meles,*' 
announces himself as belonging to this class ; and Michael 
Mina (also called Miliscent) was a Mulatto of St. Domingo. 
Julien Raymond, likewise a Mulatto, associated himself 
with the class of moral and political sciences, for the sec- 
tion of legislation. Without being able to justify in every 
respect the conduct of Raymond, we may praise the energy 
with which he defended Men of Colour and Free Negroes. 
He published many works, the greater part of which relate 
to the history of St. Domingo, and may serve as an antidote 
to the impostures circulated by the colonists. The prin- 
cipal of these is entitled, *' Origine des troubles de St. 

Domingo."t 

Caesar, a Negro of North Carolina, was the author of 

several poems, which were published, and have become 

popular, like those of Bloomfield.;}: 

Durand and Demanet, who resided a long time in Guinea, 

found Negroes with a keen and penetrating mind, a sound 

judgment, taste, and delicacy. § 



* life of Fhillifl Wheatley. t C^regoiro, p. 167. J Idem, p. 168. 
§ Durand, p. 58. — ^Demanet, Hi«t. del 'Afrique, II., p. 3. 




S 






a ^ribttti for tljt j^tgrn. 



On diflferent parts of the coast of Africa there are Ne- 
groes who speak two or three languages^ and are interpre- 
ters. ♦ In general^ they have a very retentive memory. 
This lias been remarked by Vaillant, and other travellers.f 

Adanson^ astonished to hear the Negroes of Senegal 
mention a great number of stars, and converse pertinently 
concerning them, believes that if they had good instruments, 
they would become good astronomers. J 

Henry Diaz, who is extolled in all the histories of Brazil, 
was a Negro. Once a Slave, he became Colonel of a regi- 
ment of foot soldiers of his own colour, to whom Brandano 
bestows the praise of talents and sagacity. § 

Mentor, bom at Martinico, in 1771, was a Negro. In 
fighting against the English he was made prisoner. In sight 
of the coast of Ushant, he took possession of the vessel 
which was conducting him to England, and carried her into 
Brest. To a noble physiognomy he united an amenity of 
character, and a mind improved by culture. He occupied 
the legislative seat at the side of the estimable Tomany. 
Such was Mentor, whose latter conduct has perhaps 
sullied these brilliant qualities. He was killed at St. 
Domingo. || 

Cinque, the Chief of the Mendian Negroes, who planned 
and carried into effect their own rescue by overpowering 
the crew of the Slaver on which they were embarked, was 
a man of uncommon natural capacity, and his great mental 
superiority impressed all who came in contact with him. If 

Placido was a gifted but imfortunate Negro, of whose 
history more may perhaps be learnt hereafter. He was a 
poet of no mean order. 

A collection of poems, written by a Slave recently libe- 
rated in the Island of Cuba, was presented to Dr. Madden, 
in 1838, by a gentleman in Havannah. Some of these pieces 

• Clarltson, p. 125. f Prerot, IV. 198. 

t Toyage aa Senegal, p. 149. § Gregoire. || Idem, p. 102. 

f Sturge*8 Umted Stotea. 








m €xMt for i^t j&Bgrn. 



had fortunately found their way to that place, and attracted 
the attention of the literary people there^ while the poor 
author was in Slavery in Cuba. Dr. Madden made a 
translation of a few of them into English. *' I am sensi-* 
ble," says the Doctor, *^ I have not done justice to these 
poems, but I trust I have done enough to vindicate in 
some degree the character of Negro intellect, at least the 
attempt affords me an opportunity of recording my con- 
viction, that the blessings of education and good govern- 
ment are alone wanting to make the natives of Africa, 
intellectually and morally, equal to the people of any 
nation on the surface of the globe." The author of the 
poems is now living at Havannah, and gains his livelihood 
by hiring himself out as an occasional servant. His father 
and mother lived and died in Slavery in Cuba. He has 
written his history in Spanish, in a manner alike creditable 
to his talents and his integrity. This, with a few of his 
compositions translated, will be found amongst the pages 
of the present volume. As to the merit of the poems, they 
are highly spoken of by a very talented Spanish scholar, 
distinguished not only in Cuba, but in Spain, for his 
literary attainments. The Cuban poet was introduced to 
Dr. Madden by this gentleman in the following terms : — 
'' Mi querido Amigo esta carta se la entregara a v, el poeta 
J. F. M. de quien hable a v, y cuyos versos y exelente in- 
genio han llamada la atencion, aun en esta pais de todas 
las personas despreocupadas y buenas.'* 

Without attempting to enumerate all the Negroes who 
have written poems, it may be mentioned that Blumenbach 
possessed English, Dutch, and Latin poetry, by different 
Coloured persons. 

In Thomas Jenkins, the son of an African King, we have 
an extraordinary specimen of Negro intellect. Through 
accidental circumstances, he became placed in a situation 
more favoiurable to improvement than falls to the lot 
of many of his race. He acquainted himself tolerably well 







with Latin and Greek, and initiated himself in the study 
of mathematics, &c.* 

Francis Williams studied at Cambridge, and made con- 
siderable progress in mathematics, and other branches of 
science.f 

Jasmin Thoumazeau was originally a Slave of St. 
Domingo ; the Philadelphia Society, and the Agricultural 
Society of Paris, both decreed medals to him, j; 

Paul Cuffe presents us with an example of great energy 
of mind in the more common affairs of life. Bom under 
peculiar disadvantages, notwithstanding the pressure of 
many difficulties, he qualified himself for any station of 
life. A soimd understanding, imited with indomitable 
energy and perseverance, mingled with a fervent but im- 
affected piety and benevolence, were the prominent features 
of his character. Religion, influencing his mind by its 
secret guidance, and silent reflection, added, in advancing 
manhood, to the brightness of his character, and confirmed 
his disposition to practical good. His exertions to pro- 
mote the happiness of his fellow-men, and to relieve their 
sufferings, confer more honours upon him, than ever marble 
statue or monumental trophy could do.§ 

Who is there that is not acquainted with the history of 
the gallant, yet unfortunate Toussaint L'Ouverture, the 
Negro Chief of St. Domingo, so intimately connected with 
the history of Hayti, the remembrance of whose name will 
ever be cherished by the friends of suffering humanity f 
Among the individuals of the African race who have dis- 
tinguished themselves by intellectual achievement, he is pre- 
eminent : and while society at large is waiting for evidence 
of what the Negro race can do and become, it is rational 
to build high hopes upon such a character as that of the 
man, who, as a Dictator and a General, was the model upon 
which Napoleon formed himself ;|| who was as inclined to 

^ Chambers' Tracts. f Mott's Biogr. Sketcliea. % Idem. 

§ Memoir of Paul Cuffe. || See " Biographie Unirerselle," art. Toussaint* 




m 



'i~<? 








a (Eriknte fiir tin Mt^n. 



peace as he was renowned in war ; and who will ever be 
regarded in history ^ as one of the most remarkable men of an 
age teeming with social wonders. The author of " Brief 
Notices of Hayti," describes Toussaint L'Ouverture as 
" one of the ablest generals of his age." Here, then, we 
have a man, in all respects worthy of the name of man. 
Here is a man of a jet black complexion, who exhibited a 
genius which would have been considered eminent in civi- 
lized European society, and who, in true goodness and 
wisdom, affords an incontrovertible demonstration that there 
is no incompatibility between Negro organization and high 
intellectual power. He was altogether African, — a perfect 
Negro in his conformation, yet a fully endowed and well 
accomplished man. In no respect does his nature appear 
to have been unequal ; there was no feebleness in one di- 
rection, as a consequence of unusual vigour in another. He 
had strength of body, strength of understanding, strength 
of belief, and, consequently, of purpose ; strength of affec- 
tion, of imagination, and of will. He was, emphatically, a 
great man : and what one of his race has been, others may 
equally attain to. 

Blumenbach observes, " that entire and large provinces 
of Europe might be named, in which it would be difficult 
to meet with such good writers, poets, philosophers, and 
correspondents of the French Academy ; and that, more- 
over, there is no savage people, who have distinguished 
themselves by such examples of perfectibility and capacity 
for scientific cultivation ; and consequently, that none can 
approach more nearly to the polished nations of the globe 
than the Negro.* Both in their native country, and in 
places where they exist as Slaves, or as freed men, they 
exhibit intellectual and moral characteristics of considerable 
promise. They not only show a perfect capability of ac- 
quiring the more delicate manual arts, but in the United 
States of America, where many of them have existed for 

• P. 118. 







% €xMt fer tjiB Mt^n. 



some time as free citizens, in the midst of White people, 
they exhibit a high development of the intellectual cha- 
racter, several acting as ministers of religion, and doctors of 
medicine, 

I may also refer to what has been effected, within a few 
short years in the British West Indies, so recently num« 
bered among " the dark places of the eardi, full of the 
habitations of cruelty." The moral character of the Coloured 
people in those Islands, many of whom are intelligent, well 
educated, and possessed of property, has presented a visible 
and cheering improvement, in spite of the demoralizing 
effect naturally resulting from that most imchristian and 
impolitic prejudice indulged against them on accoimt of 
their colour, by the Whites generally, and their being 
considered as a degraded class* 

At this moment, too, in the little colony of Liberia, 
upon the western coast of Africa, formed by free Blacks 
from the United States, we have, if recent accounts can be 
relied upon, a community as purely moral and as remarkable 
for prudent and skilful management as any perhaps in the 
world. The history of the missions among the Hotten- 
tots speaks to the same purpose. Those sent from Holland, 
in 179S, who founded the establishment at Gnadenthal, 
were told that they never would be able even to fix the at- 
tention of this primitive people. On the contrary, their 
instructions in school, and their discourses on Christianity, 
were eagerly taken advantage of. Multitudes flocked 
from a distance to live at the settlement, for the benefit 
of the ministrations of the missionaries. It consequently 
became a populous and thriving town. The Dutch 
boors at first opposed the mission, thinking that the 
Hottentots might become reluctant to serve them ; but 
they soon came to see that the people who had become 
Christianized under the instruction of tiie missionaries, were 
far more useful and trustworthy servants than the sensual 
and degraded Pagans whom they had previously been 





::^e 







a €nMt fat tin jStgnr. 



obliged to employ. They were astonished to find the na- 
tivesy under this system^ become quite a different people. 
'' Perhaps nothing in this account is more remarkable than 
the facty that so strong a sensation was produced through- 
out the whole Hottentot nation, and even among the neigh- 
bouring tribes of diflferent people, by the improved and 
happy condition of the Christian Hottentots, as to excite 
a general desire for similar advantages. Whole families of 
Hottentots, and even of Bushmen [a degraded and impo- 
verished branch of the same people], set out for the borders 
of CafiQraria, and performed journeys of many weeks in 
order to settle in Gnadenthal. It is a singular fact in the 
history of barbarous races of men, that the savage Bush- 
men, of their own accord, solicited from the colonial 
government, when negotiations were opened with them with 
the view of putting an end to a long and bloody contest, 
that teachers might be sent amongst them, such as those 
at Gnadenthal." * 

The circiunstances already recorded afford abundant 
ground to hope that an improvement on a very exten- 
sive scale, might, with little difficulty be effected, both as 
regards the moral and intellectual condition of the Negro. 
Notwithstanding the baneful influences of Slavery, and its 
concomitant evil the Slave Trade, subjecting them to hard- 
ships the most cruel and degrading ; and notwithstanding 
the manifold disadvantages against which this unfortunate 
race have still to contend ; — thanks be to God, we have 
living tvitnesses not a few, who demonstrate in themselves 
that the question of Negro capability is no longer a 
theoretical one, but established by facts the most ime- 
quivocal. Come forth, then, ye living monuments, array 
yourselves before a guilty world, and demand, each one of 
you, " Am I not a man and a brother ?" 

I have inserted in the present volume, some brief sketches 
of persons of Colour, — Africans, or of African descent, 

* Prichard, T., 185. 









% €n\aAt for tiff jitgrn. 



now living, which fully justify these remarks. Such are 
Jan Tzatzoe, the Christian chief of the Amakosas tribe, in 
South Africa. This intelligent African, a]ong with Andries 
StofQes, a pious and enlightened Hottentot, came over to 
England some years ago with Dr. Philip, and moved in 
the first circles of society in Great Britain. They were 
examined before a committee of the House of Commons, 
and also addressed a large audience in Exeter Hall. 
Extracts from the report of the committee, &c., &c., will 
be found in the succeeding pages. The engraving placed 
opposite to the title page of the present volume represents 
these Africans giving evidence before the committee ; 
Dr. Philip is seated in the foreground, and James Read, 
sen. and jun.. Missionaries from South Africa, are standing, 
the latter acting as interpreter. 

Amongst other living witnesses, may be mentioned 
James W. C. Pennington, a minister of the Gospel in the 
United States, highly esteemed and respected by all who 
are acquainted with him, and who was bom a Slave. He 
visited Great Britain a few years ago, when his company 
was much sought after, and he moved in the best circles of 
society. In 1841, he published " A Text Book of the 
Origin and History, &c., &c., of the Coloured People," a 
duodecimo of nearly 100 pages, including a mass of facts 
and arguments on the subject. 

Frederick Douglass, a fugitive Slave, so well-known, 
is one of this class ; his eloquence and thrilling accents 
speak for themselves. " I am inclined," says Thomas 
Harvey, " to regard Douglass as raised up by Divine Pro- 
vidence to disprove the notion of the natiiral inferiority of 
the Coloured race. He was bom and trained in Slavery ; 
— made his escape in early manhood ; — supported himself 
two or three years by hard labour, and then suddenly ap- m^ 
peared on the stage of public af^rs, as an accomplished 
public speaker, displaying not merely native talent^ but 
such results of cultivation as could have been obtained only 








a Crilittte for tjji Mt^n. 



137 




under such circumstances by very uncommon genius, and a 
quickness of perception approaching to intuition. His re- 
finement of mind and maoners, the great sensitiveness of 
his feelings, and his general high toned character, together 
with his genius and force of mind, constitute him (when 
viewed in relation to his origin, and the influences amidst 
which he was bom and nurtured) a moral and intellectual 
phenomenon, well deserving the notice of the philosopher, 
as well as the philanthropist." 

C. A. Bissette, is an intelligent man of Colour ; his la- 
bours in the Anti-Slavery cause have been great ; and his 
zeal in that good cause tmtiring. 

Nor should I forget to mention Charles L. Remond, en- 
dowed as he assuredly is, with intellectual attainments of the 
highest order, and possessing powers of eloquence rarely 
surpassed : but, — 

" I would not praifle thee, Bemond — thou hast giftn 
Bestowed upon thee for a noble end ; 
And, for the use of whioh, account must be * 
Returned to Him who lent them. May thiB thought 
Preeenre thee in faifl fear ; and may the praise 
Be given only to His mighty name.'* 

Dr. Madden speaks highly of a Negro minister, at 
Kingston, Jamaica. He first went to hear him, he says, 
from motives of curiosity, not unmixed with feelings of 
contempt ; yet, he adds, there was an influence in the min- 
istry of this man, which induced the White Man, " who 
came to scoffi" " to remain to pray." * 

" There is a Coloured female," says Lewis Tappan, 
" living in New York, with whom I am well acquainted, 
who established the first Sunday school in it. She estab- 
lished that school, by her personal eflbrts, for the education 
of children, both White and Coloured; and it was the 
foundation of all the Sunday schools that exist in and adorn 
that city. She has also taken out of the almshouses forty 

* Dr. Madden*8 West Indies. 










% €xMt for tjiB jitgrn. 



childreOy and educated them at her own expense, a laige 
number of them being White children. This woman is 
now living, a highly respectable and worthy member of the 
Church of Christ, — ^an honour to hiunan nature, and to the 
city of New York, demonstrating the capacity of the 
Coloured people, and the moral excellency to which they 
may attain." '^ I must bear my testimony," adds Lewis 
Tappan, " in the most decided manner, not only to the 
excellency of the free people of Colour, whom I have had 
an opportimity of knowing in New York and the United 
States, but to their general good conduct, their religious 
character, and the equality of their capacity, in eveiy point 
of view, with that of other men." * 

Mr. Athill, a Coloured gentleman, is Postmaster General 
of Antigua, one of the first merchants in St. John's, and 
was a member of the Assembly until the close of 18S6, 
when, on account of his continued absence, he voluntarily 
resigned his seat. A high-bom White Man, the Attorney 
General, now occupies the same chair which this Coloured 
member vacated, f 

At the annual commencement of the Oberlin Institute, 
the graduating class was composed of sixteen young men 
and seven young ladies. Of the former, one was a Coloured 
man of fine talents, named Wm. H. Day, of Northampton, 
Mass. His oration is spoken of in the Cleveland Herald 
as of a high character, both in respect to thought, language, 
and manner. ^ 

In a speech made in the Anti-Slavery Convention in 
1843, Professor Walker, of the Oberlin Institute, related, 
that on one occasion, at the desire of the Dean and faculty, 
the students and people of the place, amounting to 1500, 
assembled in the chapel to engage in religious exercises, and 
to hear addresses frt>m Coloured students exclusively. *' The 
day," says Professor Walker, '^ passed ofi^ most admirably. 

• Speech in A. S. Conr. 1843. t Thome and Eimball't Wett Indiee. 

X Burrilt*! Chrutian Citiien. 







a €xMt for tin jlBgra. 



The speakers showed themselves to be men of talent — 
nature's orators, and I was astonished — confounded." * 

Henry H. Gamett, formerly a Slave, is said to be nearly 
equal in ability and eloquence to that extraordinary man 
Frederick Dougla8s.f Henry Bibb, once a Slave, is also 
a very intelligent and eloquent man. 

Dr. James M'Cune Smith, a Coloured gentleman in New 
York, being shut out of the American colleges by the pre- 
judice against his complexion, took his degree in medicine 
at the University of Glasgow, and obtained one of the first, 
if not the first prize, among 500 students. He is a man of 
superior education, of considerable eloquence, and is 
hghly esteemed and respected in New York. % 

Alexander Cnimmell, the minister of a Coloured Epis- 
copal church in New York, is a highly intellectual Negro. 
He visited London in 1848, and spoke at the annual meet- 
ing of the Anti-Slavery Society. He addressed a Coloured 
Convention at Troy, U.S., in 1847, at some length, in a 
speech, which, for beauty and chasteness of language, 
classic research, a^d its logical expression, commanded 
the close attrition of a refined and intelligent audience. 
Many legal gentlemen, and others from the highest society 
in Troy, were present, and must have received a favourable 
opinion of what can be attained by Coloured men, crushed 
to the earth even though they are, by the combined in- 
fluence of Church and State. 

Theodore S. Wright, isa Coloured Presbyterian minister in 
New York, — an amiable man, much and deservedly respected. 

Stephen Gloucester, who recently visited England, is 
also an esteemed minister in New York. 

Samuel R. Ward, of Cortland, State of New York, 
affords an example of high intellectual attainments in the 
despised race. He is the pastor of a White Congregational 
Church, and also edits a newspaper. 

* Bepoit oC CoATmtion. t Anti-Skvery BeporCer. 

{ L. T^psn in Anti-SlATaiy Conr. 1843, &o. 








% Crihtttt for tjjt Stgrn. 



Thomas Van Rensallaer^ editor of the Barn's Hom^ may 
likewise be adduced as evidence of considerable intellect 
existing in the Negro race ; as also M. R. Delany, joint 
editor of the North Star. 

In the Anti-Slavery Convention of 1843, Dr. Lushing- 
ton stated that Lord John Russell had appointed a Black 
Man to the office of Chief Judge at Sierra Leone. * 

The Wesleyan minister of Parham, in Antigua, (Edward 
Frazer, who has visited England,) is a man of Colour ; he 
was bom a Slave in Bermuda. His history is remarkable. 
He is not inferior either in education, qualifications, or 
usefulness, to any of his brethren in the ministry, f 

" I know a Coloured man," says Hiram Wilson, " in the 
State of New York, who has been employed by the Anti- 
Slavery Society as a public lecturer ; and from information 
I have received, it appears that he was one of the most 
popular lecturers they had in the field. He is jet black — 
of unmixed African blood. I mention this, because it is 
sometimes said, that, by virtue of a little European blood 
flowing in their veins, they are brighter, and more ta- 
lented. But this man is so distinguished, so renowned for 
his virtues, his intelligence, and his talents, that he has 
been installed as the pastor of a White congr^ation — a 
Presbyterian church in New York, for nearly three years."! 

George B. Vashon, a talented young Coloured gentleman 
was recently admitted, after due examination, as Attorney, 
Solicitor, and Counsellor of the Supreme Court of the 
State of New York. On his examination, he evinced a 
perfect knowledge of the rudiments of law, and a familiar 
acquaintance with Coke, Littleton, Blackstone, and Kent. 
This is not the first instance of Coloured persons being ad- 
mitted to legal practice in the United States, for in the 
Old Bay State, two Coloured lawyers have been pursuing 
the even tenor of their way as recipients of its honours and 

* Beport of Conyeniioii, 1848. f S<nrge and Harrey'i West Indies. 

t Speech in A. S. Conr. 1848. 



(Hi© 








a €tiiaAt fat % jKigrn. 



emoluments for the last two years. One of these, Robert 
Morris, jun., in addition to the excellence of his character, 
has acquired correct business habits. The other, Macon B. 
Allen, who successfully passed the ordeal of a rigid exami- 
nation, now holds the office of Justice of the Peace for 
Middlesex county, United States. 

James Forten was an opulent man of Colour, whose long 
career was marked by a display of capacity and energy 
of no common kind. The history of his life is interesting 
and instructive, affording a practical demonstration of the 
absurdity as well as injustice of that prejudice, which 
would stamp the mark of intellectual inferiority on his 
complexion and race. *• 

A speech of the Hon. H. Teage, of the Colony of 
Liberia, on the Coast of A&ica, who is either a Black or 
Coloured gentleman, is inserted in the present volume as 
an evidence of the capacity and attainments of his race, 
and of one whose education and life from early boyhood, 
are Liberian. 

Symphor L' Instant, an intelligent native of Hayti, who 
has resided some time in Paris, was present and spoke at 
the Anti-Slavery Convention in London, in 1840. 

William Lynch, Esq., one of the stipendiary Magistrates 
in Dominica, is a man of Colour. He is justly valued by 
those who have the pleasure of his friendship, both in Eng- 
land and the West Indies, for his intelligence and piety, f 

Richard Hill, Esq., Secretary to the Governor and sti- 
pendiary Magistrate of Jamaica, is a Coloured man of 
uncommon endowments of mind, and of noble personal 
bearing. He is probably the ablest person in Jamaica, and 
was the mainspring of the government during the best parts 
of the administrations of Lord Sligo and Sir Lionel Smith. | 

Two Coloured gentlemen are proprietors of one of the 
largest book stores in Jamaica ; and one of them is the 

• Bhurge's United States. t Sturge and Harvey's West Indies. 

X Thomas Harvey. 







a €xMt fer tjiB Mt^xa. 



editor of the Watchman. Other newspapers in the West 
Indies are edited by Coloured persons, and many amongst 
this class exhibit great intelligence and refinement. 

I could produce a continuous catalogue of names suffi- 
cient in themselves to fill a volume, equally conclusive of 
Negro ability and intelligence as the foregoing. A few 
more are mentioned in the concluding chapter of the pre- 
sent volume, entitled ^* Living Witnesses," which also 
contains additional information respecting some of those 
already enumerated. 

Although in Brazil there are more than two millions of 
Slaves, some of the highest offices of State are filled by 
Black men. There are also Blacks and Mulattoes amongst 
the most distinguished officers in the Brazilian army. 
Coloured lawyers and physicians are found in all parts of 
that country, and, moreover, himdreds of the Roman 
Catholic clergy are Black and Coloured men, who minister 
to congregations made up indiscriminately of Blacks and 
Whites. 

" One evening, during my stay at Philadelphia,'* says 
Joseph Sturge, ^' I took tea with twelve or fifteen Coloured 
gentlemen, at the house of a Coloured family. The refined 
manners and great intelligence of many of them, would 
have done credit to any society. The Whites have a 
monopoly of prejudice, but not a monopoly of intellect ; 
nor of education and accomplishments ; nor even of those 
more trivial, yet fascinating graces, which throw the charm 
of elegance and refinement over social life." * 

Dr. Wright, a clergyman of the Church of England, 
who has resided many years in Africa, made the following 
statements before the Anti-Slavery Convention in 1843, 
with which conclusive evidence I shall close the present 
chapter. " I went out to Africa," says Dr. Wright, " ori- 
ginally as a missionary, under the auspices of the Society 
for the Propagation of the GospeL One of the first objects 

* Stvrge'i United States. 







% ^ribitb for tiff j^tgrn. 



to whicli my attention was directed, was the education of 
the Negro. At that time he was oppressed, kept down, 
crushed, and cruelly treated ; above all, every obstacle was 
thrown in the way of his moral improvement. One of the 
principal things that struck me on visiting the native 
schools, or establishing them where they had. not before 
existed, was the equality in point of mind between the 
African and ourselves. I had the pleasure of witnessing 
while there, a great improvement in the condition of the 
Negro. I saw many of the restrictions under which they 
had been placed gradually removed. I saw the chains 
struck off from the liberated African, and I beheld that same 
individual rising in intellect and morals, and practising all 
the social virtues of the father, the husband, and the citizen, 
and that to such a degree, that he might be safely held up 
as an example in a civilized country. I saw a passion for 
literature gradually increasing. They subscribed for the 
journals, and were anxious for information upon general, 
political, and religious subjects. They founded churches, 
supported ministers, and were desirous of classical attain- 
ments. I am perfectly satisfied, from what I have both 
seen and heard, that the Black Man only wants the same 
opportunities which the White Man enjoys, in order to 
raise himself to the highest degree to which intellect can 
conduct him." * 




^ ProooedingB of the A. S. Oonr. 1843, p. 212. 







CHAPTER XII. 

The foregoing fiicta afford unquestionable evidence of the capabilities of the 
Negro — ^Their desire for improyement — Obstacles to this — ^Inyidious dis- 
tinctions — ^Effects of Slayery — The improvidence, indolence, &o., ascribed 
to the Negro, considered — Testimony of Dr. Lloyd — Similar charges 
brought against the ancient Britons — Russians a century ago — ^Admitting 
everything in fiivour of distinct races, all are capable of great improve- 
ment — This applies equally to the Negro race — The superiority of 
those &vourably circumstanced — Events in St. Domingo— Improvement 
in Negroes brought to Europe — GomparisonB — ^Effects of Ediioafcion, &o. 
— Fact related by Dr. Horn — ^White races liable to relapse into bar- 
barism — Instances of retrogression in Whites — The Greeks and Romans 
— Oase of Charlotte Stanly — Civilization a vague and indefinite term — 
— Remarkable instance of retrogression in America — ^Progression in the 
Negro defended on the same ground — ^Time required — Accelerated in 
proportion as impediments are removed. 

The facts recorded in the two preceding chapters^ afford 
unquestionable evidence, that the Negro race is possessed 
of capabilities of improvement equa] to those of any other 
people ; that they axe equally susceptible and desirous of 
rising in civilization, and also in the scale of intelligent 
existence. But, until those invidious and Anti-Christian 
distinctions of caste which now exist are removed, they 
cannot be otherwise than a degraded and inferior people. 
The want of principle, the absence of moral, and even of 
decent manners, and the practice of crime among the Ne- 
groes, have been the constant topics of complaint, especially 
amongst those connected with them as property. But the 
vices of the Slaves are the vices of their condition ; and 
they are not only generated, but perpetuated, by the very 
system which is pleaded as necessary for their cure. 

" That Slavery should be most unpropitious to the Slave 
as a moral being," observes Dr. Channing, " will be further 
apparent if we consider that his condition is throughout, a 
wrong, and that consequently, it must lead to unsettle all 
his notions of duty. The injury to the character from 



w 



'< "■ ^ 



I -^ . ■_ ^ 








&^ 



a ^rilmtt fiir tju 3!tgrn. 



lividg in an atmosphere of wrong we can all understand. 
To live in a state of society of which injustice is the chief 
and all-pervading element, is too severe a trial for human 
nature, especially when no means are used to counteract its 
influence. Coloured delinquency is mostly left to ripen 
into crime, with little interference from public or private 
philanthropy. As might have been expected. Coloured are 
moreniunerous than White criminals, in proportion to rela- 
tive population ; and this is appealed to as a proof of their 
naturally vicious and inferior character, when, in fact, 
society at large is chargeable with their degradation. 
The most common distinctions of morality are faintly 
apprehended by the Slave. Respect for property — that 
fundamental law of civil society — can hardly be instilled 
into him. His dishonesty is proverbial. Theft from his 
master passes with him for no crime. A system of force is 
generally found to drive to fraud. How necessarily will 
this be the result of a relation in which force is used to 
extort from a man his labour, his natural property, without 
any attempt to van his consent ! Can we wonder that the 
uneducated conscience of the man who is daily wronged 
should allow him in reprisals to the extent of his power ? 
Thus the primary social virtue, justice, is undermined in 
the Slave." 

'^ That the Slave should yield himself to intemperance, 
licentiousness, and in general, to sensual excess, we must 
also expect. Doomed to live for the physical indulgences 
of others, unused to any pleasures but those of sense, 
stripped of self-respect, and having nothing to gain in life, 
how can he be expected to govern himself? How naturally 
— I had almost said necessarily — does he become the crea- 
ture of sensation, of passion, of the present moment ! 
What aid does the future give him in withstanding desire ? 
The better condition, for which other men postpone the 
cravings of appetite, never opens before him. The sense 
of character, die power of opinion, another restraint on the 








a €xMt for tju jifgra. 



free, can do litde or nothing to rescue so abject a class from 
excess and debasement. In truth, power oyer himself is 
the last virtue we should expect in the Slaye, when we 
think of him as subjected to absolute power, and made to 
move passively from the impulse of a foreign wilL He is 
trained to cowardice, and cowardice links itself naturally 
with low vices. Idleness, to his apprehension, is paradise, 
for he works vtrithout hope of reward. Thus Slavery robs 
him of moral force, and prepares him to fall a prey to 
appetite and passion. 

" That the Slave finds in his condition little nutriment 
for the social virtues we shall easily understand, if we con- 
sider that his chief relations are to an absolute master, and 
to the companions of his degrading bondage ; that is, to a 
being who vnrongs him, and to associates whom he cannot 
honour, whom he sees debased. His dependence on his 
owner loosens his ties to all other beings. He has no 
country to love, no family to call his own, no objects of 
public utility to espouse, no impulse to generous exertion. 
The relations, dependencies, and responsibilities, by which 
Providence forms the soul to a deep, disinterested love, are 
almost struck out of his lot. An arbitrary rule, a foreign, 
irresistible will, taking him out of his own hands, and 
placing him beyond the natural influence of society, extin* 
guishes in a great degree the sense of what is due to him- 
self, and to the human family around him. 

" The effects of Slavery on the character are so various 
that this part of the discussion might be greatly extended ; 
but I will touch only on one other topic. Let us turn, for 
a moment, to the great motive by which the Slave is made 
to labour. Labour, in one form or another, is appointed 
by God for man's improvement and happiness, and absorbs 
the chief part of human life, so that the motive which ex- 
cites to it has immense influence on character. It deter- 
mines very much, whether life shall serve or fail of its end. 
The man who works from honourable motives, from 








3i ^idhvit fst % Jltgrn. 



147 



domestic affectioDSy from desire of acondition which will open 
to him greater happiness and usefulness, finds in labour an 
exercise and invigoration of yirtue. The day labourer, 
who earns with homy hand and the sweat of his face, 
coarse food for a wife and children whom he loves, is raised, 
by this generous motive, to true dignity; and, though 
wanting the refinements of life, is a nobler being than those 
who think themselves absolved by wealth from serving 
others. Now the Slave's labour brings no dignity, is an 
exercise of no virtue, but throughout, a degradation ; so 
that one of God's chief provisions for human improvement 
becomes a curse. The motive from which he acts debases 
him* It is the whip. It is corporal punishment* It is 
physical pain inflicted by a fellow-creature. Undoubtedly 
labour is mitigated to the Slave, as to all men, by habit. 
But this is not the motive. Take away the whip, and he 
would be idle. His labour brings no new comforts to wife 
or child. The motive which spurs him is one by which it is 
base to be swayed. Stripes are, indeed, resorted to by civil 
government, when no other consideration will deter from 
crime ; but he who is deterred from wrong-doing by the 
whipping-post is among the most fallen of his race. To 
work in sight of the whip, under menace of blows, is to be 
exposed to perpetual insult and degrading influences. 
Every motion of the limbs, which such a menace urges, is 
a wound to the soul. How hard must it be for a man, who 
lives under the lash, to respect himself ! When this mo- 
tive is substituted for all the nobler ones which God 
ordains, is it not almost necessarily death to the better and 
higher sentiments of our nature ? It is the part of a man 
to despise pain in comparison with disgrace, to meet it 
fearlessly in well-doing, to perform the work of life from 
other impulses. It is the part of a brute to be governed 
by the whip. Even the brute is seen to act from more 
generous incitements. The horse of a noble breed will not 
endure the lash. Shall we sink man below the horse ? " 








a €xMt fat tju Mt^n. 



It is often asserted that Negroes are by nature impro- 
vident and without ambition. To account for this, if it 
really be a fact that it is so, we are not to look to any 
physical peculiarity in their natural constitution, but to 
the circumstances under which they are usually placed. 
They are said to be a stupid, indolent, and filthy race, but 
this, as has already been stated, is not true. They may, 
under oppression, lose their stimulus to industry. When 
a people are oppressed and miserably poor, they are inva- 
riably a degraded people ; and indolence and filth are the 
inseparable attendants of dejection. Negroes, generally 
speaking, have no motives to industry ; the lawful fruits of 
their labour are not secured to them ; they are robbed, cheated, 
and oppressed in every possible way ; and the filthiness of 
their huts and persons, are no more than the natural con- 
sequences arising from the state of mental depression in 
which they are held. Cheerfulness and cleanliness are 
much more nearly allied than is generally imagined. 

Man is naturally indolent, and there are but two ways of 
overcoming his inherent aversion to labour, — fear, or hope ; 
the first arises from the apprehension of punishment, and is 
the motive of the Slave ; the second is the more powerful, 
being most agreeable to nature, and cannot exist, except the 
labourer has a fair compensation secured to him, as a remu- 
neration for his exertion. Give the Negro a motive, and 
he is active and industrious enough. Dr. Lloyd, who visited 
the West Indies about ten years ago, in company with 
some other philanthropists, observes, '^ We had some op- 
portunity of observing the Negro's character, and we saw 
nothing to warrant the assertion, that he is idle and lazy, 
and requires cruelty and compulsion to make him labour." * 
The same writer (or Dr. Madden) asserts, " The Negro is 
not the indolent, slothful being he is everywhere consi- 
dered ;" and adds, in another place, " I am well persuaded, 
in respect to industry, physical strength, and activity, — 

* Letters from the West Indies. 



^ 0.-^' * 







a €xMt for % ^tp* 



149 




the Egyptian fellah, the Maltese labourer, and the Italian 
peasant, are far inferior to the Negro.'* 

Although vices the most notorious that can disgrace 
human nature have been ascribed to the African race, similar 
charges have been made against the ancient Britons, and 
many other nations of the eiyiUsed world, and, perhaps 
with equal justice. For the sake of demonstration, we 
need only compare the general circumstances of any 
European nation whatever, and the individual character 
of its inhabitants both for talents and virtues, at two 
distant epochs of its history, and we must at once acknow* 
ledge how remarkable is the contrast in each particular 
point. Need we be reminded again of Cicero's remark, 
that the " ugliest and most stupid Slaves in Rome came 
from England ? " Here we have demonstrated in ourselves 
what stupid and degraded Slaves, such as Cicero writes of, 
are capable of advancing to. The same race, who, in the 
age of Tacitus, dwelt in solitary dens, amid morasses, have 
built St. Petersburgh and Moscow ; and the posterity of 
cannibals now feed on wheaten bread. Little more than 
a century ago, Russia was covered with hordes of barba- 
rians ; cheating, drinking, brutal lust, and the most ferocioiis 
excesses of rage, were as well known, and as little blamed, 
among the better classes of the nobles who frequented the 
Czar's court, as the more polished and mitigated forms of 
the same vices, are, at this day in St. Petersburgh ; literature 
had never once appeared among its inhabitants in a form to 
be recogilized ; and you might travel over tracts of several 
days' journey, without meeting a man, even among the 
higher classes, whose mind contained the materials of one 
moment's rational conversation. Although the various cir- 
cumstances of external improvement will certainly not 
disguise, even at this day, and among the individuals of the 
first classes, the '' vestigia ruris,'* still, no one can presume 
to dispute that the materials of which Russians are made 
hav^ been greatly and fundamentally ameliorated; that 









a €xMi fax tju jifgra. 



their capacities are rapidly unfolding, and their virtues 
improving, as their hahits have become changed, and their 
communication with the rest of mankind extended. A 
century ago, it would have been just as miraculous to read 
a tolerable Russian composition, as it would be, at this day, 
to find the same phenomenon at Houssa or Timbuctoo ; 
and speculators who argue about races, and despise the 
effect of circumstances, would have had the same right to 
decide upon the fate of all the Russians, from an inspec« 
tion of the Calmuc skulls, as they imagine they now have 
to condemn all Africa to everlasting barbarism, from the 
heads, the colour, and the wool of its inhabitants. 
. If it still be maintained that there will always be a 
sensible difference between the Negro and the European, 
what reason is there to suppose, that this disparity will be 
greater than the difference between the Sclavonian and 
Gothic nations ? Admitting every thing that can be urged 
in favour of the distinction of races, no one has yet denied, 
with any proof of the assertion, that all the families of 
mankind are capable of great improvement. And though, 
after all, some tribes might, as it is asserted, remain inferior 
to others, it would be ridiculous to deduce from thence 
either an argumentagainst the possibility of greatly civilizing, 
even the most untoward generation, or an inference against 
the importance, even of the least considerable advances 
which it may be capable of making towards perfection. 

We need only cast our eyes upon a few unquestionable 
facts, and compare the achievements of Negroes in several 
situations, to be convinced that the general proposition 
applies to them as well as the rest of mankind. The 
superiority of those in the interior of Africa to those on 
the Slave Coast, is a matter of fact. The enemies of the 
Slave Trade reasonably impute the degeneracy of the nuiri- 
time tribes to that baneful commerce. Its friends have on 
the other hand, deduced from thence an argument against 
the Negro character, which, they say, is not improved by 






e> 






a €jMt fst tjiB Mtin. 



intercourse with civilized nations. But the fact is 
admitted. To see it exemplified^ we have only to consult 
the travels of Mungo Park ; and the same observation has 
been made by Barrow, as applicable to the tribes south of 
the line, who increase in civilization as you leave the Slave 
Coast. Compare the accounts given by these travellers, as 
well as some of those previously cited, of the skill, the 
industry, the excellent moral qualities of the Africans in 
Houssa, Timbuctoo, &c., with the pictures that have been 
drawn of the same race, living in all the barbarity which 
the supply of our Slave ships requires, and we must be con- 
vinced that the Negro is as much improved by a change of 
circumstances as the White.* 

It has been remarked, that some of the most sandy and 
desert parts of Africa are covered with the greatest variety 
of flowers ; and as civilization advances, may not the 
blossoms of literature, of science, and of religion, yet be 
spread as profusely over the whole of that vast continent ? 

The state of Slavery, as has already been observed, is in 
none of its modifications favourable to improvement ; yet 
even in that condition the N^ro has sometimes made con- 
siderable advances in this respect. Compare the Creole 
Negro with the imported Slave, and you will find, that 
even amongst the most debasing, the most brutifying form 
of servitude, the pitiless drudgery of the field and whip, 
though it must necessarily eradicate most of the moral 
qualities of the African, has not prevented him from pro- 
fiting in his intellectual faculties by intercourse with more 
civilized men. f The events of the war in St. Domingo 
read us a lesson on this point; of Negroes organizing large 
armies; laying plans of campaigns and sieges, which, if not 
scientific, have at least been to a certain degree successful 

• Bdinbro' Beriew. 
t Facts are only recorded here, as saoh, without commending the practice 
of war, which I believe to be utterly repugnant to the spirit and precepts 
of our benign religion, inculcating *' lore and good-will to men." 









a €nMt fax tju jltgnr. 



against the finest European troops ; arranging forms of 
govermnent^ and even proceeding some length in executing 
the most difficult of human enterprises ; entering into com- 
mercial relations with foreigners, and conceiving the idea 
of contracting alliances ; acquiring something Hke a mari- 
time force; and, at any rate, navigating vessels in the 
tropical seas, with as much skill and foresight as that com^ 
plicated operation requires* 

This is certainly a spectacle which ought to teach us the 
effects of circumstances in developii^ the human faculties, 
and to prescrihe bounds to that presumptuous arrogance, 
which would confine to one race the characteristic privilege 
of the species, and exclude the other as irremediably biur- 
barous. We have torn these men from their country, under 
the vain and wicked pretence that their nature is radically 
inferior to our own. We have treated th^n so as to stunt the 
natural growth of their virtues and their reason. Yet their 
ingenuity has flourished apace, even under all disadvantages, 
and the Negro species is already much improved. All the 
arguments in the brains of a thousand metaphysicians will 
never explain away these facts. We may be told that brute 
force and adaptation to a West Indian climate are the 
only faculties which the Negroes possess, but something 
more than this must concur to form and subsist armies, and 
to distribute civil powers in a state. The Negroes, who, in 
Africa it is said cannot cotmt ten, and bequeath the same 
portion of arithmetic to their children, must have improved, 
both individually, and as a species, before they could use the 
mariner^s compass, and rig square-sailed vessels, and culti- 
vate whole districts of cotton for their own profit in the 
Caribbee Islands. 

The very ordinary circumstance of the improvement 
visible in the Negroes brought over to Europe as domestics, 
and their striking superiority to the generality of their 
countrymen, either in Africa or the New World, may per- 
haps illustrate the doctrine now maintained, even to those 



<prv 



o 








ia €xMi for % ^fgrn. 



whom the more general views of the case have failed in 
convincing. It is certainly not assuming too much^ to 
suppose that there is a wider difference between one of 
those Black servants and a native of the Slave Coast^ than 
between a London waterman and a subject of the Irish 
kings who flourished a few centuries ago. Nor is there 
any doubt that the fidelity, courage, and other good quali- 
ties generally remarkable in "Free Negroes, distinguish 
them as much from Slaves, of whose cowardice and trea- 
chery such pictures have been drawn, as the various feats 
of valour recorded in the history of the Welsh, place 
them above those wretched Britons who resisted their 
Saxon oppressors only with groans.* 

There are still regions in Europe, to which, if some of 
our philosophers were to furnish maps depicting the illu- 
mination of the human mind in different countries, they 
would have to give a colouring of dark grey. Man may be 
said to be, in a great measure, his own creator. We are all 
bom savages, whether we are brought into the world in the 
populous city or the lonely desert. It is the discipline of 
education, and the circumstances under which we are placed, 
which create the difference between the rude barbarian 
and the polished citizen — the listless savage and the man 
of commercial enterprize — the man of the woods and the 
literary recluse. The mind of man, like a garden, requires 
culture; like the rough-hewn stone from the quarry, so 
it remains until the hand of the sculptor has formed it into 
its proper mould, or the polisher has exerted his magic in- 
fluence in bringing to light all its latent beauties and in- 
trinsic excellencies, which before lay concealed and lost in 
its rough mass ! 

Dr. Horn, in his travels through Germany, mentions 
seeing at Salzburg but a few years ago, a girl twenty-two 
years of age^by^no means ugly, who had been brought up in 
a hog-sty among the hogs, and who had sat there for many 

* WeBtminster Beriew. 








a €xMi for tjif JIfgra, 



years with her legs crossed. One of these had become 
quite crooked ; she grunted like a hog ; and her gestures 
were brutishly unseemly in a human dress. Many in- 
stances might be adduced of individuals of the White 
races existing in a state of wildness and barbarism^ where 
the advantages of education and civilization have been 
withheld. Such are Kaspar Hauser ; Peter the Wild Boy;* 
the girl described by Condamine ;f a man found in the 
Pyrennees ; J and the young savage of Aveyron, met with 
near that place^ and brought to Paris soon after the Revo- 
lution, &c. § 

There can be no doubt, that if the discipline of education 
and the influences of civilized society were withdrawn, the 
White races would be liable to relapse into a state of bar- 
barism equal to that which is in any case instanced amongst 
nations of a more sable skin. We have examples of degen- 
eration from physical and moral causes in the Greeks and 
Romans, and in the modem inhabitants of the Caucasus. 

A singular instance of the propensity to relapse into a 
wild and uncivilized state is presented in the history of 
Charlotte Stanley, the gipsy girl, which is, I believe, a 
well-attested circumstance. A lady of rank and fortune, 
who had no children, took so great a liking to a beautiful 
gipsy girl, that she took her home, had her educated, and 
at length adopted h^ as her daughter. She was named 
Charlotte Stanley, received the education of a young Eng- 
lish lady of rank, and grew up to be a beautiful, well-in- 
formed, and accompUshed girl. In the course of time a 
young man of good family became attached to her, and 
wished to marry her. The nearer, however, this plan ap- 
proached the period of its execution, the more melancholy 
became the young bride ; and one day, to the terror of 

* Ddseribed by Blumenbaeh in his Beytrftge Kur Katurgescliicte. 

t Histoire d' une jeune Filie SauTage, Paris, 1761. 

X Leroj Exploitation de la Nature dans les Fyiennees, p. 8. 

§ Historical Aooount of ihe young Sarage of Aveyron. 



:^ 









a Crilrate fat % Mt^n. 




her foster-mother and her betrothed husband, she was 
found to have disappeared. It was known there had been 
gipsies in the neighbourhood ; a search was set on foot, 
and Charlotte Stanley was discovered in the arms of a 
gipsy, the chief of the band. She declared she was his 
wife, that no one had a right to take her away from him, 
and the benefactress and the bridegroom returned incon- 
solable. Charlotte afterwards came to visit them, and related 
that as she grew up, she had felt more and more her con- 
finement within the walls of the castle, and an irresistible 
longing had at length seized her to return to her wild 
gipsy life ; nor could she, although suffering many cruelties 
from her gipsy husband, ever be induced to abandon the 
roving life to which she had returned* The portrait of 
Charlotte Stanley was preserved by the friend of her youth. 
Her story is a kind of inversion to that of Preciosa, and 
might make an interesting romance. * 

" They wiled me from mj green-wood home, 

They won me from the tent, 
And Blightingly they spake of soenes. 
Where my young days were spent. 

They dasiled me with halls of hght, 

But tears would sometimes starts 
They thought 'twas but to charm the eye 

And they might win the heart. 

They gaye me gems to bind my hairi 

I long*d the while for flowers 
Fresh gathered by my gipay freres,. 

From Nature's wildest bowers. 

They gaye me books, — I lor'd alona 

To read the starry skies ; 
They taught me songs, — the songs I loy'd 

Were Nature's melodies. 

I nerer heard a captiye bird, 

But, panting to be free, 
I long'd to burst the prison door. 

And share his liberty. 

* Kohl's England. 







<a €xMt fst tJFB ^ip. 




*Twa8 kindly meant, and kindly hearts 

Were theirfl who bade me roam, 
From Nature and her forests firee. 

To share her city's home. 

The woods are green, the hedges white. 

With leaves and blossoms fair. 
There's music in the forest now, 

And I too must be there. 

do not ehide the gipsy girl, 
O call me not unkind ; 

1 ne'er shall meet so dear a friend. 
As her I leaye behind. 

Yet I must to the green-wood go, 

My heart has long been there, 
And nothing but the green-wood now. 

Can save me from despair." 

The meaning attached by many to the term civilization 
is extremely vague and indefinite^ and it is certainly an 
intangible thing, which vanishes when individuals become 
isolated in a new region, where it does not exist. The 
UabiUty to retrogression into a state of baxbarism, in indi- 
viduals of the White races, when placed away from all the 
advantages and restraints of civilized life, is strikingly ex- 
emplified in a remarkable occurrence, related in a letter 
published in the " North American,** in 1839. 

At Wilkesbarre, in Pennsylvania, lived a family named 
Slocum. During a time of warfare, in 1778, one day the 
house was surrounded by Indians. There were in it a mo- 
ther, a daughter about nine years of age, a son aged 
thirteen, another daughter aged five, and a litde boy aged 
two and a half. The eldest sister took up the little boy 
and ran out of the back door. The Indians then took 
young Slocum, aged thirteen, and little Frances, aged five, 
and prepared to depart. But finding young Slocum lame, 
at the earnest entreaties of the mother, they set him down 
and left him, but kept the little girl. The mother's heart 
swelled unutterably, and for years she could not describe 
the scene without tears. She saw an Indian throw her 




«.. , 







ia €n\iiAt ht tju Mtin. 



child over his shoulder, and immediately turn into the 
bushes. What were the conversations, the conjectures, the 
hopes, and the fears respecting the fate of the child, I will 
not attempt to describe, but this was the last she saw of 
her little Frances. 

As the boys grew up and became men, they were very 
anxious to know the fate of their fair-haired sister. They 
wrote letters, they sent inquiries, they made journeys, 
through all the West and into the Canadas. Four of these 
journeys were made in vain. A silence, deep as the forest 
through which they wandered, hung over her fate during 
sixty years. 

The reader will now pass over fifty-eight years, and sup- 
pose himself far in the wilderness of Indiana. A very 
respectable agent of the United States, the Hon. George 
W. Ewing, travelled there, and weary and belated, with a 
tired horse, stopped in an Indian wigwam for the night. He 
could speak the Indian language. The family were rich for 
Indians, and had horses and skins in abundance. In the 
course of the evening, he noticed that the hair of the woman 
was light, and that her skin under her dress was white. This 
led to conversation. She told him she was a White child, 
but had been carried away when a veiy little girl. She 
could only remember that her name was Slocum, that she 
lived in a small house on the banks of the Susquehanna, 
and how many there were in her father's family, and the 
order of their ages ! But the name of the town she could 
not remember. On reaching his home, the agent wrote out 
an account of what had been elicited, which he got printed. 
In a while, it fell into the hands of Mr. Slocum of Wilkes- 
baxre, who was the little boy aged two years and a half 
when Frances was taken. In a few days he was off to seek 
his sister, taking with him his older sister, (the one who 
aided him to escape,) writing to a brother in Ohio, (born 
after the captivity,) to meet him to go with him. 

The two brothers and sister now travelled on their way 









% €n\ask for tjiB Mt^xa. 



to seek little Frances, just sixty years after her captivity. 
They reached the country of the Miami Indians and found 
the wigwam. ^^ I shall know my sister/' said the civilized 
sister, ^^ because she lost the nail of her first finger. You, 
brother, hammered it off in the blacksmiths* shop, when she 
was four years old." They went into the cabin, and found 
an Indian woman having the appearance of seventy-five, 
painted and jewelled off, and dressed like the Indians in 
all respects. Nothing but her hair and covered skin 
indicated her origin. They got an interpreter, and began 
to converse. She told them where she was bom, her 
name, &c., with the order of her father's family. " How 
came your nail gone ?" said the oldest sister. " My brother 
pounded it off when I was a little child in the shop !" 
In a word, they were satisfied that this was Frances, their 
long lost sister. They asked her what her Christian name 
was. She could not remember. Was it Frances? she 
smiled, and said '* Yes.^* It was the first time she had 
heard it pronounced for sixty years! Here, then, they 
were met — two brothers and two sisters ! They were all 
satisfied that they were brothers and sisters. But what a 
contrast ! The brothers were v^ralking the cabin, unable to 
speak ; the oldest sister was weeping, but the poor Indian 
sister sat motionless and passionless, as indifferent as a 
spectator. There was no throbbing, no fine chords in her 
bosom to be touched. 

When Mr. Slocum was relating this history, he was asked, 
** But could she not speak English ?" ** Not a word. 
" Did she know her age ?" " No — ^had no idea of it 
" But was she entirely ignorant ?" " Sir, she dicTnt know 
when Sunday comes r This was indeed the consummation 
of all ignorance in a descendant of the Puritans ! 

But what a picture for a painter would the inside of that 
cabin have afforded ? Here, were the children of civiliza* 
tion, respectable, temperate, intelligent, and wealthy, able 
to overcome mountains to recover their sister. There, was 



«• 



t» 






& 




a (Krikttfe fiir i^ JSjgtD- 



the cliild of the forest^ not able to tell the day of the week^ 
whose views and feelings were all confined to that cabin. 
Her whole history might be told in a word. She lived 
with the Delawares who carried her off till grown up, and 
then- married a Delaware. He either died or ran away, 
and she then married a Miami Indian, a chief, I believe. 
She had two daughters, both of whom were married, and who 
lived in ail the glory of an Indian cabin, deerskin clothes, 
and cowskin head dresses. No one of the family could speak 
a word of English. They had horses in abundance, and 
when the Indian sister wanted to accompany her new rela- 
tives, she whipped out, bridled her horse, and then, a la 
TurCy mounted astride, and was off. At night she could 
throw a blanket around her, down upon the floor, and at 
once be asleep. 

The brothers and sister tried to persuade their lost sister 
to return with them, and, if she desired it, bring her 
children. They would transplant her again to the banks of 
the Susquehanna, and of their wealth make her home 
happy. But no : she had always lived with the Indians ; 
they had always been kind to her, and she had promised 
her late husband on his death-bed, that she would never 
leave the Indians. And there they left her and hers, wild 
and darkened heathen, though sprung from a pious race. * 

The strong disinclination and determination against 
returning to civilized life, are strikingly evinced in the 
case of this offspring of the Saxon race, captured in infancy. 
But no one will urge that such a circumstance proves that 
race less capable of civilization than another. No more so 
in the case of the Negro, who having known something of 
civUized life, may, like the gipsy girl, feel an irresistible 
longing to return again to a roving state of existence. Yet 
owing to a single circumstance of this kind on record, the 
South Africans have been represented by some travellers 
as incapable of being civilized. The case I allude to is 

* Hist. Collect, of the State of FennBylYania. 









a €rilHtte fiir % Mt^n^ 



that of Pegu, a Hottentot youth, whom Governor Van Der 
Stell educated. He learnt the Dutch, Portuguese, and 
other languages, which he could speak with fluency. In 
1685, he went to India with Commissioner Van Rheede, 
and continued with him till his death. He then returned 
to the Cape, but would no longer remain in civilized life; 
he went to his tribe, and returned no more, becoming a 
Chief amongst them. 

" * Ah ! why,' he cried, ' did I forsake 
My natire fields for pent-up halls, 
The roaring stream, the wild-bird's lake. 
For silent books and prison walls ? 

A little will mj wants supply, 

And what oan wealth itself do more ? 
The sylran wilds will not deny 

The humble tare they gave before. 

Where Nature's wild resources grow. 

And out-door pleasure never &des. 
My heart is fixed ; — and I will go 

And die among my native shades.' 

He spoke — and to the eastern springs 

(His gown forthwith to pieces rent. 
His blanket tied with leathern strings,) 

This hunter of the mountains went." 

It is worthy of remark, as the historian relates, that it is 
to be feared the young African was disgusted with many of 
the professing Christians with whom he came in contact ; 
" and not being aware that some ' have a name to live who 
are dead,' he forsook them altogether, and imited again 
with his own people." 

On the same grounds, under propitious circumstances, 
the progress of man in civilization and refinement, is equal 
in ratio to that in which he is liable to relapse, when more 
unfavourably circumstanced ; and we may rest assured there 
is nothing in the physical or moral constitution of the Negro, 
which renders him an exception to the general character of 
species, or which prevents him from improving in all the 



<t^vC^^ 



N 




1 1 '- 



-^ 






H Crihtttt for tju JIfgrn. 



estimable qualities of our nature, when placed in a situa- 
tion conducive to his advancement* 

It would be absurd to expect that a statue or a painting 
should become perfect at once, or to find fault with the 
work of an artist before he has had time to complete it. The 
husbandman does not expect a crop immediately after he 
has sown his seed ; he must wait for it. The father does not 
expect that his son will be a scholar when he first goes to 
school ; nor does he, when he has finished the term of his 
education, allege that he has acquired nothing, because he 
has not attained the greatest heights in literature, or because 
he may not be able to solve the most difficult problems in 
science. Time has been required to make the White races 
what they now are, and the general improvement of the Afri- 
can will likewise probably be a work of some time ; yet we 
have every reason to believe, that by cultivation, he may attain 
to an equal point of civilization and intelligence with that 
of any other people. Nay, under all .possible disadvantages, 
we find evident proofs of the progress he is capable of 
making, whether insulated by the deserts of Africa from com- 
munication with other nations, or surrounded by the Slave 
fSsictories of Europeans, or groaning under the cruelties of 
the driver's whip. This progress would be accelerated, in 
proportion as these grand impediments are removed. While, 
on the one hand, Africa is civilized by the establishment of 
a legitimate commerce between its fertile and populous 
regions and the more polished nations of the world, those 
Negroes who are already freed from their grievous thral- 
dom in the New World, would rapidly improve in all the 
best faculties of the mind. 







CHAPTEB XIII. 

Blavery defended on the plea of coercion being neoeesary for the Negro — 
Befdtation of this charge — Palliated by repreeenting him as deficient in 
the finer feelings — ^This also refnted — ^Testimony of Capt. Bainsford — 
Bemarks of Dr. Philip — ^All arguments fSailing, the supporters of Slayeiy 
assert the Negro to be under a Divine anathema — Observations of 
Biohard Watson on this subject — Befiited on Christian grounds — ^AU 
tribes stretching out their hands unto Gk>d — He is sending his messen- 
gers into the African field — The results of missionary labours very satis- 
fiEUJtory and conclusive — ^Encouraging fsMsts evincing the progress of the 
Negro in virtue and religion— Instances illustrative of the highest reli- 
gious susceptibilities — Ghistavus Yassa — Solomon Bayley — ^BeUndaLucaa 
— ^Lucy Cardwell — Simeon Wilhelm — Paul Cuffe — Cornelius — J. W. 0. 
Pennington — Jan Tzatzoe — ^Andries Stoffles, &c., &c. — ^Testimony of 
Barnabas Shaw, a Wesleyan Missionary in South AMca — Such evidences 
very conclusive — Beautiful remarks by Bichard Watson. 

Among the numerous reasons assigned for the rigorous 
treatment to which the Negro race is subjected, it is 
asserted, as observed in a previous chapter, that nothing 
but a state of extreme coercion is sufficient to keep them 
in any kind of order or control. That they should quietly 
submit to the insults and cruelties which are so coolly dealt 
out to them, would be contrary to human nature. When 
human beings are forcibly torn from their homes, and sepa- 
rated from all that is near and dear to them, and deprived 
of every liberty they enjoy, can we be surprised if they 
should evince some indignance, or manifest some signs of 
unwillingness to submit to the cruel yoke imposed upon 
them, and an occasional inclination to revolt ? Negroes 
have sometimes exhibited a spirit of despondency, which 
has led them to commit suicide; they have sometimes 
shown themselves irreconcileable to a state of Slavery, and 
have frequently been driven to self-destruction by a spirit 
of unyielding independence. In one of the small Danish 
islands, where they were in open rebellion, finding 





a ^^rihnb for % Mi^m. 



163 




themselves closely pressed, but determined not to submit, 
they rushed in a body to the edge of a cliff overhanging the 
sea, and plunged at once into the waves, * 

But so £eu: from the general character of the Negro being 
so savage and imtractable as to require strong coercion, 
their patience and submissiveness, unless provoked by acts 
of wanton cruelty, has been illustrated in their general con- 
duct in the degraded capacity to which they have been 
doomed. With spirits more resentful, the Negro tribes 
would not have been for ages an easy prey to every plunderer 
and hunter of men. " Their shores would have bristled 
with spears, and their arrows have darkened the heavens ; 
nor would the experiment of man-stealing have been twice 
repeated. The same character distinguishes the Negroes 
in their state of bondage. It has not required a violent hand 
to keep them down ; their story is not that of surly sub- 
mission, interrupted by frequent and convulsive efforts to 
break their chains ; and the history of Slavery nowhere, 
and in no age, presents an example of so much resignation 
and quietness, under similar circumstances, where the 
bondage has been so absolute, and the proportion of the 
dominant part of society so small." 

Another plea which has been urged as a palliation of the 
sin of Slavery, is the alleged fact of the deficiency in the 
victims of oppression of the finer feelings of our nature, 
their want of affection for their ofl&pring and kindred ties. 
But this is as false in fact, as it is opposed to sound prin- 
ciples of philosophy. Captain Rainsford observes, ^^ The 
most animated and attractive examples of pure and ardent 
love to the husbands of their hearts, and the fathers of 
their offspring, are as strikingly exhibited under the roofs 
of various Negro huts, as are anywhere displayed in the 
families of the White races. In the laudable duties of 
married life, and the maternal offices to the precious pledges 
of connubial intercourse, the transported and enslaved 

* Jamaica : EnBlaved and Free. 








164 



% €nMt fin: tjit JIfgrn. 



matrons of Africa, are not to be surpassed by the enlightened 
and free females of the freest land.'* 

The passions and instincts necessary for the preserva- 
tion of the human species are little dependent upon the 
reasonings and refinements of men, and are often more 
strongly evinced in the lowest than in the highest grades of 
society. Can we suppose, for a moment, that the Author 
of our nature, who has imparted to the most timid brutes, 
an attachment to their young, which makes them boldly 
risk their lives in their defence, should leave any portion 
of our race, in their more hopeless condition, without a 
provision for them affording an equal security ? It is, on 
the contrary, natural to suppose that the oppressions of the 
parents should rather increase than lessen their attachment 
to their children ; and, in point of fact, Negroes in 
general are remarkable for an excess of affection for their 
of&pring. " The separations of parents and children," 
says Dr. Philip, '^ have, indeed, furnished the most heart* 
rending scenes that I have witnessed in South Africa ; and 
in a letter now before me, from a respectable individual in 
the colony, on this very subject, the writer states, ' heart- 
rending, indeed, are the woeful lamentations I often hear 
from Hottentot mothers about the loss of their children.* ** 

Let it not be said that the sable African has not the 
sensibilities of other men. Even the brute has the yearn- 
ings of parental love. If, then, the conjugal and parental 
ties of the Slave may be severed without a pang, what a 
curse must Slavery be, if it can thus blight the heart with 
worse than brutal insensibility, if it can sink the human 
mother below the polar she-bear, which *^ howls and dies 
for her sundered cub !*' But it does not and cannot turn 
the Slave to stone ; though it does much to quench the na- 
tural affections, it leaves sufficient of that feeling, which 
the Negro originally possesses in an equal extent to any 
other dass of men, to make the domestic wrongs to which 
he is subjected, occasions of frequent and deep suffering. 





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% €xMt for % Mtita. 



All arg^uments failing those who coin dollars out of the 
sweat and tears of the African, they would faiu have the 
world to believe, as a last resource, that these anomalous 
beings have had a mark put upon them by the Almighty, 
that they might be at once detested, avoided, and treated 
only as beasts of the field. To this unfortunate race has 
been applied the prophetic malediction of Noah, *' Cursed 
be Canaan ; a servant of servants shall he be to his bre* 
thren," the descendants of Shem and Japheth ; and the dark 
garment of the former is poiuted out as indicating the fulfil- 
ment of their earthlyfate* It isnot enough that they should 
bq stultified in intellect, and brutalized beyond correction in 
morals ; they must be represented as under a Divine ana- 
thema, as a part of an accursed race ; thus are they not 
only denied the honours of humanity, but are even excluded 
from the compassions of 6od« And, because they have 
been represented as under the ban of the Almighty, it has 
. been concluded, that every kind of injury, may with im- 
punity, be inflicted upon them by his creatures. 

" Nothing," says Watson, " is more repulsive than to 
see men resorting to the inspired writings for an excuse or 
a palliative for the injuries which they are incited to inflict 
on otiiers by their own pride and avarice ; going up pro- 
fanely to the very judgment-seat of an equal God, to plead 
his sanction for their injustice; establishing an alliance 
between their own passions and their imperfections ; and 
attempting to convert the fountain of his mercy into waters 
of bitterness. But the case they adduce will not serve 
them. The malediction of Noah (if we allow it to be one, 
and not a simple prediction) fell not upon the Negro races ; 
it fell chiefly on Asia, and only to a very limited extent 
upon Afirica ; it fell, as the terms of the prophecy explicitiy 
declare, upon Canaan ; that is, in Scripture style, upon his 
descendants, the Canaanites, who were destroyed, or made 
subjects by the Israelites ; and perhaps upon the Cartha- 
ginians, who were subverted by tiie Romans. Here was 









a ^rilittb fnr tjit i&fgrn. 



its range and its limit ; the curse never expanded so as to 
encompass a single Negro tribe ; and, Africa, with all thy 
just complaints against the practices of Christian states, 
thou hast none against the doctrines of the Christian's 
Bible ! That is not a book, as some have interpreted it, 
written, as to thee, * within and without,' in * lamentation, 
and mourning, and woe ;* it registers against thee no curse ; 
but, on the contrary, exhibits to thee its fulness of bless- 
ings ; establishes thy right to its covenant of mercy, in 
common with all mankind; and crowds into the joyous 
prospect which it opens into the future, the spectacle of 
all the various tribes ' stretching out their hands uato 
God,' acknowledging him, and receiving his blessing ! 

'' But, if the prediction of Noah were an anathema, and 
if that malediction were directed against the Negro races ; 
yet, let it be remarked, it belongs not to the gospel age. Here 
the anathemas of former dispensations are arrested and re- 
pealed ; for no nation can remain accursed under the full 
establishment of the dominion of Christ, since 'all the 
families of the earth ' are to be ' blessed in Him.' The 
deleterious stream which withers the verdure of its banks, 
and spreads sterility through the soils it touches in its 
course, is at length absorbed and purified in the ocean, 
ascends from thence in cooling vapours, and comes down 
upon the earth in fruitful showers. Thus Christianity 
turns all curses into benedictions. Its office is to bless, 
and to bless all nations ; it is light after darkness, and quiet 
after agitation. The restoring and the healing character is 
that in which all the prophets array our Saviour ; and if 
partiality is ascribed to Him at all, it is partiality in favour 
of the most despised, and friendless, and wretched of our 
kind. The scythe has gone before, and, in all ages, has 
swept down the fairest vegetation, and left it to wither, or 
to be trodden under foot; but * He^ it is emphatically 
declared, ' shall come down like rain upon the mown grass, 
like showers that water the earth :' ^ aU nations shall be 








a (Krihtttt &r t|it JIfgra, 



blessed in Him/ and * all people,* in grateful return, 
^ «Aa2Z caZ2 ITm blessed,' " 

Blessed for ever, then, be His holy name, whose com- 
passions fail not, whose mercies are new every morning, for 
he hath already arisen in His strength, and said ^^the 
oppressor shall no more oppress ;*' I will send forth my 
messengers into all the dark places of the earth ; light shall 
spring forth ; their mourning shall be turned into rejoicing, 
and I will yet lead them beside the still waters. Marvel- 
lous indeed is the loving-kindness of Him, whose preroga- 
tive alone it is, to send forth labourers into the harvest, in 
conducting the steps of so many into the African field ; 
infusing into the hearts of good men from year to year, a 
special compassion for this race. The memory of those 
who have chosen danger and toil to ease and luxury at 
home, and who have now ceased from their labours, is 
blessed. Their " reward is on high," and their " work 
with God." Those who now endure the cross and glory in 
it, whether they labour under the suns of the West Indies, 
or breathe the pestilential air of Western Africa, or in the 
southern parts of that continent, toil over hills and through 
deserts, " to seek and to save that which is lost," — they 
know that God is with them What gold could purchase 
such instruments ? What education could form them ? 
What implanted principles of human action, where wealth, 
and honour, and ease, are all absent, could send them forth ? 
Are they not the instruments of Heaven, indicating by the 
very nature of their preparation, the peculiar work to which 
they are called, the special use to which they are to apply 
themselves ? " They are indeed the agents to carry forth 
our charities to the Heathen, to bear our light into the 
misery over which we sigh. Without them we should sigh 
in vain, and our sympathies would terminate in ourselves ; 
by them we reach and relieve the cases of destitute millions, 
and transmit the blessedness of which we are anxious that 
all should partake. Thus, man is made a saviour of his 









a €xMt for tjit 3lBgni. 



fellow, and the creature of a day the instrument of con- 
veying blessings which have no bound but a limitless 
eternity itself ! " 

Let us appeal to the results of the labours of these 
devoted men, and see how far they warrant us in con- 
eluding, that the Negro race is capable with ourselves of 
receiving, and fully appreciating the great truths of our 
religion. These results are altogether most satisfactory 
and conclusive. 

About the year 18S4, a Jamaica missionary writes : — 
" Not only has religion found its way into almost every 
town and village of importance in the island, but in a greater 
or less degree, into the majority of the estates, and other 
larger properties. As soon as its sacred influence begins 
to be felt on a property, or in a new township, the first 
work of the converts is, to add to their cluster of cottages 
a house for God. There they are heard, often before the 
dawn of day, and at the latest hour preceding their repose, 
pouring out their earnest and artless supplications at the 
throne of grace,* for strength to enable them to maintain 
their Christian course.*'* 

" The numbers of our hearers," writes brother Lang, " is 
on the increase, and the preaching of the gospel evinces its 
power on the hearts of the Negroes, which also appears in 
their moral conduct. Some walk in true fellowship of 
spirit with our Saviour, and have received the assurance 
of the forgiveness of their sins : others are mourning on ac- 
count of sin, and seeking salvation in Jesus. One Sabbath 
lately, a Negro, from an estate about fifteen miles from Car- 
mel (Jamaica), brought me a stick marked with seven 
notches, each denoting ten Negroes, informing me that 
there were so many Negroes on that estate engaged in 
praying to the Lord. The awakening spreads, and we en- 
tertain hopes that our Saviour will now gather a rich har- 
vest in Jamaica." f 

* Jamaica : Enslared and Free. f Idem. 



'IN" 



-T\ 



W^ 






ia €nMt in % SegtiL 



169 



Another Jamaica missionary writes^ '^ It is also worthy of 
observation^ that instead of singing their old Negro songs 
in the fields they now sing our hymns ; and I was much 
pleased one night, when passing the Negro houses, to hear 
them engaged fervently in prayer." • 

Another missionary writes, ^' However debased by vice 
the Negro Slaves were in the days of their ignorance, they 
are now sober, chaste, industrious, and upright in all their 
dealings. Nor is this all ; they are eager, punctual, and 
persevering in all the services of devotion. Their domestic 
circle is distinguished by the daily exercises of prayer and 
praise; and the Sabbath is called ^a delight, the holy of 
the Lord,' and spent in the solemnities of His sacred worship. 
This indeed is wonderful! In a country where the Sabbath 
is devoted to public traffic ; where, comparatively speaking, 
marriage is not so much as thought of ; and, where it is 
common to indulge in the most debauched inclinations, 
without the least restraint, — to see them keeping the 
Sabbath-day holy, renouncing all their criminal connections, 
and standing forth as examples of purity and religion, is 
manifestly the Lord's doing ; for nothing short of the power 
of God could obtain a victory like this over habit, example, 
and such corruption of the human heart." f 

The missionaries have elucidated how far the African 
race are susceptible of religious impressions ; '' they have 
dived," says Watson, "into that mine from which we were 
often told no valuable ore or precious stone could be ex- 
tracted; and they have brought up the gems of an immortal 
spirit, flashing with the light of intellect, and glowing with 
the hues of Christian graces. The true God has now been 
revealed to the minds of the African races, in the splendour 
of his own revelations ; the heavens have been taught to 
declare to them his glory, and the firmament to show forth 
his handywork ; they know him now as their ' Father in 
Heaven,' and have learned that his watchful providence 

* Jamaica : EnBlayed and Free, t Quoted in Watson's Sermons. 




f^ 









a €tMt fer tjit Mt^n. 



extends to them. Rising suns, and smiling fields, and rolling 
thunders, and sweeping hurricanes, all speak of Him to 
Negro hearts ; and Negro voices mingle with our own in 
giving to Him the praises 'due unto His name/ The 
history of the incarnate God, and the scenes of Calvary 
have been unfolded to their gaze ; they hear ' the word 
of reconciliation,' are invited to a ' throne of grace,' and 
there ' find mercy, and grace to help in time of need.' 
They have the Sabbath with its sanctities ; and houses of 
prayer, raised by the liberality of their friends, receive their 
willing, pressing crowds. One to another they now say, 
' Come and let us go up to the house of the Lord ;' and tens 
of thousands of them now, in every religious service, join 
us in those everlasting anthems of the universal church, ' We 
praise thee, O God ! we acknowledge thee to be the Lord !' " 

Instances might be multiplied, almost without end, 
illustrative of the races of Africa being universally endowed 
with religious susceptibilities equal to those of any other 
people on the face of the earth ; and many are the examples 
of purity, and of advancement in religious experience 
and attainments, which might be brought forward as wit- 
nesses to its truth. I will only mention the names of 
Gustavus Yassa, Solomon Bayley, Belinda Lucas, Lucy 
Cardwell, Simeon Wilhelm, Paul Cuffe, L. C. Michells, 
Richard Cooper, Africaner, Cornelius, Jan Tzatzoe, 
Andries Stofiies, J.W. C. Pennington, John Williams, Eva 
Bartells, respecting each of whom information is given in 
the sequel of this work. In Stofiies, we have exhibited a 
noble example of the Christian character. At an early 
period, the truths of religion exerted a decisive and salutary 
infiuence over his mind, leading him to profess himself a 
disciple of the Saviour, and enabling him, under many dis- 
advantages and temptations, to maintain his Christian pro- 
fession unsullied till the close of life. 

I cannot forbear relating another interesting fact, from 
Shaw's Memorials of South Africa, which he beautifully 














H Crihttte for t^ jUfgrn. 



records in the following words : — *' The pious natives of 
ELhamies Berg, in South Africa, continued to improve both 
in temporal and spiritual matters, and were as a city set on 
a hill which cannot be hid : their light shone in worshipping 
Crod in their families. Often have I heard them engaged 
in prayer before the sun had gilded the tops of the mountains ; 
nor were their evening devotions neglected. As I have stood 
by the mission-house, with the curtains of night dravm 
around us, I could hear them uniting in singing their 
beautiful evening hymn. Then falling around their family 
altar, though in a smoky hut, they felt the presence of the 
Most High, and the fulfilment of his promise, ' The habi- 
tation of the just shall be blessed.' " 

On another occasion, writes the Missionary Shaw; — 
** It was nearly midnight, when, on awaking, I heard the 
sound of singing at a distance. I repaired to the vnndow 
to listen, when all nature seemed to favour the song. The 
moon shone resplendently, and the stars glittered in their 
spheres. There was no bleating of sheep, or lowing of 
oxen ; no howling of wolves ; the night birds were still : 
nor did a dog move his tongue. The midnight music was 
so sweet, that, at the time, I supposed I had never heard 
anything to equal it. The singers were going from hut to 
hut, uniting in the praises of God, who had brought them 
^ out of darkness into marvellous light ;* and as they ap- 
proached the mission-house, I could distinguish the subject 
of their song. It was a hymn of praise to the Saviour of 
men, one verse of which, according to their custom, was often 
repeated. The nightly fires brightened up as the singers 
went onward, and they called on the head of each family to 
engage in prayer. In their state of ignorance they had often 
danced to the sound of the rommel-pot, while the moon was 
walking in brightness ; but by means of the Gospel, they 
had learnt a new song, which reminded me of the words of 
Isaiah, * Let the inhabitants of the rock sing, let them shout 
from the top of the mountains.' Several children who had 








a €rilmte &r t|it ^Bgro, 



been attentive to the Gospel began to show an extraor- 
dinary attachment to the house of God, they bowed before 
the Lord their Maker, and sung joyful Hosannas to the 
Son of David." 

With such evidences as these, we need no laborious and 
critical investigation to determine whether ^^ Ethiopia 
shall soon stretch out her hands unto jGod ;'* no prying into 
the mystic counsels of heaven, to ascertain whether the 
" time to favour her, yea, the set time be come." Go to 
the free colonies, ye that doubt ; scarcely is there one of 
them in which there have not been reared for the Negro, 
sacred buildings for worship and instruction, devoted to 
their own use, and which they regard as peculiarly their 
own. ^^ In crowded congregations, in those spacious edi- 
fices, Ethiopia already stretches out her hands unto God, 
and, led by the light which creates our Sabbath, meets us 
at the same throne of grace, and receives, with us, the 
benedictions of the common Father and the common Sa- 
viour. And the prophetic promise is dawning upon parent 
Africa also. Hottentots, Kafirs, Bechuanahs, Foulahs, and 
Mandingoes in the west, some of all the tribes, are already 
in the fold, and hear and love the voice of the great Shep- 
herd. We hail you as brethren ! — the front ranks of all 
those swarthy tribes which are deeply buried in the vast 
interior of an unexplored continent, you, stretch out your 
hands unto God, as a signal for the tribes beyond you ; 
and the signal shall be followed, and every hand of thy 
millions, Africa ! shall raise itself in devotion to thy pitying 
Saviour, and every lip shall ere long modulate accents of 
grateful praise to thy long concealed, but faithful God!"* 






CHAPTEB XIV. 

Slavery coxuideirad — ^A yiolation of the rights of Man — ^Remarks of Milton 
— Condemned bj Pope Leo X.^Bemark8 of Bishop Warbtirton— How 
can Christians continue to be its upholders? — Ghult of Britons and Ameri- 
cans — Expiation of our sin by a noble sacrifice — ^We can never repay the 
debt we owe to Africa — ^White Man instilling into those he calls 
** tavage^^ a despicable opinion of human nature — ^We practise what we 
should exclaim against — 'So tangible plea for Slavery — Criminal to re- 
main silent spectators of its crimes — ^We cannot plead ignorance as an 
excuse for silence or inactivity — Seven millions of human beings now in 
Slavery — Four hundred thousand annually torn from Africa — Slavery a 
monstroTis crime — ^A robbery perpetrated on the very sanctuary of man's 
rational nature — A sin against Gk>d — ^America's foul blot — Slaves repre- 
sented as happy ! — Bemarks on this. 

Although the consideration of the subject of Slavery is 
not altogether within the province of this work, I shall not 
feel satisfied without making some allusion to it in a few 
words ; seriously putting the question to all those who are 
concerned in the system, directly or indirectly, whether, in 
the face of what has already been cited, they can still, with an 
easy conscience, look down with an eye of scorn upon their 
fellow-creatures of a darker hue, or continue to hold them 
in unwilling bondage, or depress them as they do, with the 
iron hand of Slavery. 

Claims to personal liberty are the birthright of every 
human being, irrespective of clime or of colour ; — claims 
which God has conferred, and which man cannot destroy 
without sacrilege, nor infringe without sin. They have 
claims which are anterior to all human laws, and which are 
superior to all political institutions, — ^inunutable in their 
nature. Thus writes our great poet Milton : — 

<< O execrable maa, so to aspire 
Above his brethren, to himself assuming 
Authority usurpt, from God not given ; 
He gave us only over beast, fish, fowl, 
Dominion absolute ; that right we hold 







a '€nMt Us tjn JIfp. 



Bj hiB donation ; but man oyer men 
He made not lord, such title to himflolf 
Beserring, human left from human firee. 



*> 




Many condemnations against the system of one class of 
men oppressing another might be adduced. Pope Leo X., 
when the question was referred to him^ declared '^ That 
not only the Christian religion, but nature herself cried out 
against Slarery." The continuance of the unmerited and 
brutish servitude of the Negro, is undoubtedly nothing 
short of a criminal and outrageous violation of the natural 
rights of man. — ** Gracious God ! ** exclaims Bishop War- 
burton, *^ to talk of men as of herds of cattle, of property 
in rational creatures, creatures endowed with all our facul- 
ties, possessing all our qualities but that of colour, our 
brethren both by nature and by grace, shocks all the feel- 
ings of humanity, and the dictates of common sense ! 
Nothing is more certain in itself and apparent to all, that 
the infamous traffic in Slaves directly infringes both divine 
and human law. Nature created man free, and grace in- 
vites him to assert his freedom." 

How can Christian professors, — ^professors of a religion 
breathing love and good will to man, continue to be the 
undisguised and guilty supporters and advocates of the atro- 
cious system of Slavery ? themselves the owners, and the 
dealers in these '' human chattels ;" who, as if in mockery 
of the sacred name of liberty, are exposed for sale within 
the very precincts of those 

"Coundl Halls, 
Where freedom's praise is loud and long, 

While olose beneath the outward walls 
The driyer plies his reeking thong — 

The hammer of the man-thief fidls I" 

It makes one's very blood to boil, it makes one tremble 
to think, that we Britons and our American descendants, 
with all their boastful cry of " Liberty," are so guilty ; but 
it is some consolation to reflect that we at least, have made 








a Crihab for t|i JSfgrn. 



a greater sacrifice than was ever made by any nation to ex- 
piate our sin. *^ On the page of history/' it has been said, 
** one deed shall stand out in whole relief — one consenting 
voice pronounce — that the greatest honour England ever 
attained, was when, with her Sovereign at her head, she 
proclaimed, — ^the Slave is Free !" — ^Yes, " in the pages of 
history," says the estimable Hugh Stowell, '' this act will 
stand out the gem in our diadem." 

Yet all the efforts we can make for the civil and religious 
welfare of the Negro family will never repay the debt we 
owe to the whole race of Africa for having robbed her of 
her children, under every aggravated form of cruelty, to 
increase our own comforts, to augment our private wealth, 
and add to our public revenues, by toils which imposed a 
daily stretch upon their sinews ; a task which had no ter- 
mination, but with their lives. 

The White Man may boast of his superior intellect, and 
the peculiar advantages he enjoys, of a written revelation 
of his duty from heaven, of which he has deprived the vic- 
tims of his oppression ; yet with all his vaunted superiority, 
he is instilling into the minds of those whom he chooses to 
call savages and barbarians, the very reverse of that which 
the Divine law inculcates, the most despicable opinion of 
human nature. To the utmost of our power do we weaken 
and dissolve the universal tie that should bind and unite 
mankind. We practise what we should exclaim against as 
the greatest excess of cruelty and tyranny, if nations of the 
world, differing in colour from ourselves, were able to re- 
duce tt^ to a state of similar unmerited and brutish servitude. 
We sacrifice our reason, our humanity, our Christianity, 
to an unnatural sordid gain. We teach other nations to 
despise and trample under foot all the obligations of social 
virtue. We take the most effectual method to prevent the 
propagation of the Gospel, by representing it as a scheme 
of power and barbarous oppression, and an enemy to the 
natural privileges and rights of man. 







1' €rilrate for tin Jltgnr, 



I assert^ that there does not exist in nature^ in religion^ 
or in civil polity, a reason for robbing any man of his liberty ; 
that there is neither truth, nor justice, nor humanity in the 
declaration, that Slavery is consonant with the condition of 
Negro-men. To devote one-fourth of the habitable globe 
to perpetual blood-shed and warfare — to give up the vast 
continent of Africa to the ravages of the man-robbers who 
deal in flesh and blood — the marauders who sack the towns 
and villages — the merchant-murderers who ply the odious 
trade, who separate the child from the mother, the husband 
from the wife, the father from the son, is a monstrous system 
of cruelty, which, in any of its forms is intolerable and 
unjust. " Cry aloud and spare not," was the language of one 
formerly; a language especially applicable at the present 
day on the question before us, in relation to which Benezet 
justly queries, " Can we be innocent, and yet silent spec^ 
tators of this mighty infringement of every human and 
sacred right?" 

There are questions affecting the highest interests of 
society, on which it is criminal to be silent. There are 
crimes and conspiracies against Man, in his collective and 
individual capacity, which strip the guilty of all the respect 
due to the adventitious circumstances connected with rank 
and station ; and to know that such combinations exist, and 
not to denounce them, is treason against the throne of 
Heaven, and the immutable principles of Truth and Justice. 

We cannot plead ignorance as an excuse either for silence 
or inactivity : — 

" Behold the Negro ! 
— The curse of man his branded forehead bears, 
His bosom with the scorching iron sear'd, 
His fett-ered limbs defiled with streams of gore !" 

" Hark ! from the "West a voice of woe ; 
Ah ! yes ; it echoes o*er the wide Atlantic's ware ; 
We hear the knotted scourge, the dying cry ; 
Yonder the torturer's hands, the clanking chain ; 
Fly to the rescue ! lingering loiterer fly ! 




i>» 



<rf) 






a €xMt firr tjre 3ltgrn. 




Behold them! men, women, and children, with tearful 
eyes, and with uplifted hands, with branded and bleeding 
bodies, with lacerated feet and clanking chains, supplicating, 
on bended knees, for the restoration of their rights! 

" It is the Toioe of blood i^O think ! O tUnk ! 

Ati — ^for the injured, dying Slare : 
Nor let him linger longer — deeper sink — 

But haste to help — to Bave. 

Let not his injuries plead in Tain» 

Lest haply in thy dying day, 
Thy soul should bear a guilty stain, 

Which nought can wash away. 

O help him, lest in hall and bower, 

HIb crying blood thy joys molest ; 
Or, speaking through the midnight hour, 

Chase like a ghost thy rest. 

O help him — ^bless him — ^for ye can : 

Hear Beason's — ^hear Religion's plea, 
Dedace to all^HX ib k kak — 

Therefore — jhl shall bb fbbe!" 

When we reflect that there are now in the world, upwards 
of Sbysk Millions of human beings detained in Slavery ; 
who are held as goods and chattels, the property of other 
human beings having similar passions with themselves; 
that they are liable to be sold and transferred from hand 
to hand, like the beasts that perish ; that more than 400,000 
are annually sold and removed from the land of their birth , 
to distant regions; and this not in families, the nearest 
connexions of life being frequently torn asunder ; and when 
we further reflect, that in several, if not in most of the Slave- 
holding States, the Slaves are systematically excluded from 
the means of improving their minds — that in some, even 
teaching them to read is treated as a crime ; and that all these 
things exist amongst a people loudly proclaiming the freedom 
andequality of their laws — a people professing subjection 
to the requirements of Christianity, whose lawgiver has 
taught us that he regards the injuries done to the least of 



2a 







R'.: 



}f 




a €vMt fst tjiB Jltp! 



his children as done to Himself; and has commanded us 
above all things to love one another, to do unto all men 
as we would that they should do unto us — ^well may we 
inquire, " Shall not the Lord visit for these things ? Will 
not he be avenged for this grievous sin ?" 

The monstrous crime of human Slavery does not merely 
affect the external property of man, but the inmost 
essence of his spiritual being; it is the iniquity of a 
murderous robbery perpetrated on the very sanctuary of 
man's rational nature. It is a deprivation of all the rights 
and privileges of the individual enslaved, which consist in 
the free exercise and expansion of his powers, ** especially 
of his higher faculties ; in the energy of his intellect, 
conscience, and good affections ; in sound judgment ; in the 
acquisition of truth ; in labouring honestly for himself and 
his family ; in loving his Creator, and subjecting his own 
will to the Divine; in loving his fellow-creatures, and 
making cheerful sacrifices for their happiness ; in Mendship ; 
in sensibility to the beautiful, whether in nature or art ; 
in loyalty to his principles; in moral courage; in self- 
respect ; in understanding and asserting his rights ; and in 
the christian hope of immortality. Such is the good of the 
individual ; a more sacred, exalted, enduring interest than 
any accessions of wealth or power to a State." * 

The deprivation of the inestimable benefits of external 
liberty, though in itself an irreparable injury, bears no 
comparison with the loss of his rational powers, a crime 
inflicted on the unhappy victim of Slavery, which entirely 
changes the course of his destiny. God has endowed us 
with intellectual powers that they should be cultivated ; 
and a system which degrades them, and qan only be upheld by 
their depression, opposes one of his most benevolent designs. 
Reason is God's image in man, and the capacity of acquiring 
truth is among his best inspirations. To call forth the 
intellect is a principal purpose of the circumstances in which 

* Channing. 



A 






6^ 






-''Q 






a '^rikitb fiir t|[j Jlrgrn, 



179 



we are placed, of the child's connectiou with the parent, 
and of the necessity laid on him in mature life to provide 
for himself and otliers. The education of the intellect is 
not confined to youth ; but the various experience of later 
years does vastly more than books and schools to ripen and 
invigorate the faculties. 

Now the whole lot of the Slave is fitted to keep his mind 
in childhood and bondage. Though living in a land of 
hghty few beams find their way to his benighted under- 
standing. No parent feels the duty of instructing him. No 
teacher is provided for him but the driver, who breaks him 
almost in childhood, to the servile tasks which are to fill up 
his life. No book is opened to his youthful curiosity ; as 
he advances in years, no new excitements supply the place 
of teachers. He is not cast on himself, made to depend on 
his own energies ; nor do any stirring prizes awaken his 
dormant faculties. Fed and clothed by others like a child, 
directed in every step, doomed for life to a monotonous 
round of labour, he lives and dies without a spring to his 
powers, often brutally unconscious of his spiritual nature. 
Nor is this all. When benevolence would approach him 
with instruction it is repelled. He is not allowed to be 
taught. The light is jealously barred out. The voice which 
would speak to him as a man, is put to silence. He must 
not even be enabled to read the Holy Scriptures. His im- 
mortal spirit is systematically crushed. 

Slavery, then, is undoubtedly the most tremendous in- 
vasion of the natural, inalienable rights of man, and some of 
the noblest gifts of God, " life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness." What a spectacle do the United States present 
to the people of the earth ? A land of professing Christian 
republicans, uniting their energies for the' oppression and 
degradation of Three Millions of innocent human beings, 
the children of one common Father, who suffer the most 
grievous wrongs, and the utmost degradation, for no crime of 
their ancestors or their own ! Slavery is a sin against Qod 









a €xMt fat tin JlfgtD* 





as well as against Man ; — a daring usurpation of the prero- 
gatiye and authority of the Most High ! and until this foul 
blot be removed from America, she will never be the 
glorious country her free constitution designed her to be 
— never ! so long as her soil is polluted by a single Slave ! 
But how so ? — ^We are told the Slave is happy ; that he 
is gay ; that he is not that wretched and miserable being 
he is mostly represented to be. After his toil, he sings, he 
dances, he gives no signs of an exhausted frame or gloomy 
spirits. "The Slave happy! Why, then, contend for 
rights ? Why follow with beating hearts the struggles of 
the patriot for freedom ? Why canonize the martyr to 
freedom ? The Slave happy ! Then happiness is to be 
foimd in giving up the distinctive attributes of a man ; in 
darkening intellect and conscience ; in quenching generous 
sentiments ; in servility of spirit ; in living imder a whip ; 
in having neither property nor rights ; in holding wife and 
child at another's pleasure ; in toiling without hope ; in 
living without an end ! The Slave, indeed, has his plea- 
sures. His animal nature survives the injury to his 
rational and moral powers ; and every animal has its en- 
joyments. The kindness of Providence allows no human 
being to be wholly divorced from good. The lamb frolics ; 
the dog leaps for joy ; the bird fills the air with cheerful 
harmony; and the Slave spends his holidays in laugh- 
ter and the dance. Thanks to Him who never leaves him- 
self without a witness ; who cheers even the desert with 
spots of verdure ; and opens a foimtain of joy in the most 
withered heart ! It is not possible, however, to contemplate 
the occasional gaiety of the Slave without some mixture of 
painful thought. He is gay, because he is too fallen to 
feel his wrongs — ^because he wants proper self-respect. We 
are grieved by the gaiety of the insane. There is a 
sadness in the gaiety of him whose lightness of heart would 
be turned into bitterness and indignation, were one ray 
of light to awaken in him the spirit of a man." 








CHAPTER IV. 

SonroM whenoe tk« cfthmmioai oliargM ftgahut the Kegro enummte 
— ^Their ohancter onlj partially .represented — ^Applioable remarks of 
Plutarch. — ^Perrerted aoconnts of trayeUers to be guarded against — Op- 
portunities ol actual obserration limited — ^Importance of authentic facts 
— ^Thef proTe that mankind are all equally endowed, irrespeotire of 
Colour or of dime — Compassion for a sofferer heightened by youth, 
beauty, and rank — Ab in Mary, Queen of Soots — ^The &ots pneented in 
this Tolume prore there is no incompatibility between Negro organization 
and intellectual powers — To demonstrate this the design of the work — 
In selecting instances for this purpose, the author has been more 
thorou(^y impressed with the truth of his proposition — ^Negroes only 
require fireedom, education, and good goyemmeot to equal any people— 
Expression of sympathy for the oppressed race of Africa. 

I must now be more concise^ being desirous of presenting 
my readers with tbe numerous biographical and historical facts 
to which allusion has been made, in further demonstration 
of the assertions I have already brought forward in favour 
of the Negro family. A few observations will now sujBice. 

It must be observed, that the calumnious charges pre- 
ferred against the unfortunate race of Africa, have chiefly 
emanated from those who have been interested in pour- 
traying their vicious, rather than their virtuous qualities. 
Writers of this description are not likely to search for such 
collateral facts as might lead to conclusions opposed to their 
interests or prejudices ; on the contrary, where circum- 
stances of a favourable nature are^ known to exist, there is 
great danger of their being left in concealment. Plutarch 
remarks, '* When a painter has to draw a fine and elegant 
form, which happens to have a blemish, we do not want 
him entirely to omit it, nor yet to define it with exactness. 
The one would destroy the beauty of the picture ; the other 
would spoil the likeness." On a casual perusal of the 
works of many writers on the Negro race, it is obvious that 
most who have travelled amongst them, have not only 








a 'dJriliitb fiir t^ ISip. 






<tl^ 




marked distinctlj, but aggravated their blemishes^ and haye 
so far disparaged their more pleasing features, as to create 
disgust towards a people, who, if they cannot boast of forms 
to call forth admiration, exhibit, nevertheless, but few of those 
physical and moral deformities so largely ascribed to them. 
There is a propensity, too, in some travellers, to aim at 
novelty and effect, which so overbalances all other consider- 
ations, as frequently to give rise to very erroneous state- 
ments. For instance, a French writer on South Africa, 
describes whole tribes of natives which never existed, 
except in his own romantic imagination. Another traveller 
informs his readers that the Hottentots " shoot their arrows 
with great force, sending them sometimes through the body 
of an ox ;" a third states that, ** sometimes persons may be 
seen at Greenpoint riding on Zebras, which are brought from 
the interior, and generally kept at livery ;" while a fourth 
informs his readers, that " the roads in the vicinity of Cape 
Town are repaired with the tails of cows and oxen.''* 

I merely mention these circumstances to put the reader 
on his guard, and to exercise cautiousness in receiving all 
reports he may read respecting the African, as gospel. 
Superficial travellers are themselves liable to be imposed 
upon by erroneous statements they may sometimes have 
made to them, by interested parties, or through an inte- 
rested channel, to serve some sinister motives of the narra- 
tors; ignorant of which, they often relate circumstances 
far from the real truth, as facts, under the false impression 
that they have seen everything with their own eyes, and 
heard everything with their own ears. 

In order to form a correct estimate of the character of a 
people, we must not look into the journals of hasty 
travellers for information they may have gathered from 
hearsay during their short visits; but to such as have ffr^ 
resided among them, and have made themselves intimately 



* These incorrect statements are quoted by way of caution, in Shaw*s 
Memorials of South Africa. 



I*- 



!c»3 



:^-ii 







a €n\mit fax t{[B Sigtn. 



acquainted with their language, their customs, and their 
manners. 

When we observe men judging of any portion of the 
human race through the medium of their prejudices and 
passions, and from insulated facts seizing on general prin- 
ciples, we may rest assured they are unsafe guides. They 
draw a comparison between the present state of the semi- 
barbarous races and a higher standard of civilization ; and 
without bestowing one grain of praise, they find fault only 
on account of what has not yet been effected for them. 
In detailing the degraded state of the Negro, they are silent 
as to the great causes of that which they disclaim against, 
which has already been satisfactorily explained, as resulting 
from the treatment he has so long experienced at the hands 
of Europeans, with the almost entire absence of all counter- 
acting and meliorating circumstances. 

The opportunities of actual observation that fall to the 
lot of impartial individuals, are so limited, and the remarks 
of travellers and historians writing on this subject, either from 
ignorance or misrepresentation, are so much perverted, that 
it appeared to the author of the present work, desirable to 
correct them by a narration of facts from sources indubitably 
authentic, illustrative of the moral, intellectual, and religious 
attainments of our sable brethren. These, with various 
testimonies on their behalf, are valuable and important, in 
conveying unequivocal proofs of the real character and 
capabilities of the African race. They are sufficient, I 
trust, fully to demonstrate that the same mental and moral 
endowments are equally dispensed to all the various races 
of mankind, irrespective of colour or of clime ; and I do 
sincerely hope, that they may be the means of engender- 
ing a more friendly feeling, on the part of the White man, 
towards those whom he has so long held in oppression 
and treated with scorn and disgrace. 

But before a thorough reconciliation can ever be effected, 
all those grossly exaggerated reports of the physical and 








a €rMt fat % 3ltgrn. 



moral deformities of the Negro must be counteracted. 
Though their race may not generally reach the standard of 
perfection according to our ideas of beauty and symmetry, 
we must cease to represent them in the most odious point 
of view. It is well known how much the adventitious cir- 
cumstances of youth and beauty heighten our compassion 
for a sufferer. Add rank to these advantages, and say, too, 
that the individual is a highly accomplished female, and 
sympathy for her case will be raised to its utmost height. 
Had Mary, Queen of Scots, been as defective in personal 
charms as she was in prudence, less sympathy would have 
been excited by her unfortunate end. Knox might have 
made an ugly and deformed woman weep without creating 
much indignation ; but the fascinations pf Mary's beauty, 
added to her rank, has sunk her crimes, and the benefits 
of the Reformation, in the same grave ; and that which 
entitled our reformer to the highest praise, the triumph of 
his principles, has loaded him with the reproaches of a par- 
tial and frivolous world. On the same principle, when the 
liberties of a people are to be extinguished, or when greater 
severities are to be inflicted, if, besides assigning to them 
certain disqualifications for freedom, and the necessity of 
restraining their vices, ugliness and deformity can be thrown 
into the picture, few will interest themselves in the fate of 
the oppressed. Misrepresentation and calumny having 
prepared the way, the work of Slavery and extermination 
may proceed with impunity. * 

Many of the African race, as we have already been 
informed, particularly the youth, have interesting coim- 
tenances, and under more auspicious circumstances, would 
speedily lose those displeasing peculiarities of appearance, 
which in all countries are, in a greater or less degree, the 
inseparable concomitants of penury and suffering. The 
plant, which in the desert, is stunted in its growth 
and presents but a scanty foliage, becomes the pride 

* Philip's Afrioan BeBearches. 







Xo 





a '^riliiitl fnr % jBip. 



185 



of the surrounding ecenery when nourished by a more 
generous soil. 

" Facts," it is said, "are stubborn things," and such is 
indeed the case ; they cannot be controverted. The felse 
philosophy which imputes to the Negro a constitutional 
inferiority, must henceforth be refuted, more by facts and 
experience, than by reasoning. If, as I before observed, 
instances can be adduced, of individuals of the African race 
who have exhibited marks of genius that would be considered 
eminent in civilized European society, we have proof that 
thereisnoincompatibUitybetwen Negro organization andin- 
tellectual power. The design of the succeeding part of this 
volume is to bring into view many remarkable cases of this 
description. How far it is successful in demonstrating, by a 
relation of facta and testimonies, that our Coloured fellow- 
creatures aie not ncc«fart/y inferior in their moral, intellec- 
tual, or religious capabilities, to other branches of the hu- 
man family, and that superior abilities attach do more to a 
white than to a sable skin, I must leave my readers to draw 
theirown concluuoD. For my own part, I am fully convinced 
that the blessings of freedom, education, and good govern- 
ment, are alone wanting to make the natives of Africa, 
either in an intellectual or moral point of view, equal to the 
people of any country on the surface of the globe. Were 
these blessings more abundantly conferred upon them, 
there can be no doubt that they would, produce more 
Phillis Wheatleys, Paul Cuffes, and Gustavus Vassas, to 
refute the unfounded calumnies which have been heaped 
upon their unfortunate race, to demonstrate before all the 
world, that the Creator has not left them destitute of his 
noblest ^fts to Man, nor of the power of improving those 
he has bestowed upon them. 

I repeat it again, — " Let not the abettors of Slavery, 
who trample their fellow-creatures beneath their feet, tell 
us any more in their own justification, of the degraded 
state, the abject minds, and the vices of the Negro Slave ; 







a €xMt fat t^ 3lrgrn. 



it is upon the system which thus brutifUs a human being 
that the reproach falls in all its bitterness.*^ 

** Yes, to deep sadness sullenly resigned. 
He feels his body*s bondage in his mind, 
Flits off his generous nature, and to suit 
His manner to his fate, puts on the brute. 
Oh ! most degrading of all ills that wait 
On man, a mourner in his best estate ; 
All other sorrow virtue may endure. 
And find submission more than half a cure, 
But Slaveiy ! virtue dreads it as her grave, 
Virtue itself is meanness in the Slave." 

Helpless, injured, and oppressed Africans ! many tears 
have been shed over jour unhappy fate and your accumu- 
lated wrongs ; many sleepless nights have been occupied in 
devising means to meliorate your condition, but every 
attempt in your behalf must centre in fervent aspiration to 
Him who alone can change, even the hard and stony hearts 
of your taskmasters ; whose eye is over all His works; and 
who will yet arise for your deliverance. 

•It is not for finite mortals to ask, why, in the inscrutable 
wisdom of Him who overrules all events, he has thus far 
permitted one portion of His creatures so cruelly to 
oppress another ; or through what instrumentality He will 
at length redress the wrongs of the sufferer, bind up his 
broken heart, and heal his woimds. 

*' Time yet will come, 'tis His decree. 
When tyrant force shall fail ; 
When JusHcCy all who trample thee. 
For evermore must waiL" 

Unfortunate fellow-creatures, innocent sufferers, how- 
ever you may still continue to be despised and afflicted^ 
have comfort in believing that this is not the place of your 
rest ; endless joys are laid up for you in that blessed country 
where the oppressor can no more oppress ; for, doubtless, 
you are, equally with all mankind, the objects of redeem- 
ing love ! 









<^0 




% €xMt for t|B Mw, 



'* Etiiiopia from afar, 

Shall adore the sacred name ; 
Mercy break the crael bar 

That obstructs religion's flame. 

Charity responsive glows, 

Ardour fills the throbbing breast; 
Mourns the wretched captive's woes, 

Pants to see those woes redress'd. 

Pensive thought awakes to languish, 

0*er the mass of human ill ; 
Weepe the abject Negro's anguish, 

Crush'd beneath a tyrant's will. 

Ocean's deep, resistless tide. 

Covers many a lovely gem ; 
Nor can complexion virtue hide — 

Noble actions shine in them. 

Who could count the hollow groan?, 
Wafted o'er the Atlantic wave, 

With the deep and bitter moans, 
Ceasing only in the grave ! 

Unobsery'd his sighs may heave, 
Silent may his tears descend ; 

Will none such agony relieve ? 
No one prove the Negro's friend? 

If by age and sorrow hoary, 
His food may yet be angels' bread ; 

For him a Saviour left His glory,— 
For him a dear Bedeemer bled. 

Oh ! may the Gbspel's joyful sound. 
Hours of grief and labour cheer ; 

Religion's holy flame be found. 
To smooth the chain he still must wear 

Bereft of every earthly joy, 

Hope, sweetly rise to things above, 

Where no distracting cares annoy, 
Where all is harmony and love." 






^© 



M itf 
y«it fvoA. 




r 
( 



%, tfriimb to tjre jKep. 



.^, 



FM? E 




^logriqdntiil llttttjiis if iil&ititos or t{im p^ 



"To li^vxed AfHc*, lib«ral reader tun, 
There from her fable tons this maxim learn; 
To no complezion ie the chaim oonflned, 
In erery dhnafte growt the virtooiu mind.** 



" Ab AChiope Tirtntem diiee, et ne oiede color!.**— From the 
Ethiopian learn Tirtoe, and tmst not to oolonr. 





J 




/ { 



tSKi!» 



A TRIBUTE FOR THE NEGRO. 





^art Inonit. 



BIOGBAPHICAL SKETCHES OF AFBICANS OB THEIB 

DESCENDANTS, 4c. 



" Tratb, by Its own sinews shall prerall; 
And in the ooone of HeAven's erolTing plan. 
By rnuTH m adb vmn the long scorned African,— 
Bis Maker's image radiant in his faoe,~ 
Among earth's noblest sons shall find his place." 



The false philosophy which has imparted to the Negro 
a constitutional inferiority^ must^ as I have observed^ 
henceforth, be refuted, more by facts and experience, than 
by reasoning. The remaining portion of the present 
volume is occupied with a variety of such facts ; consisting 
of a series of Biographical Sketches of Africans or their 
Descendants, with Testimonies of Travellers, Missionaries, 
&c., as to their real character and capabilities. These 
exhibit aki undoubted refutation of those unfounded 
calumnies, whicK have been heaped upon the unfortunate 
race of Africa. 

In making a selection of a few out of the numberless 
instances that might have been produced, equally forcible, 
jthe Author may observe, that he has been more thoroughly 
impressed with the truth of an equality in the various races of 
mankind the further he has proceeded in the investigation of 
the subject. Renewed evidence has been afforded him in 
carefully surveying a great variety of cases, that the African 
character is susceptible of all the finest feelings of our 
nature, and that the intellectual capacity of the Negro, 
imder circumstances more favourable than have generally 








a €iaMt fas tjit Mt^ca. 



fallen to his lot, would bear a compaxison with that, of any 
other portion of our species. 




OLAVDAE SQVIAKO; OB eVBTAYVB VA88A. 

The following brief sketch of the life of Giistavus Yassai 
or Olaudah Equiano, the name by which he was known in 
his native country on the coast of Africa, is condensed &om 
from various editions of his ** Narrative/' a small octavo 
volimie of 850 pages, written b; himself about the year 
1787, exhibiting in its composition considerable talent. 
*' The individual is to be pitied," says the Abbe Gregoire, 
** who, after having read the memoir of Yassa, does not 
feel for the author, sentiments of affection and esteem." 

This intelligent Negro dedicated his ^'Narrative" to 
the British Houses of Parliament in the following terms : — 

*' To the Lards Spiritual and Temporal^ and the Commons 
of the Parliament of Great Britain* 

''My Lords and Gentlemen, 

''Permit me, with the greatest deference and respect, to 
lay at your feet the following genuine narrative ; the chief 
design of which is to excite in your august assemblies a 
sense of compassion for the miseries which the Slave Trade 
has entailed on my unfortunate countrymen. By the horrors 
of that trade, was I first torn away from all the tender con- 
nexions that were naturally dear to my heart ; but these, 
through the mysterious ways of Providence, I ought to 
regard as infinitely more than compensated by the intro- 
duction I have thence obtained to the knowledge of the 
Christian religion, and of a nation which, by its liberal ^^^ 
sentiments, its humanity, the glorious freedom of its 
government, and its proficiency in arts and sciences, has 
exalted the dignity of human nature. 



K 







a €n\ask for tjit ^fgrn. 




I am sensible I ought to entreat your pardon for address* 
ing to you a work so wholly devoid of literary merit ; but, 
as the production of an unlettered African, who is actuated 
by the hope of becoming an instrument towards the relief 
of his suffering countrymen, I trust that sueh a man^ 
pleading in stich a cause will be acquitted of boldness and 
presumption. 

" May the God of Heaven inspire your hearts with pe- 
culiar benevolence on that important day when the question 
of Abolition is to be discussed, when thousands, in conse- 
quence of your decision, are to look for Happiness or 
Misery! 

" I am, 

"My Lords and Gentlemen, 

" Your most Obedient, 
" And devoted humble Servant, 
" Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa." 

<< No. 4, Taylor's Buildings, 
" St. Martin's Lane, 

"October 80, 1790." 



" I believe it is difficult," writes this intelligent Negro, 
** for those who publish their own memoirs, to escape the 
imputation of vanity ; nor is this the only disadvantage 
under which they labour: it is also their misfortune, that 
whatever is uncommon, is rarely, if ever, believed, and 
what is obvious, the reader is apt to turn from with 
disgust, and to charge the writer with impertinence. Those 
memoirs only are thought worthy to be read or remembered 
which abound in great or striking events ; those in short, 
which in a high degree excite either admiration or pity : 
nearly all others are consigned to contempt and oblivion. 
It is, therefore, I confess, not a little hazardous in a private 
and obscure individual, and a stranger too, thus to solicit 
the indulgent attention of the public, especially when I 




2c 







% €xMt fat till jUrp. 



own that I offer here, the histoiy of neither a saint, a hero, 
nor a tyrant. I belieye there are few events in my life 
which have not happened to many, but when I compare 
my lot with that of most of my countrymen, I acknow- 
ledge the mercies of Providence in every occurrence of 
my life. 

If then, the following Narrative does not prove sufficiently 
interesting to engage general attention, let my motive be 
some excuse for its publication. I am not so foolishly 
vain, as to expect from it either immortality or literary 
reputation. Kit affords any satbfaction to my numerous 
friends, at whose request it has been written, or in the 
smallest degree promotes the interests of humanity, the end 
for which it was undertaken will be fully attained, and 
every wish of my heart gratified. Let it therefore be 
remembered, that in wishing to avoid censure, I do not 
aspire to praise. 

That part of Afirica known by the name of Guinea, in 
which the trade for Slaves is carried on, extends along the 
coast above 3400 miles, firom Senegal to Angola, and 
includes a variety of kingdoms. Of these, the most con* 
siderable is the kingdom of Benin, both as to extent and 
wealth, the richness and cultivation of the soil, the power 
of its king, and the number and warlike disposition of the 
inhabitants. It is situated nearly under the line, and 
extends along the coast about 170 miles, but runs back 
into the interior part of Africa to a distance hitherto, I 
believe, unexplored by any traveller ; and seems only ter- 
minated by the empire of Abyssinia, nearly 1500 miles 
firom its first boundaries. In a charming and firuitful vale, 
called Essaka, in one of the most remote and fertile pro- 
vinces of this kingdom, I was bom in the year 1745. 

As our country is one in which nature is prodigal of her 
favours, our wants, which are few, are easily supplied. All 
our industry is turned to the improvement of those bless- 
sings, and we are habituated to labour from our early 







^^<, 



1 






a ^rihittt fiir tljt Jltgra. 



years ; and by this means we have no beggars. Our 
houses never exceed one story, and are built of wood, 
thatched with reeds ; and the floors are generally covered 
with mats. The dress of both races consists of a long piece 
of calico or muslin, wrapped loosely round the body ; our 
beds are also covered with the same cloth. 

The land is uncommonly rich and fruitful, and produces 
vegetables in abundance, and a variety of delicious fruits ; 
also Indian com, cotton, and tobacco. Our meat consists 
of cattle, goats, and poultry. The ceremony of washing 
before eating is strictly enjoined, and cleanliness is considered 
a part of the religion. The people believe there is one 
Creator of all things, and that He governs all events. 

My father being a man of rank, had a numerous family : 
his children consisted of one daughter, and several sons, of 
whom I was the youngest, my name being OlaudahEquiano. 
I generally attended my mother, who took great pains 
in forming my mind, and training me to exercise. In this 
way I grew up to about the eleventh year of my age, when 
an end was put to my happiness in die following manner : 

One day, when our people were gone to their work, 
and only my dear sister and myself were left to watch the 
house, two men and a woman came, and seizing us both, 
stopped our mouths that we should not make a noise, ran 
off with us into the woods, where they tied our hands, 
and took us some distance to a small house, where the 
robbers halted for refreshment and spent the night. We 
were then unbound, but were unable to take any food, 
and being quite overpowered by fatigue and grief, our 
only relief was some sleep, which allayed our misfortune 
for a short time. The next morning, after keeping the 
woods some distance, we came to an opening, where we 
saw some people at work. I began to cry out for their 
assistance, but my cries had no other effect than to make 
them tie us faster, and again stop our mouths, and they 
put us into a sack until we got out of sight of these people. 








31 €n\aAt for t^ jltgrn. 



When they offered us food^ we could not eat, often bathing 
each other in tears. Our only respite was sleep — but 
alas! even the privilege of weeping together was soon 
denied us. The next day proved a day of greater sorrow 
than I had yet experienced, for my sister and I were torn 
asunder while clasped in each other's arms : it was in vain 
that we besought them not to part us ; she was torn from 
me, and immediately carried away, while I was left in a 
state of distraction not to be described. I wept and 
grieved continually, and for several days did not eat any- 
thing but what they forced into my mouth. 

After travelling a great distance, suffering many hard- 
ships, and being sold several times, — one evening, to my 
surprise, my dear sister was brought to the same house. 
As soon as she saw me, she gave a loud shriek and ran 
into my anns : I was quite overpowered ; — ^neither of us 
could speak, but for a considerable time clung to each 
other in mutual embraces, unable to do anything but weep. 
When the people were told that we were brother and sister, 
they indulged us with being together, and one of the men 
at night lay between us, and allowed us to hold each other's 
hand across him. Thus, for a while we forgot our misfor- 
tunes in the joy of being together ; but even this small 
comfort was soon to have an end, for scarcely had the 
fatal morning appeared, when she was torn from me for 
ever ! for I never saw her more ! 

I was now more miserable, if possible, than before. The 
small relief which her presence gave me from pain was 
gone, and the wretchedness of my situation was redoubled 
by my anxiety after her fate, and my apprehension lest her 
sufferings should be greater than mine, when I could not 
be with her to alleviate them. Yes ; thou dear partner of 
all my childish sports ! thou sharer of my joys and sorrows ! 
happy should I have ever esteemed myself, to encounter 
every misery for you, and to procure your freedom by 
the sacrifice of my own ! Though you were early forced 





I 




-'{- 




a ^riknti for tju Mt^u. 



^^7 from my arms, your image has been always rivetted in my 








heart, from which neither time Tior fortune have been able to 
remove it : so that, while the thoughts of your sufferings 
have damped my prosperity, they have mingled with adver- 
sity, and increased its bitterness* To that Heaven which 
protects the weak from the strong, I commit the care of 
your innocence and virtues, if they have not already 
received their full reward, and if your youth and delicacy 
have not long since fallen victims to the violence of the 
African trader, the pestilential stench of a Guinea ship, 
the seasoning in the European colonies, or the lash and 
lust of a brutal and unrelenting overseer. 

At length, after many days' travelling, during which I 
had often changed masters, although I was many days* 
journey from my father's house, I attempted to escape. 
The whole neighbourhood was raised in the pursuit of me. 
In that part of the country, the houses and villages were 
skirted with woods, or shrubberies, and the. bushes were 
so thick that a man could readily conceal himself in them, 
so as to elude the strictest search. The neighbours con- 
tinued the whole day looking for me, and several times 
many of them came within a few yards of the place where 
I lay hid. I expected every moment, when I heard a 
rustling among the trees, to be found out and punished ; 
but they never discovered me, though they were often so 
near that I even heard their conjectures as they were 
looking about for me ; and I now learned from them, that 
any attempt to return home would be hopeless. Most of 
them supposed I had fled towards home ; but the distance 
was so great, and the way so intricate, that they thought I 
could never reach it, and that I should be lost in the 
woods. When I heard this, I was seized with a violent 
panic, and abandoned myself to despair. Night, too, began 
to approach, and aggravated all my fears, for I became 
alarmed with the idea of being devoured by wild beasts. 
I had before entertained hopes of getting home, and had 








% €xMt fin; % 3lip, 



determined when it should be dark to make the attempt ; 
but I was now convinced it was fruitless^ and began to 
consider, that, if possibly I could escape all other animals, 
I could not those of the human kind, and that, not know- 
ing the way, I must perish in the woods. Thus was I like 
the hunted deer : 

" Erery leaf, and erery whispering breath 

Oonyey'd a foe, and every foe a death." 

The horror of my situation became quite insupportable. 
I at length quitted the thicket, and with trembling steps, 
and a sad heart, returned to my master's house, and crept 
into his kitchen, which was an open shed, laying myself 
down with an anxious wish for death to relieve me from all 
my pains. I was scarcely awake in the morning before I was 
discovered, and being closely reprimanded by my master, 
I was soon sold again. 

I was now carried to the left of the sun*s rising, through 
many dreary wastes and dismal woods, amidst the hideous 
roarings of wild beasts. The people I was sold to used to 
carry me very often either on their shoulders or their 
backs. All the people I had hitherto seen resembled my 
own nation, and having learned a little of several lan« 
guages, I could imderstand them pretty well : but now 
after six or seven months had passed away from the time I 
was kidnapped, I arrived at the sea coast, and I beheld that 
element, which before I had no idea of. It also made me 
acquainted with such cruelties as I can never reflect upon 
but with horror. The first object that met my sight was 
a Slave-ship riding at anchor, waiting for her cargo ! I 
was filled with astonishment, which was soon converted 
into terror which IlBun quite at a loss to describe. 

When I was taken on board, being roughly handled 
and closely examined by these men, whose complexion 
and language differed so much from any I had seen or 
heard before, I apprehended I had got into a world of bad 








3i €xMt fat tjit jUigrn. 



spirits. When I looked round the ship, too, and saw 
a multitude of Black people of all descriptions chained 
together, every one of their countenances expressing 
dejection and sorrow, I no longer doubted my fate^ 
and being quite overpowered with horror and anguish, I 
feU motionless on the deck and fainted. When I revived 
a little, the horrible faces of the White men frightened me 
again exceedingly. But I had not time to think much 
about it before I was, with many of my poor country 
people, put imder deck in a loathsome and horrible place. 
In this situation we wished for death, and sometimes refused 
to eat ; and for this we were beaten. Such were now my 
horrors and fears, that if ten thousand worlds had been my 
own, I would have freely parted with them all to have 
exchanged my condition with that of the meanest Slave in 
my own country. 

After enduring more hardships than I can relate, we 
arrived at Barbadoes. When taken on shore, we were 
put into a pen like so many beasts, and from thence sold 
and separated, — ^husbands and wives, parents, and children, 
brothers and sisters, without any distinction. Their cries 
excited some compassion in the hearts of those who were 
capable of feeling ; but others seemed to feel no remorse, 
though the scene was so affecting. 

On a signal given, (the beat of a drum), the buyers 
rush at once into the yard where the Slaves are confined, 
and make choice of those they like best. The noise and 
clamour with which this is attended, and the eagerness visible 
in the countenances of the buyers, serve not a little to 
increase the apprehension of the terrified African, who 
may well be supposed to consider them as the ministers of 
that destruction to which they think themselves devoted. 
In this manner, without scruple, are relations and friends 
separated, most of them never to see each other again. I 
remember in the vessel in which I was brought over, in 
the men's apartment there were several brothers, who, in 








*TP 




a €nMi fat % Jtgnr. 



the sale were sold in different lots ; and it was very moving 
on this occasion to sec and hear their cries at parting. 

O, ye nominal Christians ! might not an African ask you, 
learned you this from your God, who says unto you, " Do 
unto all men as you would they should do unto you ?" Is 
it not enough that we are torn from our country and friends 
to toil for your luxury and lust of gain ? Must every tender 
feeling be likewise sacrificed to your avarice ? Axe the 
dearest friends and relations, now rendered more dear by 
their separation from their kindred, still to be parted from 
each other, and thus be prevented from cheering the gloom 
of Slavery, with the small comfort of being tc^ether and 
mingling their sufferings and sorrows ? Why are parents 
to lose their children, brothers their sisters, or husbands 
their wives ? Sxurely this is a new refinement in cruelty, 
which, while it has no advantage to atone for it, thus aggra- 
vates distress, and adds fresh horrors even to the wretched- 
ness of Slavery ? 

I was, with some others, sent to America. When we 
arrived at Virginia we were also sold and separated. I now 
totally lost the small remains of comfort I had enjoyed in 
conversing with my countrymen ; the women too, who used 
to wash and take care of me, were all gone different ways, 
and I never saw one of them afterwards. 

Not long after this, Captain Pascal, coming to my master's, 
purchased me, and sent me on board his ship called the 
Industrious Bee. I had not yet learned much of the 
English language, so that I could not understand their 
conversation. I wanted to know as well as I could where 
we were going. Some of the people of the ship used to tell 
me they were going to carry me back to my own country, 
and this made me very happy. I was quite rejoiced at the 
idea of going back ; but I was reserved for another fate, 
and was soon undeceived when we came within sight of the 
English coast. It was on board this ship that I received 
the name of Gustavus Vassa. 




I ! 



m 



.u 






a ^rilrate &r % jUjgni. 



201 



There was on board this ship a young kd, Richard Baker, 
an American, who had received an excellent education, and 
was of a most amiable temper. Soon after I went on board 
he shewed me a great deal of partiality and attention, and 
in return, I grew extremely fond of him. We at length 
became inseparable, and for the space of two years he was 
of yery great use to me, being my constant companion 
and instructor* Such friendship was cemented between us 
as we cherished till his death, which, to my very great 
sorrow, happened in 1759, in the Archipelago, on board 
his Majesty's ship Preston ; an event which I have never 
ceased to regret, as I lost at once a kind interpreter, an 
agreeable companion, and a faithful friend, who, at the age 
of fifteen, discovered a mind superior to prejudice, and 
who was not ashamed to notice, to associate with, and to be 
the friend and instructor, of one who was ignorant, a 
stranger, of a different complexion, and a Slave I 

In the summer of 1757, I was taken by a press-gang, 
and carried on board a man-of-war. After passing about 
a year in this service, on the coast of France and in America, 
on my return to England I received much kindness, and 
was sent to school, where I learned to read and write. I 
could now speak English tolerably well, and I perfectly 
understood everything that was said. I not only felt myself 
quite easy with these new countrymen, but relished their 
society and manners. I looked upon them as men superior 
to us, and I had a strong desire to resemble them, to 
imbibe their spirit, and imitate their manners ; I therefore 
embraced every occasion of improvement, and every new 
thing I observed I treasured up in my mind. Shortly after 
my arrival in England, my master sent me to wait upon 
the Miss Guerins, who had treated me with much kindness 
before. They often used to teach me to read, and took 
great pains to instruct me in the principles of religion, and 
at the same time gave me a book called '* A Gruide to the 
Indians," written by the Bishop of Sodor and Man. 











a ^rihitti for tjit jifgrn. 



My master receiving the office of lieutenant on board the 
Namur, he took me with him up the Mediterranean. I ^ ^^'^^ 
parted from my kind patronesses, the Miss Guerins, with 
reluctance, and after receiving from them many friendly 
cautions how to conduct myself, and some valuable pre- 
sents, I took leave of them with uneasiness and regret. 
My desire for learning induced some of my shipmates to 
instruct me, so that I could read the Bible ; and one of 
them, a sober man, explained many passages to me. 

[I am already making more full extracts from the Narra- 
tive of Gustavus Yassa than I at first intended, but must 
now pass over much that is interesting. A few remarks 
made by this enlightened and intelligent Negro, in record- 
ing some providential deliverances, I cannot omit] 

In these, and in many more instances, says Vassa, I thought 
I could plainly trace the hand of God, without whose per- 
mission a sparrow cannot fall. I began to raise my fear 
from man to Him alone, and to call daily on his holy name 
with fear and reverence, and I trust He heard my supplica- 
tions, and graciously condescended to answer me according 
to His Holy Word, and to implant the seeds of piety in 
me, even one of the meanest of His creatures. 

As I had now served my master faithfully several years, 
and his kindness had given me hopes that he would grant 
my freedom, when we arrived in England I ventured to 
tell him so ; but he was offended, for he had determined 
on sending me to the "West Indies. Accordingly, at the 
close of the year 1762, finding a vessel bound diither, he 
took me on board, and gave me in charge to the captain. 
I endeavoured to expostulate with him by telling him he 
had received my wages, and all my prize money ; but it 
was to no purpose. Taking my only coat from my back, 
he went off in his boat. I followed them with aching eyes, 
and a heart ready to burst with grief, till they were 
out of sight. 



<|pi? 



r '- 






% €xMt ht tin JIfgrn- 



ThuBy at the moment that I expected all my toils to end, 
I was plunged, as I supposed, into anew Slavery ; in com- 
parison of which, all my service had hitherto been perfect 
freedom; whose horrors, always present in my mind, 
now rushed on it with tenfold aggravation. I wept very 
bitterly for some time, and began to think that I must 
have done something to displease the Lord, that He thus 
punished me so severely. This filled me with painful 
reflections on my past conduct ; I recollected that on the 
morning of our arrival at Deptford, I had rashly sworn 
that as soon as we reached London I would spend the day 
in rambling and sport. My conscience smote me for this 
unguarded expression : I felt that tlie Lord was able to 
disappoint me in all things, and immediately considered my 
present situation as a judgment of Heaven, on account of 
my presumption in swearing. I therefore acknowledged, 
with contrition of heart, my transgression to God, and 
poured out my soul before Him with unfeigned repentance ; 
and with earnest supplications I besought Him not to 
abandon me in my distress, nor cast me from His mercy 
for ever. In a little time, my grief, spent with its own 
violence, began to subside ; and after the first confusion of 
my thoughts was over, I reflected with more calmness on 
my present condition. I considered that trials and disap- 
pointments are sometimes for our good, and I thought God 
might perhaps have permitted this, in order to teach me 
wisdom and resignation ; for he had hitherto shadowed me 
with the wings of His mercy, and by His invisible, but 
powerful hand, brought me by a way I knew not. These 
reflections gave me a little comfort, and I rose at last from 
the deck with dejection and sorrow in my countenance, 
yet mixed with some faint hope that the Lord would 
appear for my deliverance. 

[Before the vessel saOed, it waited some days off Ports- 
mouth for the West India convoy ; and whilst there, Gus- 
tavus Vassa tried every means of escaping to land he could 




-j^ 






cm 



a €xMt fer tliB Mt^u. 





devise, but all in yain. On the last day but one of 176£y 
the Eolus frigate, which was to escort the convoy, made a 
signal for sailing.] 

What tumultuous emotions agitated my soul, continues 
Yassa, when the convoy got under sail, and I a prisoner 
on board, now without a hope ! I kept my eyes upon the 
land in a state of unutterable grief, not knowing what to 
do, and despairing how to help myself. While my mind was 
in this situation, the fleet sailed on, and I lost sight of land. 
In the first expression of my grief I reproached my fate, and 
wished I had never been bom. I was ready to curse the 
tide that bore us, the gale that wafted my prison, and 
even the ship that conducted us ; and I called on death 
to relieve me from the horrors I felt, and desired that I 
might be in that place — 

" Where Slayes are firee and men oppress no more. 
— ^Fool that I was, inured so long to pain, 
To trust to hope, or dream of joy again. 
Now dragg'd onoe more beyond the western main, 
To groan beneath some dastard planter's chain ; 
Where my poor countrymen in bondage wait 
The long enfranchisement of lingering fiite : 
Hard lingering &te ! while, ere the dawn of day. 
Boused by the lash, they go their cheerless way ; 
And as their souls with shame and anguish burn. 
Salute with groans unwelcome mom's return, 
And, chiding every hour the slow-paced sun, 
Pursue their toils till all his race is run. 
No eye to mark their sufferings with a tear : 
No friend to comfort, and no hope to cheer : 
Then, like the dull unpitied brutes, repair 
To stalls as wretohed, and as coarse a fare ; 
Thank HeaVn, one day of misery was o*er. 
Then sink to sleep, and wish to wake no more." 

• 

The turbulence of my emotions, however, naturally gave 
way to calmer thoughts, and I soon perceived that what fate 
had decreed, no mortal on earth could prevent. The captain, 
whose name was Doran, treated me very kindly, but we had a 
tempestuous voyage. On the 13 th of February, 1763, from 




1 1 






a ^tilrab fiir tjn Mt^u. 




the mast head^ we descried our destined island^ Montserrat : 
and soon after I beheld those 

^ Begions of sorrow, dolefiil sliadeB, where peace 
And reet can rarely dwelL Hope nerer comes 
That comes to all, but torture without end." 

At the sight of this land of bondage^ a fresh horror ran 
through all my frame, and chilled me to the heart* My 
former Slavery now rose in dreadful review before my 
mind, and displayed nothing but misery, stripes, and chains ; 
and, in the first paroxysm of my grief, I called upon God*s 
thunder, and His avenging power, to direct the stroke of 
death to me, rather than permit me to become a Slave again, 
and be sold from lord to lord. 

When the ship had discharged her cargo, and was ready 
for sailing again. Captain Doran sent for me ashore, and 
I was told by the messenger that my fate was determined. 
With trembling steps and faltering heart I came to the 
captain, and foimd him with one Mr. Robert King, a 
Quaker, the first merchant of the place. After telling 
me the charge he had to get me a good master, he said he 
had got me one of the best on the island. Mr. Xing also 
said he had bought me on account of my good character, 
(to maintain which I found to be of great importance,) and 
that his home was in Philadelphia, where he expected soon 
to go ; and he did not intend to treat me hard. He asked 
me what I could do, and said, as I imderstood something 
3of the rules of arithmetic, he would put me to school, and 
fit me for a clerk.* 

I soon found that my master fully deserved the good 
character which Captain Doran had given me of him. He 
possessed a most amiable disposition, and was very chari- 
table and humane. He treated his Slaves better than any 
other man on the island, so he was better and more faith- 

* The Society of Friends hare long renounced the holding of Slayes, 
which is entirely prohibited by their roles. 









a €xMt fst tjit Slip. 



fully served by them in return. In passing about the 
different estates on the island, I had an opportunity of 
seeing the dreadful usage and wretched situation of the poor 
Slaves, and it reconciled me to my condition, and made me 
thankful and bless God for being placed with so kind a 
master. He was several times offered one hundred guineas 
for me, but to my great joy, he would not sell me. 

Having obtained three pence, I began a little trade, and 
soon gained a dollar, then more ; with this I bought a 
Bible. Going in a vessel of my master's to Geoigia and 
Charleston, a small venture I took, answered on my return 
a very good purpose. In 1765, my master prepared for 
going to Philadelphia. With his crediting me for some 
articles, and the little stock of my own, I laid in consider- 
able, which elated me much ; and I told him I hoped I 
should soon obtain enough to purchase my freedom, which 
he promised me I should have when I could pay him what 
he gave for me. 

With my kind master and captain's indulgence, and my 
own indefatigable industry and economy, I obtained the 
sum required for my Uberty. So, one morning while they 
were at breakfast, I ventiu*ed to remind my master of what 
he promised, and to tell him I had got the money, at which 
he seemed surprised. The captain told him I had come 
honestly by it, and he must now fulfil his promise. My 
master then told me to go to the Secretary at the Register 
Office and get my manumission drawn, and he would sign 
it. These words of my master were like heaven to me : 
in an instant all my trepidation was turned into unutterable 
bliss ; and I most reverently bowed myself with gratitude, 
unable to express my feelings, but by the overflowing of 
tears, and a heart replete with thanks to God. As soon as 
the first transports of my joy were over, and I had ex- 
pressed my thanks in the best manner I was able, I rose 
with a heart full of affection and reverence, and left the 
room, in order to obey my master's joyful mandate of going 








% '^xMt for tjn Mt^n. 



to the Register Office. As I was leaving the house I called 
to mind the words of the Psalmist, in the lS6th Psalm, 
and like him, ** I glorified God in my heart, in whom I 
trusted." These words had been impressed on my mind 
from the very day I was forced from Deptford to the pre- 
sent hour, and I now saw them, as I thought, fulfilled and 
verified. My imagination was all rapture as I flew to the 
Register Office ; and in this respect, like the apostle Peter, 
(whose deliverance from prison was so sudden and extraor- 
dinary, that he thought he was in a vision) I could scarcely 
believe I was awake. Heavens ! who could do justice to 
my feelings at this moment ? Not conquering heroes them- 
selves, in the midst of a triumph — ^not the tender mother 
who has just regained her long-lost infant, and presses it 
to her heart ! All within my breast was tumult, wildness, 
and delirium ! My feet scarcely touched the groimd, for 
they were winged with joy, and, like Elijah, as he rose to 
Heaven, they " were with lightning sped as I went on ! " 
Eveiy one I met I told of my happiness, and blazed about 
the virtues of my amiable master and captain. 

The Registrar signed the manumission that day ; so that, 
before night, I who had been a Slave in the morning, 
trembling at the wiU of another, was become my own 
master, and completely free. I thought this was the 
happiest day I had ever experienced ; and my joy was still 
heightened by the blessings and prayers of many of the 
Sable race, particularly the aged, to whom my heart had 
ever been attached with reverence. 

Having obtained my freedom, my heart was now fixed 
on London, where I hoped to be ere long ; but my master 
and Captain Doran entreated me not to leave them. Here, 
gratitude bowed me down and induced me to remain. 
None but the generous mind can judge of my feelings, 
struggling between inclination and duty. I entered as a 
sailor on one of Mr. King's vessels, with the intention of 
making a voyage or two, entirely to please my honoured 









% €xMt fin; % Jltgra. 



patrons ; but I determined that the year following, if it 
pleased God^ I would see Old England once more. 

Our first voyage was to Montserrat* When we were 
preparing to return, and were taking some cattle onboard, 
one of them ran at the captain, and butted him so furiously 
in the breast that he never recovered the blow. He was 
so affected that he was unable to do duty, and he died 
before we reached our port. This was a heavy stroke to 
me, for he had been my true friend ; and I loved him as a 
father. The whole care of the vessel now rested upon me. 
In the course of nine or ten days, we made the island of 
Antigua, and the day after, we came safe to Montserrat. 
Many were surprised when they heard of my conducting 
the sloop into the port, and I now obtained a new appella- 
tion, and was called Captain. This elated me not a little, 
and it was quite flattering to my vanity, to be thus styled 
by as high a title as any free man in this place possessed. 

As I had now, by the death of my captain, lost my 
great benefactor and friend, I had little inducement to 
remain longer in the West Indies, except firom gratitude to 
Mr. King, which I thought I had pretty well discharged 
in bringing back his vessel safe, and delivering his cargo to 
his satisfaction. I began to think of leaving this part of 
the world, of which I had been long tired, and returning 
to England, where my heart had always been ; but Mr. 
King still pressed me very much to stay with his vessel, 
and he had done so much for me, that I found m3r8elf 
unable to refuse his requests, and consented to go another 
voyage to Georgia, as the mate from his ill state of health, 
was quite useless in the vessel. 

Accordingly a new captain was appointed, and having 
refitted our vessel, we sailed for Georgia ; but steering a 
more westerly course than usual, we soon got on the 
Bahama banks, where our vessel was wrecked, but no 
lives lost. Getting on one of the islands, with some salt 
provision we had saved, we remained there many days, and 



I 



i^Py 





11 





a ^rilntte firr tjit jltgni. 



suffered much for want of fresh water. When we were 
almost famished with hunger and thirsty we were founds 
and carried to New Providence, where we were kindly 
treated. From thence we were taken to Sayannah, so to 
Martinico, and to Montserrat, having been absent about 
sixmonthsy during which I had more than once experienced 
the delivering hand of Providence, when all human means 
of escaping destruction seemed hopeless. I saw my friends 
with a gladness of heart which was increased by my absence 
and the dangers I had escaped, and I was received with 
great friendship by them all, but particularly by Mr. King, 
to whom I related the various hardships we had encoun- 
tered, and the loss of his sloop, with the cause of her being 
wrecked. When I told him I intended to go to London 
that season, and that I had come to visit him before my 
departure, the good man expressed a great deal of affection 
for me, and sorrow that I should leave him. I thanked 
him for his friendship, but as I wished veiy much to be in 
London, I declined remaining any longer there, and begged 
he would excuse me. I then requested he would be kind 
enough to give me a certificate of my behaviour while in 
his service, which he very readily complied with, and gave 
me the following : — 

*' To all to whom this may concern. 

" The bearer hereof, Giistavus Yassa, was my Slave up- 
wards of three years ; during which time he has always 
behaved lymself well, and discharged his duty with honesty 

and assiduity.*' 

" R. KING." 

Having obtained this, I parted from my kind master, 
after many sincere professions of gratitude and regard, and 
prepared for my departure to London. Having agreed 
for my passage, I took leave of all my friends, and 
embarked, exceedingly glad to see myself once more on 
board a ship, steering the course I had long wished for. 



^a^ 



3e 








a €xMi fcr % 5Sfgni- 



With a light heart I bade Montserrat farewell ; and with 
it, I bade adieu to the sound of the cruel whip^ and all 
other dreadful instruments of torture ; and adieu to op- 
pressions^ although to me, less severe than to most of my 
countrymen. I wished for a grateful and thankful heart 
to praise the Lord God on high for all his mercies ! In this 
ecstacy I steered the ship all night. 

We had a most prosperous voyage^ and at the end of 
seven weeks my longing eyes were once more gratified with 
a sight of London, after having been absent from it above 
four years. I immediately received my wages, and I had 
never earned seven guineas so quickly in my life before. I 
had thirty-seven guineas in all when I got clear of the ship. 
I now entered upon a scene quite new to me, but full of 
hope. I set my mind on getting more learning, and at- 
tended school diligently. My money not being sufficient, 
I hired myself to service awhile ; but having a desire to go 
into the Mediterranean, I engaged on board a ship, where 
the mate taught me navigation. 

In the spring of 1773, an expedition was fitted out to 
explore a north-west passage to India, conducted by the 
Honourable Constantine John Phipps, since Lord Mul- 
grave, in "his Majesty's sloop of war the Race Horse. Dr. 
Irving being anxious for the reputation of this adventure, 
concluded to go, and I accompanied him. I attended him 
on board the Race Horse, the S4th of May, 1778, and we 
proceeded to Sheemess, where we were joined by his Ma^ 
jesty*s sloop the Carcass, commanded by CaptaiifLutwidge, 
and on the 25th of the same month we were off Shedand. 
On the 20th of Jime, we began to use Dr. Irviug's appara- 
tus for making salt water fresh ; I used to attend the dis- 
tillery, and frequently purified from SO to 40 gallons a day. 
The water thus distilled was perfectly pure, well tasted, 
and free from salt, and was used on various occasions on 
board the ship. On the S8th we reached Greenland, where 
I was surprised to find the sun did not set. The weather 









a €tMt fiir tin Jligra. 



now became extremely cold^ and we saw many veiy high 
and curious mountains of ice ; and also a great number of 
very large whales^ which used to come close to oiu: ship^ 
and spout the water up to a very great height in the air. 
On the d9th and 30th of July, we saw one continued plain 
of smooth unbroken ice, bounded only by the horizon ; and 
we fastened to a piece of ice that was eight yards eleven 
inches thick. We had generally sunshine, and constant 
daylight, which gave cheerfulness and novelty to the whole 
of this striking, grand, and uncommon scene; and, to 
heighten it still more, the reflection of the sun from the ice 
gave the clouds a most beautiful appearance. We remained 
here till the 1st of August, when the two ships got com- 
pletely fastened by the loose ice that set in from the sea. 
This made our situation very dreadful and alarming ; so 
that on the seventh day we were in great apprehension of 
having the ships squeezed to pieces. The officers now held 
a council to know what was best to be done in order to 
save our lives. Our deplorable condition, which kept up 
the constant apprehension of our perishing in the ice, 
brought me gradually to think of eternity in such a manner 
as I had never done before, having the fear of death hourly 
upon me. Owe appearance became truly lamentable ; pale 
dejection seized every countenance ; many, who had been 
blasphemers before, in this our distress began to call on 
the good God of Heaven for his help ; and in the time 
of our utter need he heard us, and against hope or human 
probabilijir} delivered us ! In this perilous situation we 
remained eleven days, when the weather becoming more 
mild, and the wind changing, the ice gave way ; and in 
about thirty hours, with hard labour, we got into open 
water, to our infinite joy and gladness of heart. 

On the 19th of August, we sailed from this uninhabited 
extremity of the world, where the inhospitable climate 
affords neither food nor shelter, and not a tree or shrub of 
any kind grows among its barren rocks; but all is one 








a €tMt fiit tjn jligra. 



desolate and expanded field of ice, which even the constant 
beams of the sun for six months in the year cannot pene- 
trate or dissolve. 

We arrived at Deptford on the SOth, and thus ended our 
Arctic voyage, to the no small joy of all on board, after 
having been absent four months ; in which time, at the im- 
minent hazard of our lives, we explored nearly as far 
towards the Pole as 81^ north, and 20^ east longitude; 
being much further than any navigator had ever ventured 
before ; in which we fully proved the impracticability of 
finding a passage that way to India. 

Our voyage to the North Pole being ended, I returned 
to London with Dr. Irving, with whom I continued for 
some time, during which I began seriously to reflect on the 
many dangers I had escaped, particularly those of my last 
voyage, which made a lasting impression on my mind ; and 
which, by the grace of God, proved afterwards a mercy to 
me : causing me to reflect deeply on my eternal state, and 
to seek the Lord with full purpose of heart, ere it was too 
late. I rejoiced greatly ; and heartily thanked the Lord 
for directing me to London, where I was determined to 
work out my own salvation, and in so doing, procure a 
title to heaven. I used every means for this purpose, but 
not being able to find any person that would show me any 
good, I was much dejected, and knew not where to seek 
relief. The only comfort I experienced was in reading the 
Holy Scriptures, where I saw that what was appointed for 
me I must submit to. 

Still, I continued to travel in much heaviness, and fre- 
quently murmured against the Almighty; and, awful to 
think, I began to blaspheme ! In tiiese severe conflicts, 
the Lord was pleased, in much mercy, to give me to see, 
and in some measure to understand, the great and awful 
scene of the judgment day, that no unclean person, no 
unholy thing, can enter into the kingdom of God. I would 
then, if it had been possible, have changed my nature with 






the meanest worm on the earth ; and was ready to eaj to 
the mountains and rocks, fiUI on me, but in vain. In the 
greatest agony, I prayed to the Divine Creator, that he 
would grant me time to repent of my follies and vile 
iniquities, which I felt were grievous ; and in His nmnifold 
mercies. He was pleased to grant my request, and the sense 
of His mercies was great on my mind. This was the first 
spiritual mercy I ever was sensible of; I invoked Heaven 
from my inmost soul, and fervently beg^d that God would 
never again permit me to blaspheme His most holy name. 
The Lord, who is long-suffering, and full of compassion to 
such poor rebels as we are, condescended to hear and 
answer. I felt that I was altogether unholy, and saw 
clearly what a wicked use I had made of the faculties with 
which I was endowed, and which were given me to glorify 
God. I prayed to be directed, if there were any holier 
persons than th<»e with whom I was acquainted, that the 
Lord would point them out to me. I appealed to the 
searcher of hearts, whether I did not wish to love him 
more, and serve him better. Notwithstanding all thb, the 
reader may easily discern, that if a believer, I was still in 
nature's darkness. At length I hated the house in which I 
lodged, because God's most holy name was blasphemed in 
it; then I saw the word of God verified, " Before they 
call, I will answer ; and while they are yet speaking, I 
will hear." 

I had a great desire to read the Bible the whole day at 
home ; but not having a convenient place for retirement, I 
left the house in the day, rather than stay amongst the 
wicked ones ; and as I was walking, it pleased God to 
direct me to a house, where there was an old sea-faring 
man, who had experienced much of the love of God shed 
abroad in his heart. He began to discourse with me, and, 
as I desired to love the Lord, his conversation rejoiced me 
greatly ; and indeed I had never before heard the love of 
Christ to believers set forth in such a manner, and in so 






% €xMt fiit tjit jlfgni. 



clear a point of view. Here I had more questions to put 
to the man than his time would permit him to answer : 
and in that memorable hour there came in a dissenting 
minister ; he joined in our discourse^ and asked me some 
few questions, inviting me to a love-feast that evening, 
which offer I accepted, and thanked him. After he went 
away, I had some further discourse with the old Christian, 
added to some profitable reading, which made me exceed- 
ingly happy. When I left him he reminded me of coming 
to the feast ; I assured him I would be there. Thus we 
parted, and I weighed over the heavenly conversation that 
had passed between these two men, which cheered my then 
heavy and drooping spirit more than anything I had met 
with for many months. However, I thought the time long 
in going to my supposed banquet. It lasted about four 
hours, and ended in singing and prayer. This kind of 
Christian fellowship I had never seen, nor ever thought of 
seeing on earth ; it fully reminded me of what I had read 
in the Holy Scriptures of the primitive Christians, who 
loved each other and broke bread, partaking of it, even 
from house to house. I could not but admire the good* 
ness of God, in directing the blind, blasphemous sinner, into 
the path that I knew not of, even among the just ; and 
that instead of judgment he shewed mercy, hearing and 
answering the prayers and supplications of every returning 

prodigal : 

'' O I to grace how great a debtor 
Daily I'm constrain'd to be V* 

After this, I was resolved to win Heaven if possible ; and 
if I perished, I thought it should be at the feet of Jesus, in 
praying to him for salvation. After having been an eye- 
witness to the happiness which attended those who feared 
God, I knew not liow, with any propriety, to return to my 
lodgings, where the name of God was continually profaned. 
I paused in my mind for some time, not knowing what to 
do ; whether to hire a bed elsewhere, or go home again. 







<r\<-^ 










a ^tihitti fiir tjit Jltgni. 



At last, fearing an evil report might arise, I went home, 
with a farewell to card-playing and vain jesting, &c. I saw 
that time was very short, eternity long, and very near ; and 
I viewed those persons alone blessed who were found 
ready at midnight caD, or when the judge of all cometh. 

The next day I took courage, and went to see my new 

and worthy acquaintance, the old man, Mr, C ; who, 

with his wife, a gracious woman, were at work weaving 
silk. Their discourse was delightful and edifying. I knew 
not at last how to leave them, till time summoned me 
away. As I was going, they lent me a little book, entitled, 
" The Conversion of an Indian," which was of great use to 
me, and at that time a means of strengthening my faith ; 
in parting, they both invited me to call on them when I 
pleased. This delighted me, and I took care to derive all 
the improvement from it I could ; and so far I thanked 
God for such company and desires. I prayed that the 
many evils I felt within might be done away, and that I 
might be weaned from my former carnal acquaintances. 
This was quickly heard and answered, and I was soon con- 
nected with those whom the Scriptures call the excellent 
of the earth. I heard the gospel preached, and the thoughts 
of my heart and actions were laid open by the preachers, 
and the way of salvation by Christ alone, was evidently set 
forth. Thus I went on happily for nearly two months. 

A short time after this, I went to Westminster chapel ; 

the Rev. Mr. P preached from Lam. iii. 39. It 

was a wonderful sermon ; he clearly shewed, that a living 
man had no cause to complain for the punishment of his 
sins ; he evidently justified the Lord in all his dealings 
with the sons of men ; he also shewed the justice of God 
in the eternal punishment of the wicked and impenitent. 
The discourse afforded me much joy, intermingled with 
many fears about my soul. When it was ended, I addressed 
the reverend gentleman, who freely commended me to read 
the Scriptures, and hear the word preached ; not to neglect 







a €xMt fin; tjff Jlfgra- 



fervent prayer to God^ who has promised to hear the sup- 
plications of those who seek Him in godly sincerity ; so I 
took my leave of him with many thanks^ and resolved to 
follow his advice^ so far as the Lord would condescend to 
enable me. 

During this time I was out of employment, nor was I 
likely to get a situation suitable for me, which obliged me 
to go once more to sea. I engaged as steward of a ship 
bound from London to Cadiz. In a short time after I was 
on board, I heard the name of God much blasphemed. I 
concluded to beg my bread on shore, rather than go again 
to sea amongst a people who feared not God, and I entreated 
the captain three different times to discharge me ; he would 
not, but each time gave me greater and greater encourage- 
ment to continue with him, and all on board shewed me 
very great civility ; notwithstanding all this, I was unwilling 
to embark again. At last some of my friends advised me, 
saying it was my lawful calling, particularly Mr. G. S. the 
governor of Tothill-fields Bridewell, who pitied my case, 
and read the eleventh chapter of the Hebrews to me, with 
exhortations. He prayed for me, and I believed that he 
prevailed on my behalf, as my burden was then greatly 
removed. The good man gave me a pocket Bible and 
*' Alleine's Alarm to the Unconverted " before we parted* 
Next day I went on board again. We sailed for Spain, and 
I foimd favour with the captain. It was the fourth of 
September when we sailed from London ; we had a delight- 
ful voyage to Cadiz, where we arrived on the twenty-third. 

I had many opportunities of reading the Scriptures, and 
wrestled hard with God in fervent prayer, who has declared 
in his blessed book that he will hear the groanings and 
deep sighs of the poor in spirit, which I found verified to 
my utter astonishment and comfort. In the evening, as I was 
reading and meditating on the fourth chapter of the Acts, 
twelfth verse, under the solemn apprehensions of eternity, 
and reflecting on my past actions, I began to think I had 



<t-l^' 








1 ^rilrafe &r tj|i jltgrn- 



217 




lived a moral life, and that I had proper grounds for be* 
lieving I had an interest in the diviiie favour ; but still me- 
ditating on the subject, not knowing whether salvation was 
to be had partly for our own good deeds, or solely as the 
sovereign gift of Grod ; — ^in this deep consternation, the 
Lord was pleased to break in upon my soul with his bright 
beams of heavenly light ; and in an instant as it were, 
removing th^ veil, and letting light into a dark place, I 
saw clearly with the eye of faith the crucified Saviour 
bleeding on the cross on Mount Calvary : the Scriptures 
became an unsealed book, I saw myself a condemned cri- 
minal under the law, which caipe ivith its full force to my 
conscience. I saw the Lord Jesus Christ in his humiliation, 
loaded and bearing pay reproach, sin, and shame. I then 
clearly perceived that by the deeds of the law no flesh 
living could be justified. I was then convinced that by the 
first Adam sin came, and by the second Adam (the Lord 
Jesus Christ) all that are saved must be made alive. It 
was given me at that time to know what it was to be bom 
again.* I saw the eighth chapter to the Romans, and the 
doctrines of God's decrees, verified agreeable to his eternal, 
everlasting, and unchangeable purposes. The Word of 
God was sweet to my taste, yea, sweeter than honey and 
the honeycomb. Christ was revealed to my soul as the 
chiefest among ten thousand. These heavenly moments 
were really as life to the dead, and what John calls an 
earnest of the Spirit f This was indeed unspeakable, and I 
firmly believe undeniable to many. Now, every leading 
providential circumstance that happened to me, from the 
day I was taken from my parents to that hour, was before 
my view, as if it had but just then occurred. I was 
sensible of the invisible hand of God, which guided and 
protected me, when in truth I knew it not : still the Lord 
pursued me although I slighted and disregarded it; his 
mercy melted me down. When I considered my poor 

* John iii- 5. f John xvi. 19, 14, &c. 



2v 









a €inMt &r tju jitgrn. 



wretched state I wept, seeing what a great dehtor I was to 
sovereign free grace. Now, the Ethiopian was willing to 
be saved by Jesus Christ, the sinner's only surety, and 
also to rely on none other person or thing for salvation. 
Self was obnoxious, and good works he had none, for it 
is God that worketh in us both to will and to do. Oh ! 
the amazing things of that hour can never be told — ^it was 
joy in the Holy Ghost ! I felt an astonishing change ; the 
burden of sin, the gaping jaws of hell, and the fears of 
death, that weighed me down before, now lost their horror; 
indeed I thought death would now be the best earthly 
friend I ever had. Such were my grief and joy as I be* 
lieve are seldom experienced. I was bathed in tears, and 
said, ^' What am I that God shoidd thus look on me the vilest 
of sinners ? " I felt a deep concern for my mother and 
friends, which occasioned me to pray with fresh ardour ; 
and in the abyss of thought, I viewed the unconverted 
people of the world in a very awful state, being without 
God and without hope. 

It pleased God to pour out upon me the spirit of prayer 
and the grace of supplication, so that in loud acclamations 
I was enabled to praise and glorify his most holy name. 
When I got out of the cabin, and told some of the people 
what the Lord had done for me, alas, who could understand 
me or believe my report ! — None but those to whom the 
arm of the Lord was revealed. I became a barbarian to them 
in talking of the love of Christ : his name was to me as 
ointment poured forth ; indeed it was sweet to my soul, 
but to them a rock of offence. I thought my case singular. 
Every hour in the day until I came to London, I much 
longed to be with some to whom I could tell of the wonders 
of God's love towards me, and join in prayer to Him whom 
my soul loved and thirsted after. I had uncommon com- 
motions within, such as few can understand. Now, the 
Bible was my only companion and comfort ; I prized it 
much, with many thanks to God that I could read it for 






-t" 








a €inMt fax % ^tgw* 



myself, and was not left to be tossed about or led by man's 
devices and notions. The worth of a soul cannot be told. 
— May the Lord give the reader an understanding in this. 
Whenever I looked into the Bible I saw things new, and 
many texts were immediately applied to me with great 
comfort, for I knew that to me the word of salvation was 
sent. Sure I was that the Spirit which indited the word 
opened my heart to receive the truth of it as it is in Jesus 
— that the same Spirit enabled me to have faith in the 
promises that were precious to me, and enabled me to be- 
lieve to the salvation of my sold. By free grace I was 
persuaded that I had a part in the first resurrection, and 
was enlightened with the " light of the living."* I wished 
for a man of God with whom I might converse : my soul 
was like the chariots of Aminadab. f These, among others, 
were the precious promises that were so powerfully applied 
to me : " All things whatsoever ye shall ask in prayer, 
believing, ye shall receive." " Peace I leave with you, my 
peace I give unto you." I saw the blessed Redeemer to 
be the fountain of life, and the well of salvation. I expe- 
rienced him to be all in all ; he had brought me by a way 
that I knew not, and he had made crooked paths straight. 
Then in his name I set up my Ebenezer, saying, " Hitherto 
he hath helped me :" and could say to the sinners about me, 
behold what a Saviour I have ! Thus I was, by the teach- 
ing of that all-glorious Deity, the great One in Three, and 
Three in One, confirmed in the truths of the Bible, those 
oracles of everlasting truth, on which every soul living 
must stand or fall eternally, agreeably to the passage in 
Acts, " Neither is there salvation in any other, for there is 
none other name imder heaven given among men whereby 
we must be saved, but only Jesus Christ." May God give 
the reader a right understanding in these facts ! *' To him 
that believeth, all things are possible, but to them that are 
unbelieving nothing is pure. % 



• Job xzxiiL 80. 



t Ouitioles Ti. 12. 



t Titus L 16. 









% €xMt Ui % ^Fgri. 



We remained at Cadiz until our ship got laden. We 
sailed about the fourth of November ; and, haying a good 
passage, arrived in London the month following, to my 
comfort, with heartfelt gratitude to God for his rich and 
unspeakable mercies. 

On my return, I had but one text which puzzled me, or 
that the devil endeavoured to buffet me with, viz., Rom. 
xi. 6, and, as I had heard of the minister, Mr. Romaine, 
and his great knowledge in the Scriptures, I wished much 
to hear him preach. One day I went to Black&iars churchy 
and, to my great satisfaction and surprise, he preached from 
that very text. He very clearly shewed the difference 
between human works and free election, which is according 
to God's sovereign will and pleasure. These glad tidings 
set me entirely at liberty, and I went out of the church 
rejoicing. I went to Westminster chisel, and saw some of 
my old friends, who were glad when they perceived the won^ 
derful change that the Lord had wrought in me, particu- 
larly Mr. G — S — y my worthy acquaintance, who was a 
man of a choice spirit, and had great zeal for the Lord's 
service. I enjoyed his correspondence till he died in the 
year 1784. I was examined at that chapel, and received 
into church fellowship amongst them : I rejoiced in spirit, 
making melody in my heart to the Gt>d of all mercies. 
Now, my whcde wish was to be dissolved, and to be with 
Christ — but, alas ! I must wait mine appointed time. 

When our ship was ready for sea again, I was entreated by 
the captain to go in her once more, bo I again embarked for 
Cadiz, in March, 1776. We hAd a very good passage until 
we arrived off the Bay of Cadiz ; when, as we were going 
into the harbour, the ship struck against a rock, and 
knocked off a garboard plank, whidi is the n^Lt to the keel : 
in an instant all hands were in the greatest confusion, and 
began with loud cries to call upon God to have mercy oft 
them. Although I saw no way of escaping death, I felt no 
dread in my then situation, having no desire to live. I 



^P" 







: I 




ia ^rihiite fat i^ JSegni- 



even rejoiced in spirit, thinking this death would be sudden 
glory. But the fulness of time was not yet come. The 
people near to me, were much astonished at seeing me 
thus calm and resigned, but I told them of the peace of 
God, which through sovereign grace I enjoyed, and these 
words were that instant in my mind : 

*< CliriBt Ib my pilot wise, 
Mj compass is His word ; 
My soul eftoh storm defies, 
While I hare such, a Lord. 
I trust His faithfulness and power 
To sare me in the trying hour. 
Though rocks and quicksands deep, 

Through all my passage lie, 
Yet Christ shall safely keep, 
And guide me with his eye." 

We ran the ship ashore at the nearest place, to keep her 
from sinking, and after many tides, with a great deal of 
care and industry, we got her repaired again. When we 
had despatched our business at Cadiz, we went to GKbraltar, 
and thence to Malaga. I was very much shocked at the 
bull-baiting and other diversions which prevailed here on 
Sunday evenings, to the great scandal of Christianity and 
morals. 

We sailed for England in June. When we were about 
north latitude 4S^, we had contrary wind for several days, 
which made the captain exceedingly fretful and peevish : 
and God's holy name was often blasphemed by him. One 
day, as he was in this imj^ous mood, a young gentleman 
who was a passenger on board, reproached him, and said 
he acted wrong ; for we ought to be thankful to God for 
all things, as we were not in wartt of anything on board ; 
and though the wind was contrary for us, yet it was fair 
for some others, who, perhaps, stood in more need of it 
than we. I immediately seconded this young gentleman 
with some boldness, and said we had not the least cause to 
xnuixnur, for that the Lord was better to us than we 









a €xMt fax % jltgrn^ 



deserved, and that he had done all things well. Before 
that time on the following day, much to our great joy and 
astonishment, we saw the providential hand of our benign 
Creator, whose ways with His blind creatures are past 
finding out. At noon, the man at the helm cried out, — 
" A boat !*' I was the first on deck, and descried a 
little boat at some distance, but, as the waves were high, 
it was as much as we could do sometimes to discern her ; 
however we stopped the ship's way, and the boat, which 
was extremely small, came alongside with eleven miserable 
men, whom we took on board immediately. To all human 
appearance, these people must have perished in the course 
of one hour or less ; the boat being small, it barely con- 
tained them. When we took them up they were half 
drowned, and had no victuals, compass, water, or any other 
necessary whatsoever, and had only one bit of an oar to 
steer with, and that right before the wind ; so that they 
were obliged to trust entirely to the mercy of the waves. 
As soon as we got them all on board, they bowed them- 
selves on their knees, and, with hands and voices lifted up 
to Heaven, thanked God for their deliverance ; and I trust 
that my prayers were not wanting amongst them at the 
same time. The mercy of the Lord quite melted me, and 
I recollected the words in the 107th Psalm, which I 
thus saw verified : — " They cried unto the Lord in their 
trouble, and He delivered them out of their distresses.*' 
" O that men would praise the Lord for his goodness, and 
for his wonderful works to the children of men." The 
poor distressed captain said, '^ that the Lord is good ; for, 
seeing that I am not fit to die. He therefore gave me a 
space of time to repent." I was very glad to hear this 
expression, and took an opportunity when convenient of 
talking to him on the providence of God. They told us mrw^ 
they were Portuguese, and were in a brig loaded with |^^ 
com, which shifted that morning at five o'clock, owing to 
which the vessel sunk that instant with two of the crew ; 








a €xMt kc tjif JItgrn. 



and how these eleven got into the boat (which was lashed 
to the deck) not one of them could tell. We provided 
them with every necessary, and brought them all safe to 
London, and I hope the Lord gave them repentance unto 
eternal life. 

I was happy once more amongst my friends and brethren 
till November, when my old friend Dr. Irving bought a 
remarkably fine sloop, about 150 tons. Having a mind for 
a new adventure in cultivating a plantation in Jamaica, and 
the Musquito Shore, he asked me to go with him, saying, that 
he would trust me with his estate in preference to any one. 
I accepted the offer, knowing that the harvest was fully 
ripe in those parts, and hoped to be an instrument under 
God, of bringing some poor sinner to my well-beloved 
Master, Jesus Christ. We embarked in November. On 
our passage, I took all the pains that I could to instruct an 
Indian prince we had on board the doctrines of Christianity, 
of which he was entirely ignorant ; and to my great joy, 
he was quite attentive, and received with gladness the truths 
that the Lord enabled me to set forth to him. 

On the 6th of January we made Antigua and Mont- 
serrat, and on the 14th arrived at Jamaica. On the 18th 
of February we arrived at the Musquito Shore, and then 
sailed to the southward, to Cape Gracias a Dios, where 
there was a large lake, which received the emptying of two 
or three very fine large rivers, and abounded much in fish 
and land tortoise. Some of the native Indians came on 
board, and we used them well, and told them we were 
come to dwell amongst them, at which they seemed 
pleased. So the Doctor and I, with some others, went with 
them ashore ; and they took us to different places to view 
the land, in order to choose a place to make a plantation 
of. We fixed on a spot near a river's bank, in a rich soil ; 
and, having got our necessaries out of the sloop, we began 
to clear away the woods, and plant different kinds of 
vegetables, which had a quick growth. 








a €tMt kc % $^m. 



I often wifibed to leave this place and sail for Europe ; 
for our heatheni3h mode of procedure and living was veiy 
irksome to me. The word of God saith, " Wliat does it 
avail a man if he gain the whole world and lose his own 
soul?'* This was much and heavilj impressed on my 
mind ; and though I did not know how to speak to the 
Doctor for my discharge, it waa disagreeable for me to 
stay any longer, but about the middle of June I took 
courage enough to ask him for it* He was very unwilling 
at first to grant me my request ; but I gave him so many 
reasons for it, that at last he consented to my going, and 
gave me the following certificate of my behaviour : — 

** The bearer, Gustavus Vassa, has served me several years 
with strict honesty, sobriety, and fidelity. I can, therefore, 
with justice recommend him for these qualifications ; and 
indeed, in every respect I consider him an excellent ser- 
vant. I do hereby certify that he always behaved well, 
and that he is perfectly trust-worthy," 

"CHARLES IRVING." 

" Miuqmio Share, June 16, 1776." 

Though I was much attached to the Doctor, I was happy 
when he consented. I got every thing ready for my 
departure, and hired some Indians, with a large canoe, to 
carry me off. All my poor coimtrymen, the Slaves, when 
they heard of my leaving them, were very sorry, as I had 
always treated them with care and affection, and did every 
thing I could to comfort the poor creatures, and render 
their ccmdition easy. Having taken leave of my old friends 
and companions, on the 18th of June, accompanied by the 
Doctor, I left that part of the world, and went southward 
above twenty miles alcmg the river. There I found a 
sloop, the captain of which told me he was going to 
Jamaica, and having agreed for my passage with him, the 
Doctor and I parted, not without shedding tears on both 





(IS: 



K-N 



I -=^ 







ji €xMt fox tin Mtiu. 



side8« The vessel then sailed tiU night, when she stopped 
in a lake within the same river. A schooner belonging to 
the same owners came in, and, as she was in want of hands, 
Hughes, the owner of the sloop, asked me to go as a sailor, 
and said he would give me wages. I thanked him ; but I 
said I wanted to go to Jamaica. He then immediately 
changed his tone, and swore, and abused me very much, 
and asked how I came to be freed. I told him, and said 
that I came into that vicinity with Dr. Irving, whom he 
had seen that day. Then he desired me to go in the 
schooner, or else I should not go out of the sloop as a free 
man. I said this was very hard, and begged to be put on 
shore again ; but he swore that I should not. Without 
another word, he made some of his people tie ropes round 
each of my ancles, and also to each wrist, and another rope 
round my body, and hoisted me up without letting my feet 
touch or rest upon any thing. Thus I hung, without any 
crime committed, and without judge or jury, merely be- 
cause I was a free man, and could not by the law get any 
redress from a White person in those parts of the world. 
I was in great pain from my situation, and cried and begged 
very hard for some mercy, but all in vain. My tyrant, in 
a rage, brought a musket out of the cabin, and loaded it 
before me and the crew, and swore that he would shoot 
me if I cried any more. I had now no alternative ; I there- 
fore remained silent, seeing not one White man on board who 
said a word in my behalf. I hung in that manner from 
between ten and eleven o'clock at night till about one in the 
morning; when, finding my cruel abuser fast asleep, I 
begged some of his Slaves to slacken the rope that was 
round my body, that my feet might rest upon something. 
This they did at the risk of being cruelly used by their 
master, who beat some of them severely at first for not 
tying me when he commanded them. Whilst I remained 
in this condition, till between five and six o'clock next 
morning, I trust I prayed to God to forgive this blasphemer, 



2g 








a ^rilmb fiit t^ JStgrn, 



who cared not what he did, but when he got up out of hia 
sleep in the morning was of the very same temper and dis- 
position as when he left me at night. When they got up 
the anchor, and the vessel was getting under way, I once 
more cried and begged to be released ; being fortunately 
in the way of hoisting the sails, they released me. 

When I was let down, I spoke to Mr. Cox, a carpenter^ 
whom I knew onboard, on the impropriety of this conduct. 
He also knew Dr. Irving, and the good opinion he ever 
had of me. This man then went to the captain, and 
told him not to carry me away in that manner; that I 
was the Doctor's steward, who regarded me very highly, 
and would resent this usage when he should come to 
know it; on which he desired a young man to put me 
ashore in a small canoe he brought with him. I got hastily 
into the canoe and set off, whilst my tyrant was down 
in the cabin ; but he soon spied me out, when I was not 
above thirty or forty yards from the vessel, and running 
upon the deck with a loaded musket in his hand, he 
presented it at me, and swore heavily and dreadfully, that 
he would shoot me that instant, if I did not come back on 
board. As I knew the wretch would have done as he 
said without hesitation, I put back to the vessel again ; 
but, as the good Lord would have it, just as I was alongside, 
he was abusing the captain for letting me go from the 
vessel, which the captain returned, and both of them soon 
got into a very great heat. The young man that was with 
me now got out of the canoe ; the vessel was sailing on fast, 
with a smooth sea, and I then thought it was neck or 
nothing, so at that instant I set off again, for my life, in 
the canoe, towards the shore ; and fortunately the confusion 
was so great amongst them on board, that I got out of the 
reach of the musket shot unnoticed, while the vessel sailed 
on with a fair wind a different way, so that they 
could not overtake me without tacking ; but even before 
that could be done I should have been on shore, which I 



1 



fS. 








a €rMt fax tjjt Mtin. 



soon reached, with many thanks to God for this unex- 
pected deliverance. 

After a tiresome and perilous journey, I got on board a 
sloop, expecting daily to sail for Jamaica, having agreed 
to work my passage. I was not mimy days on board before 
we sailed ; but, to my sorrow and disappointment, though 
used to such tricks, we went to the southward along the 
Musquito shore, instead of steering for Jamaica. I was 
compelled to assist in cutting a great deal of mahogany 
wood on the shore as we coasted along it, and load the 
vessel with it before she sailed. I was on board sixteen 
days, during which, in our coasting, we fell in with a smaller 
sloop, the Indian Queen* commanded by John Baker, how 
told me if he could get one or two free hands, he would 
sail immediately for Jamaica. He also pretended to show 
me some marks of attention and respect, and promised to 
give me forty-five shillings sterling a month if I would go 
with him. I thought this much better than cutting wood 
for nothing, and therefore told the other captain that I 
wanted to go to Jamaica in this vessel, but he would not 
listen to me ; and, seeing me resolved to go in a day or 
two, he got the vessel under sail, intending to carry me 
away against my wiU, which mortified me extremely. But 
with the assistance of a shipmate, I went on board the 
Indian Queen on July the 10th. 

A few days after, we sailed ; but again, to my great 
mortification, this vessel went to the south, nearly as far as 
Carthagena, trading along the coast, instead of going to 
Jamaica, as the captain had promised me, and worst of all, 
he was a very cruel man, and a horrid blasphemer. It was 
the 14th of October before we arrived at Kingston in 
Jamaica. When we were unloaded, I demanded my wages 
as agreed for, amounting to £8 5s., but the captain 
refused to give me one farthing, although it was the 
hardest earned money I ever worked for in my life. Dr. 
Irving did all he could to help me to get my money; and 









a €rMt frc % jiBgrn- 



we went to every magistrate in Kingston (and there were 
nine), but they all refused to do anything for me, and said 
my oath could not be admitted against a White nuuu Nor 
was this all, for the captain threatened that he would 
beat me severely if he could catch me, for attempting to 
demand my money ; and this he would have done, but 
that I got, by means of Dr. Irving, under the protection 
of captain Douglas, of the Squirrel man-of-war. I thought 
this exceeding hard usage ; though I found it to be too 
much the practice there, to pay Free Negroes for their 
labour in this manner. 

In November, I foimd a ship bound for England, when I 
embarked with a convoy, having taken a last farewell of Dr. 
Irving. In January we arrived at Plymouth : I was happy 
once more to tread on English ground ; and, after passing 
some little time at Plymouth and Exeter, among some pious 
friends, whom I was happy to see, I went to London with 
a heart replete with thanks to God for past mercies. 

Such were the various scenes which I was a witness to, 
and the fortune I experienced imtil the year 1777. Since 
that period my life has been more imiform, and the inci- 
dents of it fewer than in any other equal number of years 
preceding ; I therefore hasten to the conclusion of a Narra- 
tive, which I fear the reader may think already sufficientlj 
tedious. I had suffered so many impositions in my com- 
mercial transactions in different parts of the world, that I 
became heartily disgusted with a seafaring life, and was 
determined not to return to it, at least for some time. 

In 1779, I served Governor Macnamara, who had been 
a considerable time on the coast of Africa. Understanding 
I was of a religious turn of mind, he thought I might 
be of service in converting my countrymen to the faith 
of the gospel. I at first refused, telling him how I had 
been served on a like occasion by some White people, the 
last voyage I went to Jamaica, when I attempt^ the con- 
version of the Indian Prince. But he told me not to fear. 







a €tMt fine t^ Mt^m. 



for he would apply to the Bishop of London to get me 
ordained. On these terms I consented to the Governor's 
proposal to go to Africa, in hope of doing good amongst 
my coimtrymen. In order to have me sent out properly, 
we wrote the following letter to the Bishop of London : — 




(f 



THE MBMORIAL OF OUSTAWS VASSA, 



" Shbweth, 

" That your memorialist is a native of A&ica, and has 
a knowledge of the manners and customs of the inhabitants 
of that country. 

** That your memorialist has resided in different parts of 
Europe for twenty-two years last past, and embraced the 
Christian faith in the year 1759. 

*' That your memorialifit is desirous of returning to 
Africa as a missionary, if encouraged by your Lordship, in 
hopes of being able to prevail upon his countrymen to 
become Christians; and your memorialist is the more 
induced to undertake the same, from the success that has 
attended the like undertakings when encouraged by the 
Portuguese through their different settlements on the 
coast of Africa, and also by the Dutch : both governments 
encourage the Blacks, who, by their education are qualified 
to undertake the same, and are found more proper than 
European clergymen, unacquainted with the language and 
customs of the country. 

" Your memorialist's only motive for soliciting the office 

of a missionary is, that he may be a means, under God, of 

reforming his coimtrymen and persuading them to embrace 

the Christian religion. Therefore your memorialist humbly 

prays your Lordship's encouragement and support in the 

undertaking. 

"GUSTAVUS VASSA." 

This letter was also accompanied by one from Governor 
Macnamara, and also one from Dr. Wallace, who had resided 








a €xMt kt % jljgrn. 



in Africa for many years. With these letters I waited on 
the Bishop^ by the Governor's desire, and presented them ^ 
to his Lordship. He received me with much condescension 
and politeness ; but, from some scruples of delicacy, and 
saying the Bishops were not of one opinion in sending a 
new missionary to Africa, he declined to ordain me. 

Shortly after this, I left the Governor, and served a 
nobleman in the Dorsetshire militia, with whom I was 
encamped at Coxheath for some time. In 1783, I visited 
eight counties in Wales, from motives of curiosity. 

In the spring of 1784, I thought of traversing old ocean 
again, and sailed for New York. Our ship having got 
laden, we returned to London in January 1785. When 
she was ready again for another voyage, the captain being 
an agreeable man, I sailed with him again for Philadelphia 
in March in the same year. I was very glad to see this 
favourite old town once more ; and my pleasure was much 
increased in seeing the worthy Quakers freeing and easing 
the burthens of many of my oppressed African brethren. 
It rejoiced my heart when one of these friendly people took 
me to see a free school they had erected for every deno- 
mination of Black people, whose minds are cidtivated there, 
and forwarded to virtue ; and thus they are made useful 
members of the community. Does not the success of this 
practice say loudly to the planters, in the language of 
Scripture — " Go ye, and do likewise !" 

In October 1785, I was accompanied by some Africans, 
and presented the following address of thanks to the 
Friends or Quakers, in Whitehart-court, London : 



" Gentlemen, 

" By reading your book, entitled A Caution to Great 
Britain and her Colonies, * concerning the calamitous state ijp^ 
of the enslaved Negroes, we, part of the poor, oppressed, /^ 
needy, and much degraded Negroes, desire to approach 

* Written by Anthony Beneset? 







% ^xMt for % JItgm* 




you with this address of thanks, with our inmost love and 
warmest acknowledgment ; and with the deepest sense of 
your benevolence, unwearied labour, and kind interposition, 
towards breaking the yoke of Slavery, and to administer a 
little comfort and ease to thousands and tens of thousands 
of very grievously afflicted and heavy burthened Negroes. 

"Gentlemen, could you, by perseverance, at last be 
enabled, imder God, to lighten in any degree the heavy 
burthen of the afflicted, no doubt it would, in some mea- 
sure, be the possible means of saving the souls of many of 
the oppressors ; and if so, sure we are, that the God whose 
eyes are ever upon all his creatures, and always rewards 
every true act of virtue, and regards the prayers of the 
oppressed, will give to you and yours those blessings 
wbich it is not in our power to express or conceive, but 
which we, as a part of those captivated, oppressed, and 
afflicted people, most earnestly wish and pray for." 

These gentlemen received us very kindly, with a promise 
to exert themselves on behalf of the oppressed. 

On my return to London, I was very agreeably surprised 
to find, that the benevolence of Government had adopted 
the plan of some philanthropic individuals to send the 
Africans from hence to their native quarter, and that some 
vessels were then engaged to carry them to Sierra Leone ; 
an act which redounded to the honour of all concerned in 
its promotion, and filled me with much rejoicing. There 
was then in the city, a select Committee for the Black poor, 
to some of whom I had the honour of being known. As 
soon as they heard of my arrival, they informed me of the 
intention of Government ; and, as they seemed to think me 
qualified to superintend part of the undertaking, they asked 
me to go with the Black poor to Africa. I pointed out 
many objections to my going ; and particularly expressed ^ 
some difficulties on the account of the Slave dealers, as I 
should certainly oppose their traffic in the human species 
by every means in my power. However, these objections 









1 €nltntt fst Vft jStgrn. 



were over-ruled by the Committee^ who prevailed on me to 
consent to go, and recommended me to the honourable 
Commissioners of his Majesty's Navy, as a proper person 
to act as Commissary for Government in the intended expe- 
dition ; and they accordingly appointed me in November 
1786| to that office, and gave me sufficient power to act, 
having received my warrant and the following order fiom 
the Officers and Commissioners of his Majesty's Navy: — 

" To Mr. Grustavus Vassa, Commissary of Provisions and 
Stores for the Black Poor going to Sierra Leone.^ 

" Whereas, you are directed, by our warrant, to receive 
into your charge, from Mr. Joseph Irwin, the surplus pro- 
visions remaining of what was provided for the voyage, as 
well as the provisions for the support of the Black poor, 
after the landing at Sierra Leone, with the clothing, tools, 
and all other articles provided at Government's expence ; 
and as the provisions were laid in at the rate of two months 
for the voyage, and for four months after the landing, but 
the number embarked being so much less than we expected, 
whereby there may be a considerable surplus of provisions, 
clothing, &c. ; — these are, in addition to former orders, to 
direct and require you to appropriate or dispose of such 
surplus to the best advantage you can for the benefit of 
Government, keeping and rendering to us a faithful account 
of what you do herein. And for your guidance in prevent- 
ing any White persons going, who are not intended to have 
the indulgence of being carried thither, we send you here* 
with a list of those recommended by the Committee for the 
Black poor, as proper persons to be permitted to embark, 
and acquaint you that you are not to suffer any others to 
go who do not produce a certificate from the Committee, 
of their having their permission for it. For which this 
shall be your warrant. Dated at the Navy-Office, January 
16, 1787. 

"J. HiNSLow, Geo. Marsh, W. Palmer.' 



«» 



! 




>D 







% €xMt fnt tji? Mt^n. 



233 



I proceeded immediately to the execution of my duty on 
board the vessels destined for the voyage, where I conti- 
nued till the March following. 

During my continuance in the employment of Govern* 
ment I was struck with the flagrant abuses committed by 
the agent, and endeavoured to remedy them, but without 
effect. Government were not the only objects of pecula- 
tion ; but the poor people suffered infinitely more ; their 
accommodations were most wretched ; many of them wanted 
beds, and many more, clothing and other necessaries. 

I could not silently suffer Government to be cheated, and 
my countrymen plundered and oppressed, and even left 
destitute of almost the necessaries for their existence. I 
therefore informed the Commissioners of the Navy of the 
agent's proceeding ; but my dismission was soon after pro- 
cured by means of a gentleman in this city, whom the agent, 
conscious of peculation, had deceived by letters, and who, 
moreover^ empowered the same agent to receive on board, 
at the Government expense, a number of persons as passen- 
gers, contrary to the orders I received. By this I suffered 
a considerable loss in my property ; however, the Commis- 
sioners were satisfied with my conduct, and wrote to Capt. 
Thompson, expressing their approbation of it. 

Thus provided, they proceeded on their voyage ; and at 
last, worn out by treatment, perhaps not the most mild, 
and wasted by sickness, brought on by want of medicine, 
clothes, bedding, &c. they reached Sierra Leone just at 
the commencement of the rains. At that season of the 
year it is impossible to cultivate the lands ; their provisions 
were therefore exhausted before they could derive any 
benefit from agriculture ; and it is not surprising that many, 
especially the Lascars, whose constitutions are very tender, 
and who had been cooped up in ships from October to 
June, and accommodated in the manner described, should 
be so wasted by their confinement as not long to survive it. 

Thus ended my part of the expedition to Sierra Leone ; 





2u 







a ^rilrab far tju Jl^grn. 



which, howeyer unfortunate in the eyent, was humane and 
politic in its design, nor was its failure owing to Goyem- 
ment ; every thing was done on their part ; but there was 
evidently sufficient mismanagement attending the conduct 
and execution of it to defeat its success. 

I should not have been so ample in my account of this 
transaction, had not the share I bore in it been made the 
subject of partial animadversion; even my dismission 
from employment was thought worthy of being made by 
some a matter of public triumph. The motives which 
might influence any person to descend to a petty contest 
with an obscure African, and to seek gratification by his 
depression, perhaps it is not proper here to inquire into or 
relate, even if its detection were necessary to my vindica- 
tion ; but I thank Heaven it is not. I wish to stand by 
my own integrity, and not to shelter myself under the im- 
propriety of another ; and I trust the behaviour of the 
Commissioners of the Navy to me, entitle me to make this 
assertion. After I had been dismissed, March S4, I drew 
up a memorial thus : — 

*^ To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of his 

Mcyesty^s Treasury* 




" The Memorial and Petition of Gustavus Vassa, a 
Black Man^ late Commissary to the Black Poor going 
to Africa. 

** HUMBLY SHEWETH, 

** That your Lordships* memorialist was, by the Hon- 
ourable the Commissioners of his Majesty's Navy, on the 
4th of December last, appointed to the above employment 
by warrant from that Board ; 

" That he accordingly proceeded to the execution of his 
duty on board of the Vernon, being one of the ships ap- 
pointed to proceed to Africa with the above poor ; 



B 



Sfl^ 







% €TMt for tjit jitgnt. 



That your memorialist, to liis great grief and astonish- 
ment, received a letter of dismission from the Honourable 
Commissioners of the Navy, by your Lordships' orders ; 

*' That, conscious of having acted with the most perfect 
fidelity and the greatest assiduity in discharging the trust 
reposed in him, he is altogether at a loss to conceive the 
reasons of your Lordships having altered the favourable 
opinion you were pleased to conceive of him, sensible that 
your Lordships would not proceed to so severe a measure 
without some apparent good cause ; he therefore has every 
reason to believe that his conduct has been grossly misre- 
presented to your Lordships, and he is the more confirmed 
in his opinion, because, by opposing measures of others 
concerned in the same expedition, which tended to defeat 
your Lordships' humane intentions, and to put the govern- 
ment to a very considerable additional expense, he created 
a number of enemies, whose misrepresentations, he has too 
much reason to believe, laid the foundation of his dismis- 
sion. Unsupported by friends, and imaided by the advan- 
tages of a liberal education, he can only hope for redress, 
from the justice of lus cause. In addition to the mortifica- 
tion of having been removed from his employment, and the 
advantage which he reasonably might have expected to 
have derived therefrom, he has had the misfortune to 
have sunk a considerable part of his little property in 
fitting himself out, and in other expenses arising out of 
his situation, an account of which he here annexes. Your 
memorialist will not trouble your Lordships with a vindi- 
cation of any part of his conduct, because he knows not of 
what crimes he is accused ; he, however, earnestly entreats 
that you will be pleased to direct an inquiry into his be- 
haviour during the time he acted in the public service ; 
and, if it be found that his dismission arose from false re- 
presentations, he is confident that in your Lordships' justice 
he shall find redress. 

Your petitioner therefore humbly prays that your 



<( 







236 



a €xMt fet t^ Jltgrn, 



Lordships will take his case into consideration, and that 
you will be pleased to order payment of the account above 
referred to, amounting to £82 4s, and also the wages in- 
tended, which is most humbly submitted. 
««Xo««o«,3f(iyl2,1787." 

The above petition was delivered into the hands of their 
Lordships, who were kind enough, in the space of some 
few months afterwards, without hearing, to order me £50. 

My life has since passed in an even tenor, and great part 
of my study and attention has been to assist my much 
injured countrymen. 

On March 21st, 1788, I had the honour of presenting 
the Queen with a petition on behalf of my African bre- 
thren, which was received most graciously by Her Majesty. 

" To the QUEEN'S most Excellent Majesty. 

" Your Majesty's well known benevolence and humanity 
embolden me to approach your royal presence, trusting 
that the obscurity of my situation will not prevent your 
Majesty from attending to the sufferings for which I plead. 

" Yet I do not solicit your royal pity for my own dis- 
tress ; my sufferings, although numerous, are in a measure 
forgotten. I supplicate your Majesty's compassion for 
millions of my African countrymen, who groan under the 
lash of tyranny in the West Indies. 

" The oppression and cruelty exercised to the unhappy 
Negroes there, have at length reached the British legisla- 
ture, and they are now deliberating on its redress ; even 
several persons of property in Slaves in the West Indies, 
have petitioned parliament against its continuance, sensible 
that it is as impolitic as it is unjust — ^and what is inhuman 
must ever be unwise. 

" Your Majesty's reign has hitherto been distinguished 
by private acts of benevolence and bounty; surely the 
more extended the misery is, the greater claim it has to 








% €iaissit for tjit jltgio. 



jour Majesty's compassion, and the greater must be your 
Majesty's pleasure in administering to its relief. 

** I presume, therefore, gracious Queen, to implore your 
interposition, with that of your royal consort, in favour of 
the wretched Africans ; that, by your Majesty's benevolent 
influence, a period may now be put to their misery ; and 
that they may be raised from the condition of brutes, to 
which they are at present degraded, to the rights and 
situation of free men, and admitted to partake of the bles- 
sings of your Majesty's happy Government ; so shall your 
Majesty enjoy the heartfelt pleasure of procuring happi- 
ness to millions, and be rewarded in the grateful prayers of 
themselves, and of their posterity. 

'*And may the all-bountiful Creator shower on your 
Majesty, and the royal family, every blessing that this world 
can afford, and every fulness of joy which divine revela- 
tion has promised us in the next. 

** I am your Majesty's most dutiful and devoted 

"Servant to command, 

" GUSTAVUS VASSA, 
" The Oppressed Ethiopian." 

I hope, continues our intelligent African, in his Narra- 
tive, to have the satisfaction of seeing the renovation of 
liberty and justice, resting on the British Government, to 
vindicate the honour of our common nature. These are 
concerns which do not perhaps belong to any particular 
office : but, to speak more seriously, to every man of senti- 
ment, actions like these are the just and sure foundation 
of fiiture fame ; a reversion, though remote, is coveted by 
some noble minds as a substantial good. It is upon these 
grounds that I hope and expect the attention of gentlemen 
in power. These are designs consonant to the elevation 
of their rank, and the dignity of their stations ; they are 
ends suitable to the nature of a free and generous Govern- 
ment ; and, connected with views of empire and dominion, 








% €jMt fin t^ jitgnr. 



suited to the benevolence and solid merit of the legislature. 
It is a pursuit of substantial greatness. May the time 
come, when the Sable people shall gratefully commemorate 
the auspicious era of extensive freeedom. Then shall those 
persons particularly be named with praise and honour, 
who generously proposed and stood forth in the cause of 
humanity, liberty, and good policy, and brought to the 
ear of ike legislature designs worthy of royal patronage 
and adoption.* May Heaven make British senators the 
dispersers of light, liberty, and science, to the uttermost 
parts of the earth : then will be 'glory to God in the high* 
est, on earth peace, and good-will to men.' * It is right* 
eousness that exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any 
people ; destruction shall be to the workers of iniquity, 
and the wicked shall fall by their own wickedness.' May 
the blessings of the Lord be upon the heads of all those who 
conmuserate the case of the oppressed Negroes, and the 
fear of God prolong their days; and may their expectations 
be filled with gladness ! * The liberal devise liberal things, 
and by liberal things shall they stand.' They can say with 
pious Job, 'Did not I weep for him that was in trouble? 
was not my soul grieved for the poor V 

I have now only to request the reader's indulgence, and 
conclude. I am far from the vanity of thinking there is 
any merit in this Narrative : I hope censure will be sus* 
pended, when it is considered, that it was written by one 
who was as unwilling, as unable, to adorn the plainness 
of truth by the colouring of imagination. My life and 
fortune have been extremely chequered, and my adven- 
tures various. Even those I have related are considerably 
abridged. If any incident should appear uninteresting or 
trifling, I can only say, as my excuse for mentioning it, 
that almost every event of my life made an impression on. 

* Qranyille Sharp, Thomaa dariuon, Jam6B Bamsay, men of yirtae, an 
honour to their country, ornamental to hvman nature^ luippj in them* 
selTeay and bene&otors to mankind ! 








a €tMt fat tilt Mtin. 



my mind^ and influenced my conduct. I early accustomed 
myself to observe the hand of God in the minutest occur- 
rence, and to learn from it a lesson of morality and religion ; 
and in this light every circumstance I have related was to 
me of importance* After all, what makes any event 
important, unless by its observation we become better and 
wiser, and learn ' to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk 
humbly before God ?' To those who are possessed of this 
spirit, there is scarcely any book or incident so trifling that 
does not afford some profit, while to others the experience 
of ages seems of no use; and even to pour out to them the 
treasures of wisdom is throwing the jewels of instruction 
away. 

N.B. In putting together the foregoing sketch of Giis- 
tavus Yassa, from his " Narrative,*' the author has not been 
able to avail himself of the last edition, which was published 
in 1794, and would probably detail the events of his life 
to a later period. The Abbe Gregoire, in his Inquiry into 
the Intellectual and Moral Faculties of the Negroes, says, 
''that Yassa married in London, and had a son, Sancho, to 
whom he gave a good education, and who became assistant- 
librarian to Sir Joseph Banks, and secretary to the Com- 
mittee for Yaccination. 



JOB BEH BOLLIXAH. 

Job Ben Solliman, was an African of great distinction 

in his own country, being the son of the Mahomedan King 
of 'Bimda, on the Gambia. In 1730, whilst travelling 
across the countries of Jagra, with a servant and some 
cattle, he was seized, and carried to Joar, where he was 
sold to captain Pyke, commander of the ship Arabella, who 
carried him off to America, and sold him to a planter in 
Maryland. Here he lived about a year, being treated with 
unusual kindness by his master. 







a Crihnfe fiir tju jStgnr. 



Being well versed in the Arabic tongue^ he wrote a 
letter in that language, which he had the good fortune to 
get conveyed to England. This letter falling into the hands 
of a gentleman named Oglethorpe, he sent it to Oxford to 
be translated, and became inspired with so good an opinion 
of the author, that he immediately sent orders to have him 
bought of his master. But Oglethorpe, setting out for 
Georgia himself soon after, before he returned from thence, 
SoUiman, by a train of extraordinary adventures, had 
already been brought to England. Waiting on the learned 
Sir Hans Sloane, he was found to be a perfect master of 
the Arabic tongue, by translating several manuscripts and 
inscriptions upon medals into English, of which he had ac- 
quired a competent knowledge during his servitude, and 
on his passage to England. Sir Hans Sloane recommended 
him to the Duke of Montague, who, being pleased with his 
sweetness of disposition and mildness of temper, his dignified 
and pleasing manners, as well as with his genius and capacity, 
introduced him to court, where he was graciously received 
by the royal family, and most of the nobili^, from whom 
he received distinguished marks of favour and esteem. 

After remaining in England about fourteen months, he 
was very desirous of returning to his native country, and 
to see his father, the King of Bimda, once more, to whom 
he sent letters from England. He received many valuable 
presents from Queen Caroline, the Duke of Cumberland, 
the Duke of Montague, the Earl of Pembroke, several 
ladies of quality, and also from the African Company, who 
ordered their agents to shew him great respect, and re-con- 
ducted him to Bunda. He arrived there safely. One of 
his uncles residing there, embraced him, and said, ** During 
sixty years, thou art the first Slave I have seen return 
from America !" 

Solliman wrote many letters to his friends in Europe 
and America, which were translated and perused with 
interest. At his father's decease he became his successor. 



l! 



1TV 



>N 





<% €vMt fax tjit JItgio. 



241 




and was much beloved by his subjects. Moore, in his 
travels, met with him and gives some further account of 
him. He possessed an uncommonly retentive memory. 
While in England, he wrote a copy of the Koran in Arabic, 
entirely from remembrance. It was probably to this cir. 
cumstance that the Abbe Gregoire alluded, when he states 
that " he knew the Koran by heart." In vol. xx. of the 
Gentleman*s Magazine, 1750, is a portrait of Job Ben 
SoUiman, with one of the Prince of Anamaboe. 



8ABIKI; A LEABHSB SLAVE. 

Dr. Madden, in a letter to J. S. Buckingham, Esq., 
M.P., dated Kingston (Jamaica), Sept. 15, 18S4, gives the 
following particulars respecting a Slave who had been of 
exalted rank in his own coimtry : — 

"A Negro was recently brought before me, belonging to 
a Mr. Anderson, of this town, to be sworn in as constable 
on his master's property* I discovered by the mere accident 
of seeing the man sign his name in very well-written Arabic, 
that he was a man of education, and on subsequent inquiry, 
a person of exalted rank in his own country, who had been 
kidnapped in a province bordering on Timbuctoo. He 
had been sold into Slavery in Jamaica nearly 30 years ago, 
and had preserved the knowledge of the learning of his 
country, and obtained the character of one a little more 
enlightened than the majority of his savage brethren, and 
that was all. The interest I took in all Oriental matters 
(if no other motive influenced me), induced me to enter 
minutely into this man's history. I had him to my house : 
he gave me a written statement of the leading events of his 
life. I found the geographical part of his story correct : 
he became a frequent visitor of mine in his leisure time ; 
and I soon discovered that his attainments, as an Arabic 
scholar, were the least of his merits. I found him a person 
of excellent conduct, of great discernment and discretion. 




2i 






1 €xMt far ttis Mt^. 








I think if I wanted advice on any important matter, in 
which it required extra prudence and a high aense of moral 
rectitude to qualify the possessor to give counsel, I would 
as soon have recourse to the advice of this poor Negro as 
any person I know. 

''By what name under Heaven, that is compatible 
with moderation, that is musical to ears polite, must that 
system be called by, which sanctioned the stealing away of 
a person like this, as much a nobleman in his own country, 
as any titled chief is in ours, and in his way, (without 
any disparagement to the English noble), as suitably 
educated for his rank ? Fancy one of the scions of our 
nobility, a son of one of our war chiefs — Lord London- 
derry's, for example — educated at Oxford, and, in the 
course of his subsequent travels, unfortunately falling into 
the hands of African robbers, and being carried into 
bondage. Fancy the poor youth marched in the common 
Slave coffle to the first market place on the coast. He is 
exposed for sale : nobody inquires whether he is a patrician 
or a plebeian: nobody cares whether he is ignorant or 
enlightened: it is enough that he has thews and sinews for 
a life of labour without reward. Will you follow him to 
the Slave ship that is to convey him to a distant land i — a 
vessel, perhaps similar to that visited by Dr. Walsh ou his 
passage to Brazil, ' where 562 human beings were huddled 
together, so closely stowed that there was no possibility of 
lying down or changing their position night or day.* — 
Well, like Sterne, let us take the single captive i he survives 
the passage, and has seen the fifth part of his comrades 
perish in the voyage : he islanded on some distant island, 
where he is doomed to hopeless Slavery. The brutal 
scramble for the Slaves has ceased : he is dragged away, by 
his new master, but not before he is branded with a heated 4K>^ 
iron, which may only sear his flesh, while the iron brand 
of Slavery, the burning thought of endless bondage, ' en- 
ters into his souL' '* 










a €nMt fet tjit Jltgrn. 



Dr. Madden^ having made up his mind to redeem the 
interesting Negro he has introduced to our notice, (who 
was known in Jamaica by the name of Edward Doulan,) 
made application to his master, and requested he would 
nominate a local magistrate, to act with the special justice 
of some parish, for the purpose of valuing his Slave. 

" I was given to understand by Mr. Anderson," says Dr. 
Madden, *' that the man was invaluable to him — that he 
kept his books, (in Arabic characteis) — and that the 
accounts of the whole of his vast business were kept by 
him — ^in short, that no sum of money which could be 
awarded to him could compensate him for the loss of the 
man's services. I also heard, indirectly, that the attempt 
to procure his liberty had already been made, unsuccess- 
fully, some years ago, by the Duke de Montebello, when 
he visited Jamaica, on his return from his South American 
travels, who had ineffectually applied at the Colonial 
Office, to be assisted in devising means for procuring his 
freedom. But, though a Duke had failed, I had the 
modesty to think it was no reason why I should. 

** I waited on Mr. Anderson, his master, who was a per* 
feet stranger to me, and frankly stated to him what my 
wishes and intentions were. I know not with what 
earnestness I pressed the matter, but I found myself talk* 
ing to a man whose disposition, if nature ever writes a 
legible hand on human features, was as benevolent as any 
I ever met with* I expressed the wish I felt to obtain 
the man's release : he said, I need say no more on the sub- 
ject. The man was invaluable to him ; his services were 
worth more to him than those of Negroes for whom he 
had paid £300 ; but the man had been a good servant to 
him — a faithful and a good Negro — ^and he would take no 
money for him — ^he would give him his liberty 1!! I 
pressed him to name any reasonable sum for his release, 
but he positively refused to receive one farthing in the way 
of indemnity for the loss of the man's services. 









31 €xMt fat t^ JItgrn. 



** The following day was appointed to execute the act of 
manumission, at the public office of the special magistrate. 
The time appointed for carrying the release into effect 
having become known, a great number of the respectable 
inhabitants of Kingston attended : the office was indeed 
crowded at an early hour with persons of all complexions, 
who had come to witness the ceremony. Mr. Anderson 
and his Negro, Edward Doulan, being in attendance, the 
manumission papers were prepared ; but before they were 
signed, the nature of the circumstances which had led to 
the effi)rt that had been made to obtain the man*s freedom, 
and the manner in which that boon had been granted by 
his master, were dwelt on at some length ; and the merits 
of the fidelity of the one, and the generosity of the other, 
were feebly perhaps described, however forcibly they 
might be felt. The scene was one of no ordinary interest. 
Beside the bench stood a Negro of exalted rank in his own 
coimtry, in the act of obtaining his liberty, after many a 
long year of Slavery, and near him his venerable master, 
* prepared to give unto his servant that which was just and 
equal, knowing that he also had a master in heaven.' 
There were tears of joy on some of the black features 
before me, and there were smiles of satisfaction even on 
white faces in that assemblage. It is said the gods are 
pleased to behold the succes^ul exertions of a good man 
struggling with adversity ; but if we are justified in esti- 
mating what is pleasing to that intelligence by the extent 
of the advantages conferred on man by human beneficence, 
perhaps the sight of a good master, voluntarily making a 
faithful bondsman free, and laying down authority which 
it may not be in his nature to abuse, but yet which he 
knows it is not safe for mortal man to be entrusted with, 
is one of the exhibitions of humanity, in which its affinity 
with a higher nature, appears at a distance less remote than 
in almost any other situation in which we can conceive it.*' 

After the Negro's liberation. Dr. Madden solicited 



<J 












a €xMt fat tjn Mtpi. 



subscriptions for him, and had the satisfaction of presenting 
him with twenty pounds. This sum was principally pro- 
cured by the presentation of an address to the inhabitants 
of Kingston, accompanied by a history of his life, written 
in Arabic, and couched in terms at once creditable to his 
acquirements as a scholar, and his character as a man of dis« 
cretion and integrity. How he could have attained so 
competent a knowledge of his native language, at so early 
an age as that at which he had been taken from his 
country, and have kept up his knowledge of it in the un- 
favourable circumstances in which he was placed in a 
foreign land, it is difficult to conceive. We have only 
space for a few extracts from the history of this interesting 
Slave, which may be seen more at length in Dr. Madden's 
" Twelve months in the "West Indies," ii. p. 183 : — 

My name is Abon Beer Sadiki, bom in Timbuctoo, 
and brought up in Geneh. I acquired the knowledge of 
the Alcoran in the country of Oounah, in which there are 
many teachers for young people, who come from different 
parts for their instruction. My father's name is Kara- 
Mousa, Scheriff; (the interpretation of which is, ^* of a noble 
family.") The names of my father's brothers are Aderiza, 
Abdriman, Mahomet, and Abon Beer. Their father, my 
grandfather, lived in the country of Timbuctoo and Geneh; 
some say he was the son of Ibrahim, the founder of my 
race in the country of Geneh. After the death of my 
grandfather, jealousy arose among the sons and the rest of 
the fanuly, which scattered them into the different parts 
of Soudan. 

My father gathered a large quantity of gold and silver 
in the country of Gounah, some of which he sent to his 
father-in-law : he also sent horses, mules, and rich silks, 
from Egypt, as presents for Ali Aga Mahonuned Tassere, 
my grandfather, in the country of Boumoo and Cassina. 
He afterwards took the fever, which was the cause of his 
death in Gounah, where he was buried. At this time I 









a €tMt fet tjiB JItgrn. 



was a child, but some of my old relations told me after- 
wards, all about the life of my departed father. About 
five years after his death, I got the consent of my teacher 
to go to the country of Oounah to see the grave of my 
father. He said, with the blessing of God, he would accom- 
pany me. He then prepared proper provision for our jour- 
ney, and we took along with us many of his eldest scholars 
to bear us company. We departed, and, after long fatigue, 
we arrived at Cong ; from there we went to Gounah, and 
stopped there for about two years, as we considered the 
place a home, having much property therein. 

Abdengara, king of Buntuco, having slain Iffoa, the king 
of Bandara, in battle, also wanted to kill Cudjoe, the cap- 
tain of an adjoining district. When the king of Gounah 
heard that Abdengara had come in with his army to fight 
him, he called all his men to meet the enemy in the coun- 
try of Bolo, where they commenced fighting from the 
middle of the day until night. After that they went to 
their different camps : seven days after that, they gathered 
up again, and commenced the war in the town of Anacco, 
where they fought exceedingly, and there were many lives 
lost on both sides ; but Abdengara's army, being stronger 
than the king of Gounah's, took possession of the town. 
Some of Gt)unah's people were obliged to fly to Cong, and 
on that very day they made me a captive. As soon as I 

and gave me a heavy load to carry, and led me into tiie 
country of Buntocoo, — ^from thence to Cumsay, where the 
king of Shantee reigned, whose name is Ashai, — and j&om 
thence to Agimaca, which is the country of the Fantees ; 
from thence to the town of Dago, by the sea-side (all the 
way on foot and well loaded) ; there they sold me to the 
Christians in that town. One of the ship's captains pur- 
chased me, and delivered me over to one of his sailors : the 
boat immediately pushed off, and I was carried on board 
of the ship. We were three months at sea before we 



<\J<^ 



trsp 








H ^rittste &r % jSegro. 



arrived in Jamaicai which was the beginning of bondage. 
But, praise be to God, who has everything in his power to 
do as he thinks good, and no man can remove whatever 
burden he chooses to put on us, as He has said, ** Nothing 
shall . fall on us except what He shall ordain ; He is our 
Lord, and let all that believe in Him put their trust in Him." 
My parents are of the Mussulman religion : they are 
particulady careful in the education of their children, and 
in their behaviour, but I am lost to all those advantages : 
since my bondage, I am become corrupt ; and I now con- 
clude, by begging the Almighty God to lead me into the 
path that is proper for me, for He alone knows the 
secrets of my heart, and what I am in need of. 

ABON BECR SADIKI. 

Eiiigston, Januupa, Sept. 20, 1834. 

"The above," says Dr. Madden, " was written in Arabic. 
The man speaks English well and correctly for a Negro, 
but does not read or write it. I caused him to read the 
original, and translated it word by word : and, from the 
little knowledge I have of the spoken language, I can 
safely present this version of it as a literal translation.'* 

Some further information respecting Sadiki would have 
been interesting ; all I can find in Dr. Madden*s West 
Indies, is an extract from a letter he addressed to two 
highly respectable clergymen : — 

" Reverend Gentlemen, 

" I beg leave to inform you that I am rejoiced and well 
pleased in my heart for the great boon I have received in 
the Testament, both of the old and new law of our Lord 
and Saviour, in the Arabic language.'* 

Also a letter he wrote to one of his fellow-countrymen, 
a Slave in Jamaica, in reply to one received from him : — 

'* Kingston, Jamaica, Oct. 18th, 1884 

" Dear Countryman, 
** I now answer your letter. My name in Arabic is AJbon 




>^ 








. I 



ia ^rihtitt fet t^ jifgni. 



Beer Sadiki, and in Christian language, Edward Doidan ; 
bom in Timbuctoo, and brought up in Geneh. I finished 
reading the Koran in the county of Gounah, at which 
place I was taken captive in war. My master's name in this 
country is Alexander Anderson. Now, my countryman, 
God hath given me a faithful man, a just and a good mas- 
ter; he made me free ; and I know truly that he has shown 
mercy to every poor soul under him. I know he has 
done that justice which our King William the Fourth com- 
manded him to do (God save the King), and may he be a 
conqueror over all his enemies from east to west, from 
north to south, and the blessing of God extend over all his 
kingdom, and all his ministers and subjects. I beseech 
you, Mahomed Caba, and all my friends, continue in 
praying for my friend, my life, and my bread fruit, which 
friend is my worthy Dr. Madden, and I hope that God may 
give him honour, greatness, and gladness, and likewise his 
generation to come, as long as Heaven and earth continue. 
Now, my countryman, these prayers that I request of you 
are greater to me than anything else I can wish of you ; and 
you must pray that God may give him strength and 
power to overcome all his enemies, and that the King's 
orders to him be held in his right hand firmly. 

The honour I have in my heart for him is great ; but God 
knows the secrets of all hearts. Dear countryman, I also 
beseech you to remember in your prayers my master, 
Alexander Anderson, who gave me my liberty free and 
willingly ; and may the Almighty prosper him, and protect 
him from all dangers. 

" Whenever you wish to send me a letter, write it in 
Arabic ; then I shall understand it properly. 

" I am, &c. 

"EDWARD DOULAN." tP" 

(Abon Beer Sadiki, in Arabic.) 

"These letters," writes Dr. Madden, "are selected from 









W^S 




i '■.O N v» 






a €tiMt for tjn Sfgm 



a great many addressed to me by the Negroes, both in 
English and Arabic ; and, if these limits allowed me to 
send you all of them, I think you would come to the con- 
clusion, that the natives of some parts of Africa are not so 
entirely ignorant as they are represented to be, and that 
the Negroes generally, are as capable of mental improve- 
ment as their White brethren, at least, that is my firm 
conviction ; but it is not from letters, but from oral com- 
munication with them, from close observation of their men- 
tal qualities, both in the east and in the west, that I have 
formed that opinion." 

The learned Doctor gives a letter from a number of free 
African Negroes of Kingston, signed by four of them. 
" Some of the ideas contained in it," he remarks, " are highly 
poetical, and the language in which they are expressed, 
simple and not inelegant. 



9f 




TB8TIK0HT OF CAPTAIN PILXIHeTOir BESPECTIHO 

THE VSGBO. 

Captain Pilkington, being appointed Chief Civil Engineer 
on the Western Coast of Africa, proceeded with his wife to 
Sierra Leone, in 1847. 

" I remained,'* he writes, " about two years and a half 
in this settlement, during which period I was engaged in 
the erection of many public buildings in its various towns, 
which afforded me frequent opportunities of observing the 
character and conduct of the Free Blacks, whom I found 
to be both intelligent and docile. I witnessed their deport- 
ment on the bench, as magistrates — as pleaders at the bar 
— ^and as grand and petty jurors ; and I may safely affirm 
that I had every reason to admire the upright, the faithful, 
and the conscientious mode in which they discharged the 
duties of these offices. In a Report of the Commissioners 
of Inquiry to that Colony, it is stated, that ' Neither of 
the two individuals practising as solicitors or attomies, have 
been professionally educated. One is an European, who 



2k 









a €vMt for t^ jiBgrn. 



acts also as King's Advocate and Re^strar of the Vice- 
admiralty Court ; the other, a person of Colour, bom and 
educated in England, and engaged in mercantile pursuits.' 
Surely nothing can more indisputably prove the tranquility 
of this settlement, containing a population of 22,000 inhabi- 
tants, than the fact, that there were only two lawyers there, 
and even these (the smallest number that can be engaged 
in a court of law, viz., one for plaintiff, one for defendant) 
could not gain a subsistence by the professional emolu- 
ments alone !" 

Owing to the insalubrity of the climate, captain Pilking- 
ton resolved to purchase a prize vessel then in the harbour, 
and undertake a trading voyage on the coast. " Having 
effected the purchase," says he, " I proceeded up the Rio 
Pongas, visiting the Timini and Susoo nations. I sailed 
also up the Kissy river as far as it was navigable for a large 
vessel, and pursued my voyage to its source in my boat. 
In the course of this expedition, I also visited several pro- 
vinces of the Mandingo nation, the inhabitants of which 
paid uniform respect to my person and property. Con- 
scious that a stranger must be unacquainted with their 
usages and laws, they require of him nothing more than 
that he should mention to his host or landlord the whole 
business which he desires to undertake amongst them. If 
he does this, he is safe from the infliction of penal enact- 
ment, should he violate the native laws ; but if not, he is 
considered as taking the entire responsibility of his conduct 
upon himself, and is treated accordingly. This I regard 
as a great privilege granted to the foreigner, and as exhi- 
biting a considerate rectitude of principle, highly honour- 
able to the head and heart of this simple-minded people. 
Nor was this practice restricted to the Mandingoes only ; as 
wherever I touched, I found it the prevalent custom on that <fr>^ 
part of the African coast. These people are chiefly Mahome- 
dans, and have attained to a remarkable degree of civiliza- 
tion, under the influence of a law that no ^ bookman ' 



-'^ 






a €nMt for tin 3?jgni. 



251 



shaD be sold as a Slave, the natural tendency of which may 
be easily imagined. Yet the only book they read is the 
Koran, which the 'book-men' constantly carry about 
their person, as a triumphant token of their learning, dig- 
nity, and privileges. 

'' Leaving these nations, I sailed to the southward, and 
touched at the Kroo country, where I found a very hardy, 
active, and intelligent race of men, devoted to labour and 
to agricultural pursuits, which may in a great degree be 
owing to a difficulty of access to the interior, which cuts 
them off from all temptation of engaging in the odious 
Slave trade — the easiest, but most infamous, of all the 
modes of procuring a livelihood. That they are inherently 
industrious, is evinced by their habit of navigating in small 
canoes to Sierra Leone, a distance of 120 leagues, for the 
sole purpose of obtaining employment. The Krooman's 
canoe is cut out of a solid piece of soft wood, pointed at 
both ends, in length scarcely exceeding that of the navi- 
gator, and is so light that he carries it customarily from the 
sea to his hut, in the roof of which he places it for protec- 
tion from the sun. Instead of oars, he uses a paddle about 
two feet long, very broad at the bottom, which he plies 
with both hands, on either side of the barque, as occasion 
may require, he himself sitting at the bottom, with his legs 
across, in the Turkish fashion. It is really surprising to 
witness the activity vnth which he brings down this canoe 
to the sea side ; with what dexterity he launches it ; the 
nicety vdth which, whether in a sitting or standing posture, 
he balances its action ; and with what velocity he impels 
it over the surface of the water. 

" This people likewise employ themselves in the cultiva- 
tion of rice, which, when in season, may be purchased of 
them in great quantities. Here, again, their industry is 
obvious ; for, being obliged to deliver it on board the ves- 
sel of the purchaser, they have to transport it in their 
canoes in veryv small portions. Their enterprise readily 










a €tMt fnr t^ Mt^n. 



induces them, without apprehension^ to trust themselyes 
with those who trade along the coast as I did, to render 
such services as their active hahits and local knowledge 
enable them to do. They are, in consequence, acquainted 
not only with the different African dialects, but the lan- 
guages of commercial Europe* I have known instances of 
the same Krooman speaking English, French, and Dutch. 
They justly estimate the value of a good character, and 
invariably desire a written statement of their conduct from 
their respective White employers." 



PLACIDO. 

In the summer of 1844, eleven persons were executed 
together at Havannah, in Cuba, for having been concerned 
in an alleged conspiracy, to obtain liberty for the Black 
population — the Slaves of the Spanish inhabitants. One 
of these, the leader of the revolt, was Grabriel de la Con- 
cepcion Valdes, more commonly known by the name of 
Placido, the Cuban poet. 

Little is known of this Negro beyond a few particulars 
contained in one or two brief newspaper notices, which iqp- 
peared shortly after his execution, announcing the fact in 
this country. The Heraldo, a Spanish newspaper, in giv- 
ing an account of the execution, speaks of him as " the 
celebrated poet, Placido;" and says, ^^ this man was bom with 
great natural genius, and was beloved and appreciated by 
the most respectable young men of Havannah, who united 
to purchase his release from Slavery." Placido appears to 
have burned with a desire to do something for his race ; 
and hence he employed his talents not only in poetry, but 
also in schemes for altering the political condition of Cuba. 
The Spanish papers, as might be expected, accuse him of 
wild and ambitious projects, and of desiring to excite an <i]So) 
insurrection in Cuba, similar to the memorable Negro '^ 
insurrection in St. Domingo fifty years ago. Be that as it 
may, Placido was at the head of a conspiracy formed in 




^'. 








a ^riiititt for tin Sip- 



Cuba in the beginning of 1844. The conspiracy fiedledy and 
Placidoy with a number of his companions, was seized by 
the Spanish authorities. 

The following is the account given of the execution in 
a letter from Havannah, which appeared in the Morning 
Herald newspaper : — " What dreadful scenes have we not 
witnessed here these last few months ! what frightful 
developments! what condemnations and horrid deaths! 
But the bloody drama seems approaching its close ; the 
curtain has just fallen on the execution of the chief con- 
spirator, Placido, who met his fate with a heroic calmness 
that produced a universal impression of regret. Nothing 
was positively known of the decision of the council respect- 
ing him, till it was rumoured a few days since that he would 
proceed, along with others, to the * Chapel ' for the con- 
demned« On the appointed day, amidsta great crowd, he was 
seen walking along with singular composure under circum- 
stances so gloomy, saluting with graceful ease his numerous 
acquaintances. Are you aware what the punishment of 
the * Chapel * means ? It is worse a thousand times than 
the death of which it is the precursor. The imfortunate 
criminals are conducted into a chapel hung with black, and 
dimly lighted. Priests are there to chant in a sepulchral 
voice the service of the dead ; and the coffins of the trem- 
bling victims are arrayed in cruel relief before their eyes. 
Here they are kept for twenty- four hours, and are then led 
out to execution. Can anything be more awful ? And 
what a disgusting aggravation of the horror of the coming 
death ! Placido emerged from the chapel cool and undis- 
mayed, whilst the others were nearly or entirely overcome 
with the agonies they had already undergone. He held a 
crucifix in his hand, and recited in a loud voice a beautiful 
prayer in verse, which thrilled upon the hearts of the atten- 
tive masses which lined the road he passed. On arriving 
at the fatal spot, he sat down on a bench with his back 
turned, as ordered, to the military, and rapid preparations 






a €rilmb for t^ 3?fp. 




were made for his death. And now the dread hour had 
arrived. At last he arose, and said, ^ Adios, mundo ; no 
hay piedad para mi. Soldados, fuego.' — [Adieu, O world; 
here there is no pity for me. Soldiers, fire.] Five balls 
entered his body. Amid the murmurs of the horror-struck 
spectators, he got up, and turned his head upon the shrink- 
ing soldiers, his face wearing an expression of super-human 
courage. * Will no one have pity on me V he said. * Here 
(pointing to his heart) — fire here.' At that instant two 
balls pierced his breast, and he fell dead whilst his words 
stUl echoed in our ears. Thus has perished the great leader 
of the attempted revolt." 

The following is the poem alluded to in the Heraldo, 
composed in Spanish by Placido. 

A BIOS PLEGARIA. 

" Ser de immensa bondad, Dios Foderoso, 
2tT08 acudo en mi dolor veliemente ; 
estendea raestro braze omnipotente, 
raagad de calumnia el yelo odioso, 
J arrancad esto sello ignominioxo, 
con que el mundo mauchar quiere mi frente. 

Bey de los reyes, Dios de mis abueloe, 
TOB Bolo Bois mi defensor, Dios mio ; 
todo lo puede quien al mar sombrio, 
olas y peoes di<5, luz i los cielos 
fuego al sol, giro al aire, al Korte luelos, 
yida i las plantas, movimiento al no. 

Todo lo podeis yas, lodo feneoe, 
6 se reanima i yuestra yoz sagrada ; 
fiiera de yos, Senor, el todo es nada, 
que en la insondabil etemidad pereoe. 
y aun es a misnia nada as obedece, 
pues de eUa fue la humanidad oreada. 

Yo no OS puedo eno anar, Dios de demenota ; 
y pues yuestra ; eternal sabiduria 
ye el tray^ de mi cuerpo el alma mia, 
cual del aire iL la clara transparenoia) 
estorbad que bumillada la innooencia, 
bata BUB palmas la calumnia impia. 









a ^riintb fin ijjt jlltp. 




Mas si quadra iL ta snina omnipotenoia 
que 70 pereyoa, cual malvado impfo, 
7 que las hombres mi cadayer frio 
Tiltragen con maligna oomplacenoia 
soene tu toz, j acabe mi existenoia, 
c^plose en mi tu Toluntad, Dios mio.*' 

The following is a translation of these beautiful lines. 
They were written in prison the night before his execution, 
and were solemnly recited by him as he proceeded to the 
place of death, so that the concluding stanza was uttered 
only a few moments before he expired. 

« Being of infinite goodness ! God Almighty ! 
I hasten in mine agonj to thee ! 
Bending the hateful veil of calumnj, 
Stretch forth thine arm omnipotent in pity ; 
EflEHce this ignominy from my brow, 
Wherewith the world is £Eun to brand it now. 

Oh King of kings ! thou Gh>d of my forefathers ! 
My God ! thou only my defence shalt be, 
Who gaVst her riches to the shadowed sea ; 

From whom the North her frosty treasures gathers — 
Of heayenly light and solar flame the giver, 
Life to the leayes, and motion to the riyer. 

Thou canst do all things. What thy will doth cherish, 

Beyiyes to being at thy sacred yoioe, 

Without thee all is naught, and at thy choice. 
In &thomless eternity must perish. 

Yet e'en that nothingness thy will obeyed. 

When of its yoid humanity was made. 

Merciful Gh>d ; I can deceiye thee neyer ; 

Since, as through ether's bright transparency, 

Eternal wisdom still my soul can see 
Through eyery earthly lineament for eyer. 

Forbid it, then, that Innocence should stand 

Humbled, while Slander claps her impious hand. 

But if the lot thy soyereign power shall measure, 

Must be to perish as a wretch accurs'd, 

And men shall trample oyer my cold dust — 
The corse outraging with malignant pleasure — 

Speak, and recall my being at thy nod ! 

Accomplish in me all thy wUl, my God ! " 

Masia W. Chafkav. 






d 





a ^nMt for % ^Bp, 



The execution of Plaeido took place at six o'clock in 
the morning, a victim to Slavery. It is to be hoped that 
more may yet be learnt of the history of this unfortunate, 
but gifted Negro. 




THE HAPPT HBGBO. 

Some years ago, Andrew Searle, an English gentleman 
had occasion to visit North America, where the following 
circumstance occurred, as related in his own words : — 

" Every day's observation convinces me that the children 
of God are made so by his own special grace ; and that all 
means are equally effectual with Him, whenever He is 
pleased to employ them for conversion. 

" In one of my excursions, while I was in the State of 
New York, I was walking by myself over a considerable 
plantation, amused with its husbandry, and comparing it 
with that of my own country, till I came within a little 
distance of a middle aged Negro, who was tilling the 
ground. I felt a strong inclination, imusual with me, to 
converse with him. After asking him some little questions 
about his work, which he answered in a sensible manner, 
I asked him to tell me whether his state of Slavery was not 
disagreeable to him, and whether he would not gladly be 
at liberty. ' Massah,' said he, looking seriously upon me, 
' I have a wife and children ; my Massah take care of them, 
and I have no care to provide any thing ; I have a good 
Massah, who teaches me to read ; and I read good book 
that makes me happy.' — *I am glad,' replied I, *to hear 
you say so ; and pray what is the good book you read ?* 
* The Bible, Massah, God's own book.' — * Do you under- 
stand, friend, as well as read, this book ? For many can 
read the words well, who cannot get hold of the true and 
good sense.' 

" ' O Massah,' said he, ' I read the book much, before I 
understand ; but, at last, I felt pain in my heart ; I found 











% €xMt for t^ jItgtD. 



257 



things in the book that cut me to pieces/ — 'Ah!* said I, 
'and what things were they V ' Why^ Massah, I found that 
I had a bad heart, a very bad heart indeed ; I felt pain 
that God would destroy me, because I was wicked, and 
done nothing as I should do* God was holy, and I was 
very vile and wicked ; I could have nothing from Him 
but fire and brimstone in hell.' 

'' In short, he entered into a full account of his convic- 
tions of sin, which were indeed as deep and piercing as 
almost any I had ever heard of ; and stated what Scriptures 
came to his mind, which he had read, that both probed to 
the bottom of his sinful heart, and were made the means of 
light and comfort to his souL I then inquired of him what 
ministry or means he made use of, and found that his 
master had taught his Slaves to read, but had not conversed 
with this Negro upon the state of his souL 

''I asked him likewise, how he got comfort under all this 
trial ? ' O Massah ! ' said he, ' it was Christ gave me com- 
fort by his dear word. He bade me come unto Him, and 
He would give me rest; for I was very weary and heavy 
laden.' And here he repeated a number of the most pre- 
cious texts in the Bible, showing, by his artless comment 
upon them, as he went along, what great things God had 
done in the course of some years for his soul* Being rather 
more acquainted with doctrinal truths, and the Bible, than 
he had been, or in his situation could easily be, I had 
a mind to ascertain how far a simple experience, gra- 
ciously given without the usual means, could preserve a 
man from error ; and I therefore asked him several ques- 
tions about the merit of works, the justification of a sinner, 
the power of grace, and the like, and I own I was as much 
astonished at, as I admired, the sweet spirit and simplicity 
of his answers, with the heavenly wisdom that God had put 
into the mind of this Negro. 

" His discourse, flowing merely from the richness of 
grace, with a tenderness and expression far ' beyond the 



2h 









9i €6Mt fax tjit Mtpi. 



reach of art,' perfectly charmed me* On the other hand, 
my entering into all his feelings^ together with an account 
to him, which he had never heard hefore, that thus and thus 
the Lord, in his mercy, dealt with all his children, and had 
dealt widi me, drew streams of joyful tears down hishlack 
face; and we looked upon each other, and talked with that 
inexpressible glow of Christian affection, that made me 
more than ever believe, in what I have often too thought- 
lessly professed to believe — the communion of sainis. 

"I shall never foi^et how the poor creature seemed to 
hang upon my lips, and to eat my very words, when I en- 
larged upon the love of Christ to poor sinners — ^the free 
bounty and tender mercy of God — ^the frequent and 
delightful sense He gives of his presence — the faith He 
bestows in his promises — the victories this faith is enabled 
to get over trials and temptations — ^the joy and peace in 
believing — the hope in life and death, and the glorious ex- 
pectation of immortality. To have seen his eager, delighted, 
animated air and manner, would have cheered and warmed 
any Christian's heart, and have been a master-piece for any 
painter. He had never heard such discourse, nor found 
the opportunity of hearing it, before. He seemed like a 
man who had been durown into a new world, and at length 
had found company. 

"Though my conversation lasted at least two or three 
hours, I scarcely ever enjoyed the happy swiftness of time 
so sweetly in all my life. We knew not how to part. He 
would accompany me as far as he might ; and I felt, on my 
side, such a delight in the artless, solid, unaffected experi- 
ence of this pious soul, that I could have been glad to have 
seen him oftener then, or to see his like at any time now; 
but my situation rendered it impossible. I therefore took 
an affectionate leave, with feelings equal to those of the <i'S?i 
warmest and most ancient friendship; telling him that '^ 
neither the colour of his body, nor the condition of his 
present life, could prevent him from being my dear brother 






i3C 





9i €rMt fax tjit Mt^n. 



in our dear Saviour ; and that, though we must part now, 
never to see each other again in this world, I had no doubt 
of our having another joyful meeting in our Father's home, 
where we should live together, and love one another, 
throughout a long and happy eternity. ' Amen, Amen, my 
dear Massah,* said he, — ^ God bless you, and poor me, too, 
for ever and ever.' 

'' If I had been an angel from Heaven, he could not 
have received me with more ardent delight than he did ; 
nor could I have considered him with a more sympathetic 
r^[ard, if he had been a long known Christian of the good 
old sort, grown up into my affections in the course of 
many years." 



BICHABD COOPSB. 

The following testimony was issued by the Society of 
Friends, at Little Creek, North America, respecting 
Richard Cooper, a descendant of Africa, who died in 
1820. 

« Our esteemed friend, Richard Coopbb, departed this 
life about the age of 100. He was a descendant of the 
greatly oppressed Afiricans, a native of the island of Bar- 
badoes, and, by birth, a Slave. At the age of IS or 14 he 
was brought to this country and sold. Having frequently 
changed owners, he at length became the property of a 
member of the Society of Friends ; and at the time of the 
total emancipation, by the Society, of its Slaves, he was 
liberated from an immerited and unjust bondage. 

" About this time, he became convinced of the religious 
principles of Friends, which he ascribed to the tender 
core and frequent admonition of his mistress, in directing 
his mind to the principle of divine grace and truth in the 
heart. He was a frequent attendant of Friends' meetings, 
and, in advanced life, he requested to be admitted a 
member of the society, and was received. 





A 






3i €rMt fst t^ j^tp. 

His conduct and conversation, correspondiiig in a good 
degree with his profession, he became generally respected 
and beloved. By the people of Colour in his neighbour- 
hood, he was consulted in most matters of controversy in 
which they were interested ; and his good counsel always 
tended to, and often effected, an amicable adjustment of 
differences. He appeared generally concerned to promote 
friendship and brotherly love ; and, in his friendly visits, 
he mostly had a word of religious exhortation* Having 
no school learning, and being desirous for advancement in 
the knowledge of the best things, he would, when oppor- 
tunities offered, request the Scriptures and other good 
books to be read to him, esteeming them valuable in 
directing the mind to that source from whence all true 
wisdom comes. In his last sickness he expressed thank- 
fulness that Friends had received him into membership, 
and that he had been so favoured as not to have been bur- 
densome, and hoped that his conduct had brought no re- 
proach on the society. It was truly comfortable to visit 
him. No murmuring, no complaining; he appeared thank- 
ful and resigned — ^numbering the many mercies and bless- 
ings which had been bestowed upon him — having a word of 
encouragement or consolation for all. He expressed a 
desire for the prosperity of the socie^, and particularly 
for the rising generation, that they might be willing to 
take the yoke of Christ upon them, and so become strength- 
ening to their elder brethren, and fitted to stand firm in 
the cause of truth ; of which, he said, they never would 
have cause to repent. 

^^Upon taking leave of those who visited him, he gene- 
rally expressed something to them by way of blessing. 
His last advice to his children was, that they should not 
fall out about the littie he had to leave behind him. 

'^Through the gradualdecay of nature, his long and useful 
life was brought to a close ; and the belief is entertained, 
that he has entered into the rest prepared for tiie righteous. 



fg 







!l €xMt for t^ Mt^n. 



" To record the Christian virtues of the deceased, that we 
may imitate their example, is sanctioned by that voice 
whifih spoke from Heaven, saying, 'Write, blessed are 
the dead which die in the Lord, from henceforth : yea, 
saitii the Spirit, that they may rest from their labours, and 
their works do follow them.' " 




TBSTIK0HIB8 SSSPSCTIHO THS BVSHXSH 07 SOUTH 
A7BICA, WITH IHTBBB8TIH0 BXAXPLB8. 

(FBOX PBIL1F*B "AFBICAN RE8EABCHE8.") 

The Bushmen are doubtiess in a very ignorant and de- 
graded state ; but what has been adduced in proof of their 
incapability of being improved, affords a better criterion of 
their depressed condition, than of- the absence of mental 
capacity. Many of the accoimts which have been published 
respecting the savage, ferocious, and imtameable character 
of tiie Bushmen, can scarcely be read in Africa without a 
smile. The civilization of that degraded people is not only 
practicable, but might be easily attained : while they are 
by no means deficient in intellect, they are susceptible of 
kindness ; grateful for favours ; faithful in the execution 
of a trust committed to them ; disposed to receive instruc- 
tion ; and, by the use of proper means, could be easily 
brought to exchange their barbarous manner of life for one 
tiiat would afford more comfort. 

In a journey undertaken into the interior of a colony in 
1819, we had two Bushmen in our train. One of them 
had only been a few months in the service of our missionary 
when he joined us ; and we had not in our party any one 
.that was more teachable, faithful, and obliging. During 
the last four montiis of our journey, he served at table ; 
and after a month's apprenticeship, conducted himself with 
as much propriety as any English servant might have been 
expected to do with as little training. 

The following extract of a letter, dated 34tii Nov., 18S5, 









% €jMt ht tjn jgtgrn. 



from Sir J. Brenton, Bart., giving an account of a Bush* 
man haj brought by him from the CSape of Good Hope, 
may be adduced as strongly confirmatory of the opinions 
which have been advanced of the talents and disposition of 
the Bushmen people : — 

" Hermes is an honour to his race, and a distinguished 
proof of what these amiable people are capable of. He 
possesses the sweetest disposition, and the strongest attach- 
ments possible. With all the fun and merriment you re- 
member in him, there is a depth of thought and solidity of 
understanding that is really astonishing. He has been living 
for the last year with my sisters at Bath, to whom he is 
invaluable as a servant, and even as a friend. He heard 
some time since, of an approaching confirmation, and ex- 
pressed a wish to be confirmed. My sister mentioned it 
to the Archdeacon, who requested to see him, and, after a 
long conversation, pronounced him to have attained a most 
extraordinary degree of knowledge in religion. He was 
accordingly confirmed, and became the subject of universal 
conveisation. A clergyman, who had heard of the circum- 
stance, begged to see him, and cross-questioned him in eveiy 
way. He asked him which of all the characters in the Old 
Testament he should have wished to have been, had it been 
possible. Hermes reflected for some time, and then said 
firmly, * David, sir.' * What? sooner than Solomon, whose 
prosperity was so great?' *Yes, sir; both were sinners; 
but David, we know, repented of his sins ; while there is 
no passage of Scripture which gives us the same opinion of 
Solomon.' This is the substance of his answer, which 
greatly surprised his auditors. His memory is wonderful : 
he brings home every sermon, and comments upon it with 
extraordinary exactness." 

Col. Collins, in his report to government in 1809, speaks 
of the Bushmen as being most liberally gifted by nature 
vrith talents. To the same effect, the following passage, 
related to me as a part of an address delivered by a 








1 €tMt fBt tin Mt^n. 



Bushman to his countrymen, at a missionary station, when 
some colonists were present, maybe adduced as displaying a 
very considerable knowledge of Scripture, and no mean 
share of ability. " Why is it," said he, " that we are per- 
secuted and oppressed by the Christians ? Is it because 
we Kve in desert lands, clothe ourselves with skins, and 
feed on locusts and wild honey ? Is there anything morally 
better in one kind of raiment, or in one kind of food, than 
another ? Was not John the Baptist a Bushman ? Did he 
not dwell in a wilderness ? Was he not clothed with a 
leathern girdle, such as we wear ? And did he not feed on 
locusts and wild honey ? Was he not a Bushman ? Yet 
Christians acknowledge John the Baptist to have been a 
good man. Jesus Christ (whose forerunner he was) has 
said that there has not arisen among men a greater than 
John the Baptist. He preached the doctrine of repentance 
to the Jews, and multitudes attended his ministry ; he was 
respected even by the Jews, and preached before a great 
king. It is true John the Baptist was beheaded, but he 
was not beheaded because he was a Bushman, but because 
he was a faithful preacher ; and where, then, do the 
Christian men find anjrthing in the precepts or example of 
their religion to justify them in robbing and shooting 
US, because we are Bushmen ?'* 

Sparrmann gives the following description of the manner 
in which these people were treated when he travelled in 
the colony of the Cape of Good Hope. ** The Slave busi- 
ness, that violent outrage against the natural rights of man- 
kind, which is always in itself a crime, and leads to all 
manner of misdemeanours and wickedness, is exercised by 
the colonists with a cruelty towards the Bushmen, which 
merits the abhorrence of every one, though I have been 
told that they pique themselves upon it : and not only is 
the capture of the Hottentots considered by them merely 
as a party of pleasure, but, in cold blood, they destroy the 
bands which nature has knit between husband and wife, 



^ 







% €rMt fin % 3ltp. 




cL/Ll 



and between parents and their children. Not content, for 
instancCi with haying torn an unhappy woman from the 
embraces of her husband, her only protection and comfort, 
they endeavour all they can, and that chiefly at night, to 
deprive her likewise of her infants ; for it has been observed, 
that the mothers can seldom persuade themselves to flee 
from their tender o£&pring." 

In the instructions given to Col. Collins by the Colonial 
Government, on his visit into the interior, among other 
subjects on which he was called to collect information, his 
attention was particularly directed to the Bushmen. Having 
studied their character, as far as his opportunities allowed 
him, he asserts, without the slightest qualification, — that 
there is not upon the face of the globe a people possessed 
of better natural abilities or more susceptible of mental or 
moral improvement. 

A Bushman, says Dr. Philip, on one occasion remarked, 
that before they heard tiie Gospel, they had several times 
stolen catde, but declared they would do so no more ; that 
they now detested stealing, particularly as means were put 
into their hands whereby tiiey might support themselves ; 
and the missionary adds, in a letter in my possession, that 
had the institution been continued, as far as civilization is 
concerned, a better race of men could not, perhaps, have 
been found. 

A. Faure, a respectable colonial clergyman, writes as 
follows, respecting the Bushmen: — " I visited," says he, 
" the spot lately occupied by Mr. Smith, (at Toverberg, 
South Africa). Here I found a beautiful garden, an ex- 
cellent vineyard, fine wheat, &c., &c. Some of the Bush- 
men, whom Mr. Smith baptized, had acquired very rational 
ideas of the principles of the Christian religion ; and ap- 
peared to feel its constraining influence in their habitual 
conduct. They were zealous in trying to convey the same .^ 
inestimable blessings to their unhappy countrymen, who ^^ ^ 
lived without God, and without hope in the world. It 



I ! 










% €nMt hx Iju Mt^. 



was delightful to hear the children sing the praises of 
Jehovah, and to witness the progress they have made in 
spelling and reading. These facts, which have come under 
my own observation, prove that the conversion of this race 
of immortal beings is not impossible.*' 

Uithaalder, the Bushman Chief of Toverberg, and a few 
of his people, were baptized by the missionary Smith, and 
their good sense and piety, and the improvement which 
had taken place in their condition, excited the admiration 
of others as well as the clergyman above quoted* 

Some singular stories had been told us, says Dr. Philip, 
while travelling in the colony, respecting the chief Uithaal- 
der and his family. On their being driven from Toverbeig, 
we were told that he and a few who adhered to him had 
been cruelly treated ; that they were then hiding in the 
most retired parts of the district ; that they were reduced 
to live upon roots only, and what game they could catch in 
the night ; that they were afraid to appear abroad in day- 
light, for fear of being shot ; that, in this situation, they 
kept up the worship of Ood among themselves, and that 
the chief constantly exhorted them to remain steadfast in 
their profession, and to continue instant in prayer to God 
that he would again send them a missionary in the room of 
those that had been taken from them. 



AKtHOlTT WILLIAX AXO, 

Bom in Gxiinea, was brought to Europe when very young; 
and the Princess of Brunswick took charge of his educa- 
tion. He pursued his studies at Halle, in Saxony, and at 
Wittemberg; and so distinguished himself by hk talents 
and good conduct, that the Rector and Council of the Uni- 
versity of the last mentioned town, gave a public testimony 
to them in a letter of congratulation. 

Amo, skilled in the knowledge of the Latin and Greek 



2m 









a €nMt fax tjn Mt^n. 



languages, delivered with success, private lectures on pliilo- 
sophjy which are highly praised in the same letter. In an 
abstract, published by the Dean of the Philosophical 
Faculty, it is said of this learned Negro, that having ex- 
amined the systems of the ancients and modems, he selected 
and taught all that was best of them. Besides his know- 
ledge of Latin and Greek, he spoke Hebrew, French, 
Dutch, and German, and was well versed in astronomy. 

In 1774, Amo published dissertations on some subjects 
which obtained the approbation of the University of Wittem- 
berg, ai^d the degree of Doctor was conferred upon him. 
The tide of one of these was ** Dissertib inauguralis philo- 
sophica de hjimansd mentis AIIA8EIA : seu sensionis ac 
facultates sentiendi in mente humana absentia, et earum in 
corpore nostro organico ac vivo praesentia, quam prseside, 
etc., publice defendit autor Ant. Gnil. Amo Ghiinea*afer 
philosophise, ect. L. C. magister, etc., 1734, in 4*^, Witten- 
bergae.** 

Another was entitled ''Disputatio philosophica conti- 
nens ideam distinctam earum quae competunt vel menti vel 
corpori nostro vivo et organico, quam consentiente amplis- 
simorum philosophorum ordine praeside M. Ant Guil. 
Amo, Guinea-afer, defendit Joa. Theod. Mainer, philos., 
et J. V. Cultor, in 4^, 1734, Wittenbergae." At the con- 
elusion of these works are letters of approbation from the 
Rector of the University of Wittemberg, who, in speaking 
of one of them, says : — " it underwent no change, because 
it was well executed ; and indicates a mind exercised in 
reflection." In a letter addressed to him by the president, 
he styles Amo, " vir nobilissime et clarissime. Thus the 
University of Wittemberg has not evinced a belief in the 
absurd prejudice which exists against the Coloured portion 
of mankind. 

The Court of Berlin conferred upon Amo the title of 
Counsellor of State, but after the death of his benefactress, 
the Princess of Brunswick, Amo fell into a profound 







% €xMt ht t|iB 3ligni. 



267 




melancholy, and resolved to leave Europe, in which he had 
resided for SO years, and to return to the place of his hirth 
at Axim, on the Gold Coast There he received, in 1753, 
a visit from the intelligent traveller, David Henry Gallan- 
dat, who mentions him in the Memoirs of the Academy of 
Flessingue, of which he was a member. Amo, at that 
time about fifty years of age, led there the life of a recluse. 
His father and a sister were living with him, and he had a 
brother who was a Slave in Surinam. Some time after, it 
appears, he left Axim, and settled at Chama. 

The Abbe Gregoire, from whose work the foregoing 
particulars are translated, says, that he made unavailing 
researches to ascertain whether Amo published any other 
works, or at what period he died. 



TOnSSAIKT L'OUYEBTUBE. 

ToussAiNT L'OuvERTURE has been justly designated 
" one of the most extraordinary men of a period in which 
extraordinary men were numerous/' He is a remarkable 
instance of genius exhibiting itself in the Negro race, 
although, as in most other cases, having to contend with 
circumstances very inconducive to the free growth either 
of the moral qualities, or the intellectual faculties of the 
mind. Among the individuals of the African race who 
have distinguished themselves by intellectual achievement, 
Toujssaint L^Ouverture is pre-eminent ; and while society 
is waiting for evidence of what the Negro race at large can 
do and become, it seems only rational to build high hopes 
upon such a character as that of the nuui, who was, as a 
Dictator and a General, the model upon which Napoleon 
formed himself;* who was as inclined to peace as renowned 
in war; and who will ever be regarded in liistory, as one 
of the most remarkable men of an age teeming with social 
wonders. 

• See *<fiu>grapliie TTjiivenelle ;" art. " Toiusaint." 









a €nMt fax tjn 3?Bgtn. 



Toussaint was bom on the plantation of the Count de 
Noe, situated a few miles from Cape Francois, in the 
Island of SU Domingo, in 1743 or 1745. His parents 
were African Slaves on the Count's estate. His father, it 
is said, was the second son of Gaou Gruinou, the King of 
a powerful African tribe, who, being taken prisoner by a 
hostile people, was sold to some White merchants, who 
carried him to St. Domingo, where he was purchased by 
the Count de Noe. Being more kindly treated by his 
master than is usually the lot of his race, the son of Gaou 
Guinou was comparatively happy in a state of Slavery. 
He married a fellow-slave, a girl of his own country, and 
by her he had eight children, five sons and three daughters. 
Of the sons Toussaint was the eldest. 

The Negro boy grew up on the plantation, performing 
such little services as he could, and altogether his life was 
as cheerful, and his work as easy, as that of any Slave boy 
in St. Domingo. The first employment of the little Negro 
was to tend the cattle ; and the earliest recollections of his 
character, were of his gentleness, thoughtfulness, and strong 
religious tendencies. He had some of the advantages for 
thought that the herdsmen of the East enjoy, — ^long days 
of solitude, spent under a bright sky, with all the luxuri- 
ance of. nature shed around, and an occupation which 
required little of either the head or the hands. But all 
this would be nothing to a mind which had never been 
roused. Toussaint would have vegetated like the grass he 
stretched himself upon, if some superior mind had not 
given him thoughts, or excited him to think for himself: 
whose mind this was, whether that of parent, master, com- 
panion, or priest, is not knovm. 

One thing is certain, that Toussaint's good qualities 
soon attracted the attention of Bayou de Libertas, the 
agent of the estate, who treated him kindly, and by some 
means he learned to read and write, and acquired some 
knowledge of arithmetic. But whether the agent caused 



(iL/S/' 








a ^rikitb fer tju jifp/ 



him to be taught, or whether he owed his knowledge to a 
N^ro named Pierre Baptiste, or whether he learned by 
noticing others, is disputed. Pierre Baptiste was a Black 
on the same plantation, a shrewd and intelligent man, who 
had acquired considerable information, having been edu- 
cated by some benevolent missionaries. An intimacy 
sprung up between Pierre and young Toussaint, and it is 
probable that all that Pierre had learned from the mission- 
aries, Toussaint learned from him. However this may 
have been, certain it is, that the acquisitions of Toussaint, 
which also included a little knowledge of Latin, and some 
idea of geometry, were considerably more than were pos- 
sessed by one in ten thousand of his fellow Slaves ; and it 
would seem a fortunate circumstance, that so great a 
natural genius should thus be singled out to receive the 
imusual gift of a little instruction. Yet, what Toussaint 
became, others of his race might have been also, had similar 
advantages been administered to them as fell to his lot. 

Toussaint*s qualifications, in conjunction with his regular 
and amiable deportment, gained him the increased love 
and esteem of his master, and led to his promotion. He 
was taken from the labours of the field, and made the 
coachman of M. Bayou, the overseer — ^a post of consider- 
able dignity, — a situation, indeed, as high as a Negro 
could at that time hope to fill. 

. The increased leisure his situation afforded was em- 
ployed in cultivating his talents, and collecting those stores 
of information which enriched his mind, and prepared him 
for a more extensive and important sphere of action. In 
this, and in higher situations to which he was subsequently 
advanced, his conduct was irreproachable, and while he 
gained the confidence of his master, every Negro in the 
plantation held him in respect. Though there is but little 
recorded of his early life, it appears that he was noted for 
his benevolence, and for a stability of temper that scarcely 
anything could discompose. He was also remarkable for 








a €nMt fer Iju 3lfgni. 




duO 



sedateness, and an invincible patience. His religion taught 
him to endure patiently, and to refrain &om inflicting 
upon others anything which he would not have inflicted 
on himself. Through life, in the lowest humiliation of his 
servitude, and in the majesty of his virtual sovereignty, he 
was temperate in all kinds of enjoyments, and remarkable 
for preferring the pleasures of the mind to those of the 
body, manifesting singular strength of religious sentiment. 

In person, Toussaint was about the middle size, with a 
striking countenance, and a robust constitution, capable of 
enduring great fatigue. At the age of twenty-five he married 
a Negress, to whom he always manifested the most un- 
swerving attachment, uniting with her in all the cares of 
domestic life. They had several children, who became 
objects of his tender, affectionate, and parental solicitude, 
and they were brought up with great judgment and ten- 
derness. 

The subsequent remarkable career of Toussaint, which 
led to his great renown, by constituting him the ruler 
of the country in which he had been brought up a Slave, 
is so intimately connected with the history of St. Domingo 
that we must glance at the state of affairs which rendered 
the island for several years a theatre of war and contention 
between the White population and the Blacks. 

At the period when the French Revolution broke out, 
St. Domingo belonged partly to the Spaniards and partly 
to the French. This beautiful island, which lies near to 
Jamaica, is 390 miles long, and 140 broad, at its voidest 
part. About two-thirds of it belonged to the Spaniards, 
and the remainder, the western end, to the French. The 
north and east coasts are barren ; but the interior spreads 
into fertile plains, where the Spaniards were rich in wild 
horses and cattle. The part belonging to the French was «xv, 
divided into three provinces, in which were a few flourish- 
ing towns, and many rich plantations cultivated by Slaves. 
It contains some high mountains, and many beautiful 















a €nkk firr tin Mtsca. 



valleys, shaded with cacao groves and coffee plantations ; 
while in the plains were fields of cotton, sugar, and tobacco, 
separated from each other by hedges of limes, citrons, and 
beautiful flowering shrubs. 

The inhabitants of the French provinces of the island 
were of three kinds — Planters, who were Whites, (French 
men, or their descendants,) Free People of CSolour, and 
Slaves. The numbers of these three classes were sup- 
posed to be nearly as follows in 1790 : — 

Whites 30,800 

Free People of Colour . • 24,000 
Slaves 480,400 

So that there were nearly sixteen times as many Slaves 
as Whites ; while, at the same time, the Free People of 
Colour might, by themselves, have been almost a match 
for the Whites in case of a war of the races. 

When the French Revolution broke out, news arrived 
in the colony of St. Domingo, of what was doing in France, 
It might have been supposed that the Planters, a small 
body of gentlemen, holding a laige number of Slaves, and 
living in the midst of Mulattoes, to whom, though free, 
they would not allow the rights of citizenship, would have 
been anxious to prevent anything being said about the 
Rights of Men, and upon Social Equality. It strangely 
happened, however, that when they were speaking of Man 
and his Rights, they were thinking only of White men ; 
and it seems never to have occurred to them, that dark- 
complexioned men would desire or endeavour to obtain 
their share of social freedom. The Mulattoes, however, 
considered that they were as much entitled to social liberty 
of every kind as any other men; and while the White 
planters were drinking popular toasts, and displaying the 
banners sent over to them from France, and hailing a new 
age of the world, (forgetting that they were all the time 
oppressing the Mulattoes, and holding fellow-men as pro- 
pci^yO their dusky neighbours were planning how they 








% €xMt fBt tin Mt^. 



might best claim from the French government the rights of 
citizenship, from which they were shut out by the proud 
Whites. A dreadfril war followed, in consequence of the 
absolute refusal of the Whites to admit them to an equality. 
The French government first favoured one party and then 
the other, and thus exasperated the deadly hatred which 
the two parties mutually bore. 

The Slaves, for some time, kept very quiet, supposing 
that they had no concern in the affair. Their masters were 
so much in the habit of despising Negroes that they do not 
appear to have dreaded their Slaves hearing anything about 
the principles of liberty. It is not known whether the 
Mulattoes stirred up the Slaves to attempt their freedom, 
or whether they did it of their own accord. The Mulattoes 
had been put down, for a time, by the Whites, and it is 
probable they set the Slaves to rebel for them ; but all 
that is known is, that a fire broke out on a plantation on 
the northern part of the island, in August, 1791, and it 
soon appeared that all the Slaves in the province were 
acting in concert, and rising against their masters. The 
north-western part of the island blazed with fires ; the 
household Slaves were locked up by their owners ; and the 
Whites began fortifying the towns. 

When the insurrection of the Negroes commenced, 
Toussaint was about forty-eight years of age, and still a 
Slave on the plantation on which he was bom, in the 
midst of the district in which hostilities first begun. Great 
exertions were made by the insurgents to induce a N^ro 
of his respectability and reputation to join them ; but he 
steadily refused taking any part in the early revolutionary 
movements, being one of the last to stir in the insurrection; 
indeed, he was often heard to lament his brethren rising at 
all. He feared and believed that their objects were revenge ^t^ 
and plunder ; he mourned over their excesses, and kept 
quiet himself, in the conviction that it was better to en- 
dure personal injuries than to avenge them. The moment. 



t^. 






'itim 






% €nlntb &r tin Sfgw- 



however, he perceived that the struggle was of a political 
nature^ and that the rights of a class were in question, he 
joinedhis brethren, and stepped ina moment out of Slavery 
into freedom* He had nothing to do with the fires and mas* 
sacres of August, 1791 ; hut joined the insurgents as soon 
he was convinced that they had a principle of union, and 
an end in view. 

Many of the Planters had made their escape from the 
island, and fled with their families to foreign countries ; 
but the master of Toussaint was one, who, not having made 
an early retreat, was on the point of falling into the hands 
of the infuriated Blacks ; but his humane and beneficent 
treatment of this worthy Slave was not forgotten. When 
the plantation on which Toussaint had served was endan- 
gered by the approach of the Negro forces, with con- 
siderable care and ingenuity, and at the risk of his own 
life, he secured the safety of his master and family, by 
secreting them in the woods for several days, and finally 
provided for their escape from the island, by putting them 
on board an American vessel, with a considerable quantity 
of produce, on which the fugitives might be enabled to 
support themselves in exile. Nor did his gratitude end 
here : after their settlement at Baltimore, he availed him- 
self of every opportimity of making them such remittances, 
as he could snatch from the wreck of their property, fre- 
quently sending them some additional proof of his gratitude 
and friendship. Conduct so noble, in the midst of such 
barbarities as were then enacting, indicated great origin- 
ali^^ and moral independence of character. 

Having performed what he considered to be an act of 
duty, in providing for the safety of his master, Toussaint, 
who had now no tie to retain him longer in servitude, per- 
ceiving both reason and justice in the struggle which his 
oppressed race were making to regain their liberty, attached 
himself to the body of Negroes. Presenting himself to the 
Black General, Jean Fran9ois, he was received into the 




2n 








diki) 



% €xMt fiir tin Mtita. 



army, in which he at once assumed a leading rank. A 
certain amount of medical knowledge, derived in the course 
of his reading, enabled him to unite the functions of phy- 
sician with those of military officer, and he was called 
physician to the forces. He soon rose from the rank of 
aide-de-camp to that of colonel. 

The army he had joined was under royalist commanders 
in the Spanish part of the island, and was opposed to the 
French republican planters. He knew and cared little for 
the state of parties in France : he was fighting for his Black 
brethren against their White oppressors, and for a long 
time he was not aware that he was affording his favour in 
testimony of the same despotic principles in France^ which 
he was contending against in St. Domingo. 

Toussaint was posted at Marmalade, with his Negro 
troops, under the command of a Spanish general, when he 
heard of the Decree of the French Convention, of Feb- 
ruary 4th, 1794, which confirmed and proclaimed the 
liberty of all Slaves, and declared St. Domingo to be an 
integral part of France. This news opened his eyes to 
the truth, that in opposing the republicans he was fighting 
against the freedom of the Blacks. He lost no time in 
opening a communication with Laveaux, the republican 
commander ; and in afew days joined him with a considerable 
Negro force, delivering up several Spanish posts of great 
importance. The Spanish general, Hermona, had ex- 
claimed, a few days before, on seeing Toussaint receive the 
sacrament, that God never visited a purer spirit ; but now, 
confusion and terror reigned among the Spaniards, and the 
name of the Negro commander was reviled as it had before 
been honoured. It is hinted by historians that ambition 
was one cause of the defection of Toussaint ; that he had 
little hope of rising to the rank held by Jean Franfois in ^rsp 
the Spanish forces, while he hoped for a great addition to 
his honours from the French general. Laveaux made him 
brigadier-general, but watched all his movements, fearing 



:^-. 






,a 



l^gi 




a €tMt hx tjit jifgrn. 



that a man who had once changed sides might be liable to 
change again* 

The power which Toussaint speedily obtained over the 
ignorant and barbarous soldiery^ (the released Slaves, whom 
he commanded,) was indeed wonderful enough to fix the 
attention of all who were around him, — the wisest and most 
experienced of whom were as much under the spell of his 
influence as the most degraded. It was by his observation 
of men's minds, and by his own decision of character, that 
he obtained this influence. He had not yet had the oppor- 
tunity of showing valour : he was so far from eloquent that 
his words were few, and the utterance of them awkward 
and difficult; he had but just emerged from Slavery. But 
he knew that the Blacks wanted a leader, and he felt that 
he was the leader they wanted ; and this conviction gave 
him a confidence in arrangement and action, which made 
him the master of all the minds about him. To assist him 
in his military operations, we are told in some curious notes 
written by his son, '^ that, imitating the example of the 
captains of antiquity, — Lucullus, Pompey, Caesar, and 
others, he constructed a topographical chart of that part of 
the island, marking accurately the position of the hiUs, the 
course of the streams," &c. So much did he harrass the 
commissioners, that when the Spanish posts fell, one after 
another, into the hands of the French, one of them ex- 
claimed, " Cet homme fait ouverture partout l" " This 
man makes cm opening everywhere.*' This expression get- 
ting abroad, was the cause of Toussaint being ever after- 
wards called by the name of Toussaint L* Ouverture ; which 
may be translated, Toussaint the Opener, or the Opening. 
Toussaint, knowing the value of a good name too well 
to disclaim the flattering addition, willingly adopted it, 
building upon it an assurance to his dark brethren, 
that through him they were to obtain a bright and peace- 
ful future. 

But the distrust with which Laveaux regarded Toussaint, 










a €jMi fax tju Mt^^ 



seemed to doom him to inaction, and to fix the term of his 
political career. For some time, the French commander 
showed little disposition to place confidence in him. We 
may easily conceive, that it must have been by slow d^rees 
that a man in tiie position of Laveaux came to appreciate 
the character of his Negro ofiicer. Laveaux had a difficult 
task to fulfil ; nothing less, in fact, than the task of being 
the first European to do justice in practice to the Negro 
character, and to treat a Negro chief exactiy as he would 
treat a European gentieman. Philosophers, such as the 
Abbe Gxegoire and the Abbe Baynal, had indeed written 
books to prove that ability and worth were to be found 
among the Negroes, and had laid it down as a maxim that 
a Negro was to be treated like any otiier man whose cir- 
cumstances were the same ; but probably Laveaux was the 
first European who felt himself called upon to put the 
maxim in practice, at least in affidrs of any importance. It 
is highly creditable, therefore, to tiiis French officer, that 
when he came to have more experience of Toussaint 
L'Ouverture, and discerned his extraordinary abilities, he 
esteemed him as much as if he had been a French gentie- 
man educated in the schools of Paris. 

The immediate occasion of the change in the sentiments 
of Laveaux towards Toussaint, was as follows. Li March, 
1795, an insurrection of Mulattoes occurred at the town of 
tiie Cape, and Laveaux was seized and placed in confine- 
ment. On hearing this, Toussaint marched at the head of 
10,000 Blacks to tiie town, obliged the inhabitants to open 
the gates by tiie threat of a siege, entered in triumph, re- 
leased the French commander from prison, and reinstated 
him in office. In gratitude for this act of loyalty, Laveaux 
appointed Toussaint lieutenant-governor of the island, de- 
claring his resolution at the same time to act according to 
his advice in all matters, whether military or civiL A say- 
ing of Laveaux's is recorded, which shows the decided 
opinion he had formed of Toussaint's abilities. " It is this 



Mji> 



II 



i'j 



.1 



It 







% 'dCriiirtj fiit tjn jligrn. 



277 



Black," said he, ** this Spartacus, spoken of by Raynal, 
who is destined to avenge the wrongs done to his race.*' 

A wonderful improvement soon followed the appoint- 
ment of L'Ouvertiure as lieutenant-governor of the island. 
The first use he made of his power, was to establish order 
and discipline among the Black population. Obedient to 
their champion, they were speedily reduced under strict 
military discipline, and submitted to aU the regulations of 
orderly civil government. The success of Toussaint's en- 
deavours is equally honourable to the people he governed 
and to himself. France owed him an immense debt of 
gratitude. Lacroix, a historian unfriendly to the Blacks, 
wrote, that " if St. Domingo still carried the colours of 
France, it was solely owing to an old Negro, who seemed 
to be appointed by heaven to unite its severed members." 
The war vrith the Spanish part of the island was soon 
brought to a close, and Toussaint was left alone to support 
the pride and the hopes of his Colour. 

General Laveaux being nominated a member of the 
French l^islature, was obliged to return to Europe. Gen. 
Rochambeau now arrived in the island from France, to 
assume the dignity of Commander-in-chief, but he foimd 
himself a mere cipher. Toussaint ordered him on board a 
vessel, and sent him home again. Soon after, he got rid 
of Santhonax, another French official, by sending him with 
dispatches to the French government. All this appears 
excessively arbitrary ; but it remains doubtful how much 
Toussaint's proceedings were owing to his personal ambi- 
tion, or to his conviction that men fresh from France were 
not qualified to govern Negroes. He was aware that the 
peace and prosperity of the island depended on his keeping 
all the power in his own hands ; and it is certain that he 
did restore St. Domingo to a state of high prosperity ; that 
the people were devoted to him ; and that no act of guilt 
is knovni ever to have been perpetrated by him for the gra- 
tification of his own ambition. 









rMa^^cCh/o~'*^'.l^^t^_'P 






a ^rilntte fiit tjn Mt^u. 



commissioned to intimate to the French government the un- 
easiness and trouble which would have been caused in the 
island by the continued residence of Commissioner San- 
thonax. In his letter to the Directory on this occasion, 
he declared how great must be his confidence in the 
Directory, when he delivered his children into their power, 
at a time when the complaints which were alleged against 
him might well cause a doubt of his good faith. " At pre- 
sent," he added, " there is no inducement to interior agita- 
tion. I guarantee, under my personal responsibility, the 
submission of my Black brethren to order, and their felicity 
to France. Citizen Directors, you may rely upon speedy 
good results ; and you shall soon see whether I involve in 
vain my own responsibility and your hopes." 

The people of Paris received with a generous astonish- 
ment the intelligence of the doings of the Negro prodigy, 
and the interest they took in the novelty of the case, pre- 
vented them from being angry. Indeed his conduct was 
publicly praised at Paris. He was once more entitled the 
deliverer of St. Domingo, and the Directory presented him 
with a richly embroidered dress, and a suit of superb armour. 

The French government, however, could not but be jea- 
lous of him ; and General Hedouville was sent out to be 
Commander-in-chief, and to attempt to restrain the Negro 
Dictator. But Hedouville could compete with him no 
better than his predecessors. When he arrived, Toussaint 
went on board the ship to bid him welcome. The captain 
of the ship, hearing Toussaint speak of the fatigues of go- 
vernment, said, he should be proud, after having brought 
out Hedouville, to carry back Toussaint. Toussaint replied 
hastily, " Your ship, sir, is not large enough for a man like 
me." Hedouville found himself a mere shadow, and soon 
turned his face home again. Toussaint, though strictly 
polite to him, paid no attention to his wishes or represen- 
tations, except when they agreed with his own intentions. 

The English still retained a footing in the island, but 







1 €jMi fax tjit if tgriL 




when it became clear that the j could not long retain pes* 
session of their posts. General Maidand, seeing the hope- 
lessness of continuing an enterprise which had already cost 
so many British lives, opened a negotiation with Toussaint, 
which ended in a treaty for the evacuation of the island. 
It is said that in the archives of the capital of Hayti, there 
is a copy of a proposition that Toussaint should be admow- 
ledged by England, on condition of his agreeing to a treaty 
of exclusive commerce with Great Britain. Toussaint was 
too wary to agree prematurely to these proposals ; but he 
accepted the evacuation of the British posts, and the rich 
presents of plate, and two brass cannons offered by the 
English general. He took possession of the^rindpal posts 
amidst great pomp. The British troops Uned liie road : a 
Catholic priest met him in procession with the host ; and 
he was received and entertained in a magnificent tent^ 
with all the pomp of military ceremonial* After the feast, 
he reviewed the British troops. He seems to have borne in 
mind the intention of being made king of Hay ti ; for he 
proclaimed a general amnesty, secured the old proprietors 
in their estates, decreed and superintended the intelligent 
prosecution of rural labour, and attached all the Creoles 
by using his power to reinstate them in their rights* He 
decreed that the former Negro cultivators, though now 
free, should work for five years for their former masters, 
provided they were well used, and allowed a fourth part of 
the produce : and upon his thus pronouncing, the Blacks 
flocked to the fields, with arms by their sides, and the hoe 
in their hands ; so that all traces of the devastation of war 
soon disappeared. 

A characteristic anecdote is related of Toussaint^s con- 
duct about this time. While General Maitland was 
making preparations for qidtting the island, believing that ^H^ 
another personal interview between himself and Toussaint 
was desirable, he returned the visit at the Negro camp* 
With perfect confidence in Toussaint's integrity, the General 










a tribute fer tl|t j&ignr. 



did not hesitate to travel to him with only two or three 
attendants, though his camp was at a considerable distance 
from his own army, and he had to pass through a country 
full of Negroes, who had lately been his mortal enemies. 
The French Commissioner, Roume, thinking this afforded 
a most favourable opportunity for serving the cause of the 
French Government, wrote to Toussaint, urging him to 
detain the British General as a prisoner. While General 
Maitland was on the road towards the camp, he received a 
letter, informing him of Roume's plot, and warning him 
not to trust himself in the power of the Negro chief; but, 
consulting the good of the service in which he was engaged, 
and still relying on Toussaint*s honour, he determined to 
proceed. When he arrived at the head quarters, Toussaint 
was not to be seen, and the general was kept in waiting a 
considerable time. At length Toussaint entered the room, 
with two letters in his hand. " There, general," said he, 
"before we talk together, read these: one is a letter just 
received from Roume, the French Commissioner ; and the 
other is the answer I am just going to despatch : — I would 
not come to you until I had written my answer to him, 
that you might be satisfied how safe you are with me, and 
how incapable I am of baseness." General Maitland, on 
reading the letters, found one of them to be from the 
French commissioner, Roume, being an artful attempt to 
persuade Toussaint to seize his guest, as an act of duty to 
the republic ; the other was a noble and indignant refusal. 
** What!" said Toussaint, in his letter to the perfidious 
Frenchman, " have I not passed my word to the British 
general ? How then can you suppose that I will cover 
myself with dishonour by breaking it ? His reliance on 
my good faith leads him to put himself in my power ; and 
I should be for ever infamous, if I were to act as you 
advise. I am faithfully devoted to the republic; but 
will not serve it at the expense of my conscience, and my 
honour." 



' h 



2o 






a ^ritralt for tin 5lrp. 

The Mulattoes began to raJw a cry that the island vaa 
sold to Great Britain, and that Slavery was to be re- 
eatabUahed; and a cruel war enaaed between them and the / 
Negroes; the Whites taking part with the one or the I 
other, according to the position of their estates. On re- lij 
ceiving tidings of the success and mmwacre on the part of I 
Rigaud, a Mulatto chief, Toussaiut collected hia forces at 
Port-au-Prince, the south-western capital, and commuided 
the attendance at church of all the Mulattoes of the place. |' 
He mounted the pulpit, and addressed them, predicting 
his own success, and the ruin of their Colour, if they 
opposed bim. ; I 

For a time, however, the Mulattoes were successful, and 
by means of treachery were enabled to defy him, and lift 
up their heads in the north. But while they supposed 1 1 
Toussaint to be shut up in Port-au-Prince, he was upon 
them, having escaped a hundred dangers, and acted and 
marched with incredible speed. He delivered the Whites 
who were imprisoned, and sacrificed the traitors to whom I 
he owed his temporary defeat. The Mulattoes, in utter | 
despair, crowded into Cape Fran9oi3. Toussaint was in- 
Btantly upon them Bgain. He convoked the authorities of 
the place in the church, mounted the pulpit, and declared, 
" The Men of Colour have been punished enough. Let { 
them be forgiven by all, as they are by me. They may 
return to their dwellings, where they shall be protected and 
treated like brethren." 

The enthusiasm excited by this unexpected clemency, ■ 
however great among those who had been trembling before 
the conqueror, did not extend to their companions who 
were in arms. The war was not over ; but Touasaint was 
finally victorious. Towards the end of 1799, Kapoleon, 
then First Consul, sent out commissioners to St. Domingo, *pC 
to confirm Toussaint in his office of Commander-in-chief. 
Rigaud, the Mulatto general, saw that his party was aban- 
n, and set sail for France, and again it appeared 




^AJd> 





% €rMt ht tilt Jgtgro. 



as if all promised peace and prosperity. Toussaint per- 
ceived that there could be no permanent peace in the 
Island, while any portion of it remained under Spanish 
control ; and his first great error of policy seems to have 
been in regarding exclusively the state of affiurs at home, 
and overlooking or despising the force which might be 
brought against him from Europe. He found little diffi- 
culty in uniting the Spanish to the French portion of the 
island under his sway. The city of St. Domingo delivered 
its keys to him upon summons ; and the clergy, who were 
very influential among the Spanish population, were in 
favour of a devout ruler, who flattered their ambition with 
the homage he rendered to themselves and their office. 
They prepared the people to receive him in his progress 
through the Island, with acclamations, and the uproar of 
cannon and bells. 

As the Islanders had now thrown off the shackles of 
Slavery, it was necessary for the well ordering of govern- 
ment, that a new Constitution should be formed. Tous- 
saint, assisted by a council of his adherents, prepared a 
Colonial Constitution, uniting the different inhabitants of 
the Island under an impartial and uniform government ; 
and the whole, after being submitted to^a general assembly 
convened from every district, was approved and adopted, 
and a proclamation thereof made in due form, in July, 180L 
By this constitution, all executive power was put into his 
hands, under the title of President for life, with power to 
choose his successor, and to nominate to all offices. Every 
part of St. Domingo, was now in quiet submission to the 
Negro chief. In all that regarded commerce ^and finance, 
the constitution worked admirably, during the short period 
of its continuance. The commerce of all nations visited 
the shores of the Island under the American fiag ; the 
treasury filled ; the estates flourished ; and Toussaint was 
adored. St. Domingo was rapidly improving in wealth and 
happiness, under a wise administration; which, for its 






^m. 



% Crihttte fat tin jfftgrn. 







U:) 



ability, mildness, and integrity, was acknowledged to be 
beyond all praise. Considering tbe interests of France 
alone, the colony had never been in a more prosperous con* 
dition. The Negroes gave every proof of industry, sub- 
ordination, and content. They diligently cultivated the 
plantations, and received the wages of their labour. They 
submitted cheerfully to all those regulations virhich it was 
thought necessary to establish ; and living in possession of 
their freedom, were satisfied and happy. Those whose 
merits had raised them to stations of honour and responsi- 
bility, were as solicitous for the French interests as for the 
preservation of their own freedom. In short, the colony 
had seldom been more productive, the revenue which it 
aiforded to the mother country more abundant, the persons 
and property of the Planter more secure, nor the Negroes 
themselves more industrious and peaceful. In this manner 
things woiild no doubt have proceeded — the natives im- 
proving in the arts of peace and civilization — the produce of 
the island yielding increased wealth both to the proprietors 
and to the' cultivators — till the distinctions of Colour and 
the prejudicesfounded on them would have been forgotten — 
and the whole state of things have presented a proof that 
Whites and Blacks may, in all respects, become equals, 
and regard each other as brethren — had not the restless 
ambition of the usurper of France, disturbed the tran- 
quility of the island, and suddenly renewed those contests, 
which, it was hoped, had for ever ceased, 

Toussaint having now become placed in a conspicuous 
station, the excellencies of his character unfolded them- 
selves more and more, as opportunities ojSered for their 
devolopment; and the same amiable dispoisition which 
adorned his humble life, continued to distinguish him in 
his elevated position. He caused the duties of religion ({K'' 
and morality to be strictly enforced, and gave the whole 
weight of his example and influence in favour of decency 
and sobriety of life. He frowned upon every indication 



s: 






. ■> 





1 (Eriirate fer tiff Sfgrn. 




of licentiousness of manners, and avoided all favourable 
notice of persons, however otherwise graced, who were 
not modest, quiet, and diligent in their vocation. His 
public levees were conducted with the strictest decorum, 
and the best private societies of Europe were not superior 
in manners to his evening parties. Every thing was mag- 
nificent around him, and his retinue as splendid as that 
of an Oriental monarch ; but he was plain in his food, his 
dress, and all his habits. He would make a meal of cakes 
and fruit, with a glass of water. His bodily strength was 
prodigious, and he maintained it by constant and vigorous 
exercise. It was his custom to make sudden excursions 
to various parts of the island, always choosing the points 
where he was least expected. He sometimes rode 150 
miles without rest, perpetually outstripping all his attend- 
ants, except two trumpeters, who were as well mounted as 
himself. After such fatigue, he would sleep for two hours, 
and start up again, refreshed for new toils. 

The following description of Toussaint was given by one 
of his enemies : — " He has a fine eye ; and his glances are 
rapid and penetrating. Extremely sober by habit, his 
activity in .the prosecution of his enterprises is incessant. 
He is an excellent horseman, and travels, on occasions, 
with inconceivable rapidity, arriving frequently at the end 
of his journeys alone, or almost unattended ; his aides-de* 
camp and domestics being unable to follow him, in jour- 
neys often extending to fifty or sixty leagues. He 
allows very little time for his repose or his meals." 

Toussaint was accessible to all who wished to see him ; 
and it is said that no one ever left his presence dissatisfied : 
if he could not grant a request, he contrived to please 
the applicant. His generals were obedient as children 
before him ; his soldiers regarded him as a superior being, 
and the people at large worshipped him as their deliverer. 
It is no wonder that the conviction existing in his mind, 
escaped his lips, that he was the Bonaparte of St Domingo, 






A 






1 €nhk fat tin Mt^n. 



and that the colony could not exist without him. This 
was no more than a moderate expression of the truth. 

That Toussaint was a great man is unquestionable. 
Captain Rainsford, an officer in the British army, who 
visited St. Domingo during the time of the reyolutionaiy 
movements^ speaks in the following terms of the Negro 
General. "Toussaint L'Ouverture, the present Com- 
mandant of St. Domingo/' says he, "is one of those char- 
actersy which contentions for power and the extension of 
territory, as well as the jars of individual interest, have not 
unfrequently introduced to astonish the world. He is 
worthy of imitation as a man — ^he excites admiration as a 
governor — and as a general, he is yet unsubdued, without 
the probability of subjection ! His regard for the unfortu- 
nate appears the love ofliuman kind ; and, dreaded by dif- 
ferent nations, he is the foe of none. To the English he 
is by no means inimical, and, in possession of many of the 
blessings of humanity, he courts the acceptance of the 
world. He is a perfect Black (bom a Slave), at present 
about 4*5 years of age, of a venerable appearance, and pos- 
sessed of uncommon perseverance. Of great suavity of 
manners, he was not at all concerned in the perpetration 
of the massacre, or in the conflagration. He is styled the 
General-en-chef, and is always attended by four aides-de- 
camp. He receives a voluntary respect from every descrip- 
tion of his countrjrmen, which is more than returned by 
the affiibility of his behaviour, and the goodness of his 
heart. Of his civilities to myself, I have sufficient reason 
to be proud. I met him frequently during my stay in his 
dominions, and had no occasion of complaint, even from 
his errors.** 

If there was one trait in Toussaint*s character more con- 
spicuous than the rest, it was his unsullied integrity. I%ai ^tk^ 
he never broke his ward, was a proverbial expression common 
in the mouths of the White inhabitants of the island, and of 
the English officers who were employed in hostilities against 









a '^rihiife fax tin $t^n. 



him. His spirit of forgiveness was remarkable. Though 
for a considerable time he possessed unlimited power, he 
neyer abused it : and in cases of injury, he displayed a 
generosity of forgiveness, which would do honour to the 
heart of the most enlightened potentate of Europe. Of this, 
the following incident affords a memorable specimen. Four 
Frenchmen, who had deserted from him with aggravated 
treachery, were retaken ; and every one expected they 
would be put to a cruel death. Leaving them, however, 
in suspense as to their fate, Toussaint ordered them to 
be brought into the church the following Sunday; and 
while that part of the service was pronouncing which relates 
to mutual forgiveness, he went with them to the front of 
the altar, where, after endeavouring to impress upon their 
minds the heinousness of their conduct, he ordered them 
to be discharged without further punishment. 

Toussaint had now reached the highest point of his pros- 
perity. Fifty years of his life had been spent in an insen- 
sible preparation for the prodigious work which the last ten 
had achieved. His meditations in the groves, his specula- 
tions under the starry heavens of the tropics, his study of 
human powers and human destinies during the nights of 
nearly half a century of Slavery, had now come into the use 
for which he had little dreamed that they were designed. 
He had been the means of forming a nation of FVee Men 
out of a herd of Negro Slaves, and had taught them that 
personal self-restraint is the only guarantee of social liberty : 
he had fairly established the first civilized Negro commu- 
nity ; and now it remained to show how the other species 
of education which he had undergone had prepared him for 
another fate ; how far his principles of religion and his 
habits of patience could support him through the third, the 
dreariest portion of his course. Two years of his life re- 
mained to be passed in decline, in humiliation, struggle, 
grief, and sickness, and it was in these two last years that 
his greatest moral triumphs were achieved. 








a €riliittf for tjrt JSfgni. ?-@* 




Successful in all his schemes of improvement, Toussaint 
had now only one serious cause for dread. While he ad- 
mired Bonaparte, he entertained a secret fear of the projects 
of that great general. Although Bonaparte had confirmed 
him in his command, several circumstances had occurred to 
excite alarm. He had sent two letters to Bonaparte, both 
headed, " The First of the Blacks to the First of the 
Whites," one of which announced the complete pacification 
of the island, and requested the ratification of certain ap- 
pointments which he had made, and the other explained 
his reasons for cashiering a French ofiicial ; but to these 
letters Bonaparte had not deigned to return an answer. 
Not disheartened by this taciturnity, Toussaint again ad- 
dressed him in respectful terms, and intreated his ratifica- 
tion of the new constitution. Bonaparte, however, had 
already formed the resolution of extinguishing Toussaint, 
and taking possession of St. Domingo ; and the conclusion 
of a treaty of peace with England in 1801 increased his 
haste to effect the execution of his deceitful purpose. In 
vain did persons acquainted with the state of the island 
endeavour to dissuade him from this movement, by repre- 
senting the evils which would arise. " I want," he said to 
the minister Forfait, who was one of those who reasoned 
with him on the subject — " I want, I tell you," said Bona- 
parte, " to get rid of 60,000 men." This was probably the 
secret of his determination to invade St. Domingo. Now 
that the treaty with England was concluded, Bonaparte 
felt the presence of so many of his old companions in arms 
to be an incumbrance. There were men among them very 
likely to criticise his government and thwart his designs, 
and these it would be very convenient to send on a distant 
expedition. Nay more, it would not be misrepresenting 
Napoleon's character, if we were to suppose that some 
jealousy of his Negro admirer mingled with his other views. 
Be this as it may, the expedition was equipped. It con- 
sisted of 26 ships of war and a number of transports. 






I 



|k^ 









»sLI4 





a €nMt for t^ Mt^n. 



carrying an army of SS^OOO men, the flower of the French 
troops, whose valour had been previously tried in Europe, 
who embarked reluctantly. The command of the army 
was given to General Le Clerc, Bonaparte's brother-in-law. 

The French squadron reached St. Domingo early in 
180S. In all quarters the French were successful in effect- 
ing a landing. Rochambeau, in landing with his division, 
came to an engagement with the Blacks who had gathered 
on the beach, and slaughtered a great number of them. At 
Cape Fran9ois, Le Clerc sent an intimidating message to 
Christophe, the Negro whom Toussaint had stationed there 
as commander ; but the Negro replied that he was responsible 
only to Toussaint, his commander-in-chief. Perceiving, 
however, that his post was untenable, owing to the inclina- 
tion of the White inhabitants of the town to admit Le 
Clerc, Christophe set fire to the houses at night, and re- 
treated to the hills by the light of the conflagration, carry- 
ing 2000 Whites with him as hostages, not one of whom 
was injured during the warfare which followed. 

Toussaint was not idle all this while. He knew he might 
trust to Christophe to deal with the city ; and he was busy 
in the interior making preparations for a protracted war. 
Le Clerc seems to have entertained a due dread of the 
mighty Negro ; for he tried all devices to ensnare him be- 
fore he drove him to bay. Among other seductions to 
yield, he employed the two sons of Toussaint, who had been 
educated at Paris, and who had been brought over in the 
squadron. On their arrival at Cape Fran9ois, they were sent 
with Coisnon their tutor, to Ennery, one of Toussaint's 
country residences. The interview was a most affecting one. 
Toussaint was absent at the time, but his faithful wife re- 
ceived her sons as an affectionate mother might be expected 
to welcome her children, after an absence of several years. 
Improved both in stature and accomplishments, they now 
appeared in the vigour and loveliness of youth. 

The crafty Frenchman accepting an invitation to stay 




2p 







% CriUt br tb JStgni. 





U 



until Toussaint should arrive, made use of this interval to 
persuade his hostess, as he had done many others, that the 
French government had no design against their freedom, 
but only wished that by submitting they might be again 
united. This tale was so artfully told, that the unsuspect- 
ing wife, having a desire for tranquillity and its attendant 
enjoyments, sent a messenger immediately for her husband, 
who was at such a distance, that although he travelled with 
all possible speed, he did not reach home until after the 
middle of the second night. 

The two sons ran to meet their father ; and he, with 
emotions too great for utterance, clasped them silently in 
his arms. Few who have any feelings of humanity could 
have beheld such a scene without emotion. But the cold- 
blooded emissary Coisnon beheld it veith a barbarous 
apathy. When the first burst of parental feeling had a 
little subsided, Toussaint stretched out his arms to enclose 
him whom he regarded with respect as the tutor of his 
children, and their conductor to the embraces of their pa- 
rents. " The father and two sons," says Coisnon, " threw 
themselves into each others arms. I saw them shed tears ; 
and wishing to take advantage of a period I conceived to 
be favourable, I stopped him at the moment when he 
stretched out his arms to me." Retiring from the embrace 
of Toussaint, Coisnon endeavoured to persuade him to ac- 
cede to the proposals of Bonaparte : describing, in glowing 
colours, the advantage to be gained by joining the French 
government ; declaring that no design was entertained of 
infringing on the liberties of the Blacks ; and desiring him 
to reflect on the situation of his children, who, unless he 
would submit, were to be immediately taken back, never 
more, perhaps, to gladden the hearts of their parents. He 
concluded his perfidious speech, by putting into Toussaint's fr\. 
hand a letter from the French general at the Cape, accom- 
panied by one from Bonaparte. 

These letters were couched in all the arts of intrigue. 



h 








.A*" 



^' 



'-> 1. 



^vh>4jd> 





% €rilratf fat tjfi j^igrOi 



combined with that of persuasive eloquence. In the letter 
from Bonaparte were the following expressions: — "We 
have made known to your children, and their preceptor, 
the sentiments by which we are animated — ^we send them 
back to you — ^what can you desire ? the freedom of the 
Blacks ? You know that in all the countries we have been 
in, we have given it to the people who had it not." Tell 
the people of St. Domingo, that " if liberty be to them the 
first of wants, they cannot enjoy it but with the title of 
French citizens." — " Rely without reserve on our esteem ; 
and conduct yourself as one of the principal citizens of the 
greatest nation in the world ought to do." 

Isaac, the eldest son, next addressed his father, repre- 
senting the great kindness his brother and himself had 
received from Bonaparte, and the high esteem he had pro- 
fessed for Toussaint and his family. The youngest son 
added something that he had been taught to the same 
effect ; and both, with artless eloquence, endeavoured to 
win their father to a purpose, of the true nature of which 
they had no suspicion. To their persuasions, were also 
added the tears and entreaties of their distressed mother. 

Toussaint appeared to hesitate amidst these tender Soli- 
citations. Coisnon, the tutor, observing these appearances 
with savage pleasure, got a little off his guard, and disco- 
vered his base design. Toussaint now plainly perceived, 
as he had suspected, that the subjugation of his race was 
the aim of this invasion ; and he was neither to be threat- 
ened nor tempted into any concession whatever. He with- 
drew from the estate, where the youths remained for some 
days, at the end of which Toussaint sent orders to them to 
return to the fleet, with a letter to Le Clerc, which con- 
tained the following: — "You have come to supplant me 
by force of arms. You have detained the letter of the First 
Consul to me till three months after its date ; and have 
meanwhile put in jeopardy the order and liberties of the 
Blacks by acts of hostility. The rights of my Colour 





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impose upon me duties above those of nature ; to them I 
am ready to sacrifice my children^ whom I send back to you, 
that I may not be enfeebled and shackled by their presence. 
I am more distrustful of France than ever, and must have 
time to decide on the course I am to pursue. 

Finding all his endeavours fruitless^ Le Clere hastened 
to send back the sons, with a declaration that he agreed to 
a truce of four days ; at the end of which time he would 
outlaw the Negro Generals, if they did not come into the 
service of France. 

Toussaint had no idea of yielding. His first thought 
was for the liberty of conscience of his sons. He left 
them free to choose between him and France. ''My 
children," said he, ** choose your duty. Whatever it be, 
I shall always love and bless you." Placide declared that 
he had done with France; and he fought by his father's 
side. Isaac returned to the fleet 

A declaration of outlawry was issued, as threatened, 
against Toussaint and Christophe. Le Clerc used eveiy 
means to secure the defection of the Negro troops, in 
which he succeeded but too well ; a matter more of sorrow 
than surprise, under the circumstances. The greatest 
marvel of all Toussaint's achievements is that he was able 
to do what he did with such social materials as he had at 
command* When it is considered that the elements of the 
society he ruled were Whites, first made arbitrary and 
selfish by being Slave*owners, and then vindictive by being 
deprived of their human property — Mulattoes made jealous 
by social oppression — ^and Negroes debased by Slaveiy, it 
is truly astonishing that, while left unmolested from with- 
out, Toussaint was able to establish anything like order, 
diligence, peace, and prosperity in the island. The pre* 
sence of a foreign foe, who appealed to the jealousy, avarice, 
and fears of the different parties in society, was sure to 
disorganize his work for the time, and leave him a sacrifice 
to the defection of his people. After much fighting and 



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gome vicissitude, Toussaint, with his generals, and a small 
body of troops, fortified themselves in a mountainous re- 
treat. There Le Clerc pursued him, and lost 1500 men 
in repeated vain attempts to dislodge him. 

The Blacks issued forth at intervals, cut off the commu- 
nication between different bodies of the invaders, and 
assaulted the French when they were least expected. But 
all was in vain. The discipline of the French troops 
(amounting, with reinforcements, to 25,000 men) was too 
much for him. He was sustained occasionally by bands of 
labourers from the estates ; but the French were reinforced 
to much better purpose by the arrival of 4000 fresh and 
hardy soldiers from France. Christophe and Dessalines, his 
two chief supporters, were compelled to submission : and 
the time was come for Toussaint to make terms. 

Toussaint called before him two of his prisoners, one a 
military, the other a naval officer, and sent them as bearers 
of a letter from him to Le Clerc, in which he intimated 
that there might yet be room for negotiation. He exhi- 
bited the war as having now become aimless and merely 
cruel; but declared, finally, that he should always be 
strong enough to bum, ravage, and destroy, and to sell 
dearly a life which had been somewhat useful to the 
mother-country as well as to his own race. Le Clerc was 
only too happy to negotiate. 5000 of his men were slain ; 
SOOOmore were in the hospitals ; and only 12,000 remained 
in fighting condition. 

The declaration of Toussaint's outlawry was rescinded, 
and, a few days after, the fallen hero came boldly to greet 
the French general. His appearance excited a strong sen- 
sation, and the mountains reverberated with the salutes 
fired in his honour from the forts and the squadron. All 
heads were bowed as he passed, and the French were awed 
by the homage paid to the Deliverer in his adversity. 

Toussaint was followed by between 300 and 400 horse- 
men, who remained in a defensive position, their sabres 








% €tMt for % JJtgra. 



drawn, during the conference between the two com- 
manders. 

Negotiations were now entered into, and a treaty was at 
length concluded between LeClercand Toussaint L'Ouver- 
ture, the conditions of which were, that Toussaint should 
continue to govern St. Domingo as hitherto, Le Clerc act- 
ing only in the capacity of French deputy, and that all the 
officers in Toussaint's army should be allowed to sustain 
their respective ranks, himself and his brother Christophe 
being honoured with a dignified retirement from public Ufe. 
A letter to Toussaint from the French general, about this 
time, contained the following passage : " With regard to 
yourself, you desire repose, and you deserve it I leave 
you at liberty to retire to which of your estates you please." 

The war now appeared to have reached a happy close ; 
the Whites and Blacks mingled with each other once more 
as friends ; and Toussaint retired to one of his estates, 
called by his own name, situated on the south-west part of 
the island, to lead a life of quiet and domestic enjoyment. 
There, in the bosom of his remaining family, (for his two 
sons who had been under the care of Coisnon, were lost 
sight of after their return to the Cape with their perfidious 
tutor,) he entered on that repose, of which he had long 
been deprived, laying plans for the comfortable enjoyment 
of the domestic circle, in his declining age, confidently re* 
lying upon the solenm assurances that his person and pro- 
perty should be held sacred. 

But the instructions of Bonaparte had been precise, that 
the Negro chief should be sent as a prisoner to France. 
Many reasons recommended such a step as more likely than 
any other to break the spirit of independence among the 
Blacks, and rivet the French power in the Island. Although 
Le Clerc had been put into nominal possession of the 
colony and of the colonial army, Toussaint was the virtual 
monarch of the island. His moral influence was incalcu- 
lable; and while he lived and moyed in sight, the French 






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held but a deceptive Bovereignty. A glance of the great 
man's eye, the lifting up of his finger, his lightest whisper, 
were more than a match for all the drilled troops, all the 
ships and ammuniton in France, and for all the wealth of 
her treasury. Napoleon knew this : and accordingly Le 
Clerc was now furnished with secret orders which em- 
powered him to remove that influence by treachery which 
he had been unable to overthrow by force. 

Time pressed : it was difficult to take Toussaint, on ac- 
count of his wariness, arid of the love borne to him by the 
whole people. A deep stratagem served the purpose at 
last, for the French general no sooner perceived the con- 
fidence Toussaint had placed in him, than he committed 
one of the basest and most infamous acts of treachery. The 
district in which Toussaint resided was purposely over- 
charged with French troops. The residents were discon- 
tented, and made Toussaint the medium of their complaints. 
General Brunet, to whom he applied, answered that he was 
but imperfectly informed about the localities, and needed 
the assistance of the fonner ruler of St. Domingo to deter- 
mine the situation of the troops. " See these Whites ! " 
exclaimed Toussaint, as he read General Brunet*s letter. 
They know everything, and yet they are obliged to come 
to the old Negro Chief for advice." He now fell into the 
trap artfully laid for him. He sent word to General Bru- 
net that he would come, attended by twenty men, and con- 
fer with him, on the Georges estate, on the 10th of June. 
General Brunet appeared at the appointed place and time, 
escorted also by ^ men. He asked Toussaint in, and they 
shut themselves up for business. Meanwhile the French 
soldiers mixed in with the escort of Toussaint, engaged each 
his man in light conversation, and, at an appointed signal, 
sprang each upon his Negro neighbour, and disarmed him. 
At the same moment, the French admiral, Ferrari, ap- 
peared before Toussaint, and said, " I have orders from 
General Le Clerc to arrest you. Your guards are captured : 






'^ 






296 % CrihtttB for tin 3^Bgrn, 



our troops are everywhere : you are a dead man if you 
resist. Deliver up your sword." Toussaint yielded his 
sword in silence. 

He was now conducted to his estate again— not, as his 
adorers had trusted, to spend a vigorous and peaceful old 
age in repose, surrounded by his family, and cherished by 
the love of the people he had redeemed, but merely in 
preparation for further insult and injury, and it now be- 
comes our melancholy duty to record one of the blackest 
acts committed by Napoleon. Agreeably to his orders, 
the person of Toussaint was treacherously arrested, while 
in his own house near Gonaives. Under cover of the night, 
and while himself, and the faithful companion of all his 
cares, were, with their family wrapped in silent sleep, un- 
conscious of their danger, a band of soldiers surrounded the 
house; and some of them entering his chamber, com- 
manded him, with all his family, to go immediately on 
board a vessel then in the harbour. Two Black chiefs, 
who attempted the great man's rescue were killed on the 
spot ; and about a hundred of Toussaint's most devoted 
companions were arrested at the same time, and made pri- 
soners, being sent on board different ships. Not one of 
them was ever heard of more ; their fate is not known ; it 
is supposed that they were thrown overboard. 

Resistance being useless, he quietly submitted to hU awn 
fate; but for Ins feeble wife and innocent ehildrenyhe asked 
the privilege of their remaining at home. This request, 
however just, was not granted ; and before their friends 
and neighbours had any knowledge of it, the family, in- 
cluding the daughter of a deceased brother, were on board 
the " Hero " man-of-war, which immediately set sail for 
France. To justify this base act, the French General cir- 
culated a report, that Toussaint had engaged in a conspi- 
racy ; but the time was so short, there could be no grounds 
for even a suspicion of such a crime. 

On meeting the commander of the " Hero," Toussaint 



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a €xMt fax tju 3ligra. 



observed to him, " In overthrowing me, you have over- 
thrown only the trunk of the tree of Negro liberty in St. 
Domingo. It will arise again from the roots, because they 
are many, and have struck deep." He spoke truly. 
Slavery has never been re-established in Hayti. The 
outrage upon Toussaint roused the whole Island. Chris- 
tophe and Dessalines rose with their forces r the French 
were pressed on every side ; and all the reinforcements 
which were sent from France seemed to do them no good. 
Even while Toussaint yet lived, 40,000 Frenchmen are 
supposed to have perished in the Island. Although tor^ 
tures were established and inflicted an. the Blacks ; although 
blood-hounds from Cuba were introduced to hunt them 
down ; for every Black whom they destroyed, two seemed 
to rise up ; and before the invaders relinquished the strug- 
gle, they were reduced to feed on the carcases of the very 
dogs they had brought in to destroy their Negro foes. On 
the first of January, 1804, the independence of Hayti was 
formally declared, and its inhabitants took their place 
among the nations. 

On their passage to France, Toussaint was kept a close 
prisoner, and refused all intercourse with his family. He 
was constantly confined to his cabin, and the door. was 
guarded by soldiers. When they arrived at' Bresl, no tune 
was lost in hurrying him on shore ;-ron the ^u^cigoj^lj-, wtm 
he permitted to have an interview .with his wife, and chiU 
dren, whom he was tp meet no more iij: this life. The 
separation of this faithful pair, ^nd.their beloved ofl&pring, 
was such as might be expected ; and excited in those who 
beheld it, compassion for their fate. 

The unfortunate Negro General was now escorted by a 
detachment of dragoons to Paris, and comneatt^ to the 
prison of the Temple. Napoleon frequently sent his aide- 
de-camp, Cafiarelli, to him there, to queatipn him about a 
large amoimt of treasure he was said to have buried. The 
only answer that could ever be obtained from him was, ^' I 



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have lost something very different from such treasures as 
you seek." When this disgraceful importunity was found 
to be in vain, he was conveyed, by the orders of Bonaparte, 
to the castle of Joux, in the east of France^ amongthe Jura 
mountains. For the first few months of his captivity, 
Toussaiut was allowed to be attended by a faithful Negro 
servant. Mars Plaisir, but at length he was deprived of the 
service of this single attendant, and winter approaching, he 
was plunged into a cold, damp, and gloomy subterraneous 
dungeon like one of the worst of criminals. It has been 
confidently asserted by respectable authority, that the floor 
of this dungeon was covered with water. Let the reader 
imagine the dreadful situation of such a prison, to one who 
had lived near three score years, enjoying the necessaries, 
and, the latter part of his time, even the luxiiries of life, 
in a West Indian climate — and he must feel a tender com- 
passion for the poor — ^the afflicted — the suffering Toussaint! 
It was while he, who had spent a long life under the 
warm skies, and in the sunshine of the tropics, and in un- 
ceasing activity of body and mind, was striving for patience 
under the long torture of such an imprisonment as this, 
that our poet Wordsworth wrote — 

'* Toussaint, the moflt unliappy man of men I 
Whether the whistling rustic tend his plough 
Within thy hearing, or thou liest now 
Buried in some deep dungeon's earless den; — 
O miserable chieftain ! where and when 
Wilt thou find patience ? Yet die not ; do thou 
Wear rather in thy bonds a cheerful brow : 
Though fallen thyself, never to rise again, 
Live, and take comfort. Thou hast left behind 
Powers that will work for thee— air, earth, and skies ; 
There's not a breathing of the common wind 
That will forget thee — thou hast great allies ; 
Thy friends are exultations, agonies, 
And loye, and man's imconquerable mind.*' 

In the deplorable situation in which Toussaint was placed, 
without any alleviation, he lingered through the winter. 






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After an imprisonmsnt of ten months, during which nothing 
is known either of his thoughts or sayings, the Negro Chief 
was found dead in his dungeon. The severities of confine- 
ment in this inhospitable prison had killed him, as hia foes 
doubtless intended it should, although no formal or reason- 
able charge had ever been brought against him^ This melan- 
choly termination to his suflerings took place on the 27th 
of April, 1803, when he was about 60 years of age. His 
death, which was announced in the French papers, raised a 
cry against the government which had chosen this dastardly 
method of destroying one of the best and bravest men of 
ihe Negro race. 

We have now completed a brief history of this remark- 
able Negro. Reader, was not this a man in all respects 
worthy of the name ? He was altogether African, — ^a per- 
fect Negro in his organization, of a jet complexion, yet 
a fully endowed and well accomplished man. In no respect 
does his nature appear to have been unequal ; there was 
no feebleness in one direction, as a consequence of unusual 
vigour in another. He had strength of body, strengtli of 
understanding, strength of belief, and, consequently, of 
purpose; — strength of affection, of imagination, and of will. 
He was, emphatically, a Great Man ; and what he was, 
others of his race may equally attain to. 




299 




A OLAHCE AT TEE SUBSEQUEHT EI8T0BT 07 
ST. DOXIHGO, OBEATTI. 

That Toussaint L'Ouverture, whose life we have just 
sketched, ^' was not a mere exceptional Negro, cast up as 
it were once for all, but that he was only the first of a series 
of able Negroes, and that his greatness may be fairly taken 
as a proof of certain capabilities in the Negro character, 
will appear from the history of St. Domingo subsequent 
to his imprisonment and death." 

The forcible suppression of Toussaint*s government, and 





% f rthittt fst t^ jitp. 





1 «. 



W his treacherous removal from the island, did not prove a 
^^^ happy stroke of policy. Le Clerc, with all the force com- ^ 

mitted to his care by Bonaparte, signally failed in his de- 
signs. The contemptuous and cruel manner in which he 
treated the Blacks, and the attempts made to restore them 
to Slavery, provoked a wide spread insurrection. Inde- 
pendent of the natural right of the Negroes to liberty, 
their freedom had been declared by the French govern- 
ment, who now attempted to enslave them again. Could 
it be for a moment expected that they would allow this 
without making any resistance ? They had felt the rigours 
of Slavery, and endured them too long to be forgotten. 
They were now in possession of their freedom, and were 
not to be suddenly deprived of it without making one effort 
in its defence. 

Toussaint's old friends and generals, Dessalines, Chris- 
tophe, Clervaux, and others, rose in arms, and all the re- 
sources of European military skill opposed to them were 
in vain. The French were soon driven out of several 
important positions. In 1802 Le Clerc died, and was suc- 
ceeded in the command by Rochambeau, a determined 
enemy of the Blacks. Cruelties such as Le Clerc shrunk 
from, were now employed to assist the French arms. The 
Whites, regarding the Blacks as a species of brutes, had 
recourse to such methods of cruelty and death, as would 
be selected only for the purpose of exterminating a dan- 
gerous and destructive race of animals ; to barbarities worse 
than had ever before stained the annals of any people pre- 
tending to the character of civilization. All the male 
Negroes and Mulattoes they could lay their hands on were 
murdered in the most shocking manner. Five hundred of 
these unfortunate beings were at one time shot near Cape 
Fran9ois ; and an equal number were, on another occasion^ 
coolly massacred in view of the Negro army. Thousands 
were carried on board the vessels in the harbour, and were 
either suffocated in the holds, or thrown overboard in chains 














a €tMt fax tin Mt^m. 



and drowned« Even these methods failed to accomplish 
the horrid purposes of blood-thirsty tyrants — ^till at length 
they had recourse to the dreadful expedient of hunting and 
destroying the unhappy victims of their rage by blood- 
hounds. These animals^ pursuing the Negroes to the parts 
of the moimtains inaccessible to their no less bloody em- 
ployers, easily gained their retreats, and devoured all who 
were so unfortunate as to be discovered. Such of the 
Black prisoners as had evinced the greatest zeal and activity 
in defence of liberty, were selected from the rest, and on 
the Sabbath were dragged to a spot dxosen for the purpose, 
and in sight of thousands of spectators, were thrown to 
these terrible animals and torn to pieces. In short, the 
attempt was founded in injustice, commenced by treachery, 
and conducted in a manner the most inhuman and barbarous. 
To the arms, the treachery, and the cruelty of the French, 
what had the Negroes to oppose ? By what means were a 
body of men, in a great measure ignorant of all that was 
necessary to a successful enterprise, trained in the school 
of Slavery, and knowing little except its rigors, frequently 
destitute of a sufficient number of leaders, and but ill-fur- 
nished with arms, to contend successfully with troops 
trained to every mode of war&re, and stimulated by a re- 
solution to subdue, or to exterminate. However hopeless 
their case for some time appeared, they determined on re- 
sistance as long as there should be any left capable of op- 
posing their enemies. They first united in one body and 
entered into a common vow, either to expel their oppres- 
sors, or to die in the attempt. " La Liberte ou la mort!" 
was their rallying cry ; and though there appeared little or 
no prospect of success, they ever felt animated by the con- 
viction, that they fought in the best of causes — the cause 
of freedom and independence. Right and justice were on 
their side ; they felt it so, and it rendered them uncon- 
querable. In the early part of the contest, they were de- 
prived by treachery of their ablest leader ; but his loss 







1 €xMt ht tlft 3SBgnr, 



served only to increase their rage, and consequently to 
render them more formidable. During this severe struggle, 
they displayed a degree of courage and firmness, with a 
patient endurances of privations and sufferings, far above 
their condition and character. At the same time they 
sought and found opportunities of revenge ; and the cruel- 
ties which they perpetrated were perhaps equal in number 
and atrocity to those committed by their oppressors. But 
it will be remembered that they were, in the first instance, 
compelled to take up arms in their defence, by the unjust 
designs of the French ; and were then urged by their sub- 
sequent barbarities, to avail themselves of every occasion and 
mode of retaliation. They fought for liberty ; and if they 
found that the only way to secure it was through blood, it 
was an alternative to which their enemies had reduced them. 
Nor will those who have paid attention to the circumstances 
of the war, hesitate to consider the French as chiefly charge- 
able with the horrors, cruelties, and massacres of this san- 
guinary contest. 

After a doubtful and desperate struggle, success crowned 
the exertions of the Negroes. They expelled their foes, 
secured their rights, and took possession of the island, 
which their toils and sufferings had purchased ; and in 
1804, at an assembly of generals and chiefs, its indepen- 
dence was declared, and all present bound themselves by 
an oath to defend it. At the same time, to mark their 
formal renunciation of all connection with France, it was 
resolved that the name of the island should be changed 
from St. Domingo to Hayti, the name given to it by its 
original Indian inhabitants. 

Dessalines was appointed Governor-General of the Island 
for life, but subsequently changed his title to that of Em- 
peror. He was solemnly inaugurated under the name of 
James I., Emperor of Hayti ; and the ceremony of his 
coronation was accompanied by the proclamation of a new 
constitution, the main provisions of which were exceedingly 



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judicious. Entire religious toleration was decreed^ schools 
were established, public worship encouraged, and measures 
adopted, similar to those which Toussaint had employed for 
creating and fostering an industrial spirit among the Ne- 
groes. As a preparation for any future war, the interior of 
the Island was extensively planted with yams, bananas, and 
other articles of food, and many forts were built in advan- 
tageous situations. Under these regulations the Island 
again began to show symptoms of prosperity. Dessalines 
was a man in many respects fitted to be the first sovereign 
of a people rising out of barbarism. Bom a Slave, he 
was quite illiterate, but had great natural abilities, united 
to a very ferocious temper. His ynte was one of the 
most beautiful and best educated Negro women in Hayti. 
For two years Dessalines continued to govern the Island; 
but at length his ferocity provoked his Mulatto subjects 
to form a conspiracy against him, and in 1806 he was as- 
sassinated by the soldiers of Petion. 

A schism now took place in the Island. Christophe, 
who had been second in command, assumed the govemnent 
of the northern division, and Petion, the Mulatto general, 
assumed the government of the southern division. For 
several years a war was carried on between the two rivals, 
but at length, by a tacit agreement, Petion came to be 
regarded as a legitimate governor in the south and west, 
and Christophe in the north. Christophe, trained Hke Des- 
salines in the school of Toussaint L'Ouverture, was bom a 
Slave, but was an able as well as a benevolent man ; though, 
like most of the Negroes who had arrived at his period of 
life, he had not had the benefit of any systematic education. 
Petion, on the other hand, had been educated in the Mili- 
tary Academy of Paris, and was accordingly as accomplished 
and well-instracted as any European oflScer. The tide with 
which Petion was invested, was that of President of the Re- 
public of Hayti, in other words, President of the republican 
part of Hayti ; the southern and western districts preferring 









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% €nMt fnr tjiB j^tgra. 



the republican form of government. For some time Chris- 
tophe bore the simple title of chief magistrate, but was, in 
all respects the president of a republic like Petion. In 
1811, by the desire of his subjects, he assumed the title 
of Henry I., king of Hayti. The coronation was cele- 
brated in the most gorgeous manner ; and the creation of 
an aristocracy took place, the first act of the new sovereign 
being to name four princes, seven dukes, twenty-two counts, 
thirty barons, and ten knights. 

Both parts of the Island were well governed, and rapidly 
advanced in prosperity and civilization. On the restora- 
tion of the Bourbons to the French throne, some hope 
seems to have been entertained in France, that it might be 
possible yet to obtain a footing in the Island, and commis* 
sioners were sent out to collect information respecting its 
condition ; but the conduct both of Christophe and Petion 
was so firm, that the impossibility of subverting the inde- 
pendence of Hayti became manifest. It was therefore left 
in the undisturbed possession of the Blacks and Mulattoes. 

In 1818 Petion died, and was succeeded by Oeneral 
Boyer, a Mulatto who had been in France, and had accom- 
panied Le Clerc in his expedition. In 1820, Christophe 
having become involved in difierences with his subjects, 
shot himself; and the two parts of the Island were then i 
reunited under the general name of the Republic of Hayti, 
General Boyer being President. In 1825, a treaty was 
concluded between him and Charles X. of France, by 
which the latter acknowledged the independence of Hayti, 
in consideration of a payment of 150 millions of francs 
(six millions sterling), which was afterwards reduced to 60 
million francs (£2,400,000). In the political constitution 
of the island, no change of any importance has taken place 
till the present time ; and the republic of Hayti continues ^^ 
to be governed by a president elected for life, and two 
legislative houses ; one, a senate, the other, a chamber of 
representatives* 



i^ 





^:ntife!j?-:Lit 



IdTJlHLIM IM'Nl-.l'iftTiON 






31 €xMt kt t^ Mt^n. 



According to recent accounts of this interesting island, 
the annual exports amounted to upwards of thirty millions 
of pounds of coffee, six millions of pounds of Ic^wood, one 
million of pounds of cotton, five millions of feet of maho- 
gany, besides considerable quantities of tobacco, cigars, 
sugar, hides, wax, and ginger. 

The Roman Catholic religion predominates, but all other 
sects are tolerated. In the principal towns there are go- 
vernment schools, some of them on the Lancasterian plan. 
In the capital there is a military school ; and there are a 
number of private academies in the Island. In 1837 the 
revenue of Hayti was 8,852,576 dollars, and its public ex- 
penditure 3,713,102 dollars. The social condition of the 
island is one of advancement, and though many traces of 
barbarism remain, it contains a population of Blacks, who 
in the short space of fifty years, have raised themselves 
from the depths and the degradation of Slavery to the con- 
dition of a flourishing and respectable state. 

Not many years ago, the master of an American vessel, 
who had visited different ports in Europe and America, 
stated to the writer, that the customhouse at Cape Haytian 
was under as good regulation, if not better, than the cus- 
tom houses of London and New York. " The officers of 
the custom were all Black men,'* said he, ** and yet the or- 
der, correctness, and despatch of business, were remarkable, 
equalling any thing of the kind I ever saw." 

" This interesting people have shown to the world," says 
a foreign writer, " for 50 years, that Black men can govern 
themselves, creditably maintain all the relations of civil 
society among themselves and with other states, and be- 
sides paying a large indemnity to France for their indepen- 
dence — ^which they never should have submitted to — ^place 
themselves in the enviable situation of having ' a happy 
peasantry, a country's pride,' and having an exchequer clear 
of debt, which many older states cannot boast." 

The state papers of the Republic of Hayti, have ever 




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% Crikttb fer tjit 3Stp. 



been distinguished for the ability with which they are writ- 
ten ; and the gentlemen from that Island who have yisited 
the United States on business, or for other purposes, have 
well supported the character which the people of Hayti 
have established among civilized nations, many of whom 
are men of refinement, education, and wealth. 



KOTICE OF A 80H OF TOVSSAIHT L'OVYEBTVBK 

The following notice of a son of Toussaint L'Ouverture, 
is from a letter written by a member of the Society of 
Friends at Exeter, about the commencement of the present 
century. 

A Bible Meeting being convened in that city, the 
audience were unexpectedly impressed by the powerful 
speech of '^ a young Black from St. Domingo, son of the 
late General Toussaint, a most interesting youth, who^ 
having escaped from Napoleon, the murderer of his father, 
had, by a variety of providences, been brought to England, 
and to the knowledge of God. This knowledge he ob- 
tained through reading the Scriptures, and fervent prayer 
that they might be opened to his understanding. He 
seemed to be swallowed up in love to his Divine Protector, 
and to his creature man ; desirous that all the inhabitants 
of the world might be brought to the same source of never 
failing consolation he himself experiences. 

" The amiable Toussaint left Exeter next morning. As 
he returned from Honiton, after the meeting, when he had 
passed the door, we felt as we formerly did when we had 
parted with some of our dearest friends in the ministry ; 
nor do I ever remember the presence of the Most High more 
evidendy felt than when he was in our house for a short 
time, when he addressed the language of consolation to our 
aged parent, and afterwards poured forth his fervent sup- 
plications on her behalf. I was almost lost in amazement 
at this unexpected occurrence, for although we had been 



(L^'- 



t I 



'k 









a €rilrab &t tjji jltgri. 



given to imderstand that he was a serious youth, we had no 
idea that he was so eminently favoured. Our joy at thus 
meeting with one whom we can call a brother beloved, was, 
fmd is, mixed with a fear for him, lest by any means his 
mind should be diverted from its religious exercise. May 
he be preserved in the hollow of the Almighty's hand, that 
nothing may separate him from the love of his Creator. 
His manners are graceful and elegant; his disposition 
affectionate, and his person handsome for a Black ; before 
religion exerted its influence, he was proud and obstinate." 



GE077BXT L'ISLET. 

Geoffirey L'Islet, a Mulatto, was an officer of artillery, 
and guardian of the dSpot of maps and plans of the Isle of 
France. In 1786, he was named a correspondent of the 
French Academy of Sciences, and is acknowledged as such 
in the '^ Connoisance des temps*' for 1797, to which learned 
society L'Islet regularly transmitted meteorological obser- 
vations, and sometimes hydrographical joiunals. His maps 
of the Isles of France, delineated according to astronomical 
observations, were published with other plans, in 1791, by 
order of the minister of marine. A new edition appeared 
in 1802, corrected from drawings transmitted by the author. 
Gregoire speaks of them as the best maps of those isles 
that had appeared. 

In the almanac of the Isle of France, several contribu« 
tions of L'Islet's were inserted, among others a description 
of Pitrebot, one of the highest mountains of the Islands. 

A collection of his manuscript memoirs are deposited in 
the archives of the Academy of Sciences. Amongst these 
is the account of a voyage of L'Islet to the Bay of St. 
Luce, an island of Madagascar ; it is accompanied with a 
map of the Bay, and of the coast. He points out the ex- 
changeable commodities, the resources which it presents, 
and which would increase, says he, if instead of exciting 









^ €xMt fax tjit jlrp. 



the natives to war, in order to obtain Slaves, industry were 
encouraged by the prospects of advantageous commerce* 
The description he gives of the manners and customs of 
the natives of Madagascar is very curious. 

L*Islet was well versed in botany, natural philosophy, 
geology, and astronomy. He struggled more succesfully 
than many against the prejudices attached to his race. He 
never visited Europe to improve his taste or acquire know- 
ledge ; had he been able to do this in his youth, to breathe 
the atmosphere of the learned, it would have probably 
tended to the expansion (^ his genius and talents. 

L*Islet established a scientific society in the Isle of 
France, of which some Whites refused to become members, 
merely because its founder was a Black. '' Did they not 
prove, by their conduct," asks the Abbe Gbegoirej '' that 
they were unworthy of such an honour ? ** 



XAFIB OXHBB08ITT. 

Captain Stockenstrom, at the time of the commando 
of the expedition against Makanna, had once the misfor- 
tune, while walking in the rear, to be taken suddenly ilL 
He was thus, imobserved by his men, left behind, unable 
to move and ignorant of the way. He expected that as 
soon as he was discovered by the enemy he would be in- 
stantly put to death. While in this anxious predicamoit, 
he observed a solitary Kafir approaching him, armed with 
a bundle of arrows. As soon as the Kafir, who ¥ras one of 
the enemy's warriors, ascertained his case, without saying 
a word, h^laid down his mantle and arms at his feet, and 
darted off at full speed. Captain Stockenstrom could form 
no idea what was his intention, until in about an hour, to 
his agreeable surprise, he saw him return, accompanied by 
a Boor on horseback, leading another horse. The Kafiir 
having resumed his mantle and arrows, suddenly disappeared 
in the jungle, and captain S. rode to rejoin his party. 




X 





a €xMt ht t|ii Mt^u. 



After peace was concluded, captain S. made every exer- 
tion in his power to ascertain the name of his deliverer, 
but without effect, nor did he ever come forward to claim 
the reward that captain S. publicly announced his desire 
to bestow for such noble conduct in an enemy. 




CAPITBIH. 

James E. J. Capitein was bom in Africa. He was pur- 
chased when seven or eight years of age, on the borders of 
the river St. Andre, by a Negro trader, who made a pre- 
sent of him to one of his friends. 

By his new master, who proved to be his friend, he was 
first named Capitein ; and he instructed him, baptized him, 
and brought him to Holland, where he acquired the lan- 
guage of the country. He devoted his time to painting, 
for which he had a great inclination. He commenced his 
studies at the Hague, where a pious and learned lady, who 
was much occupied in the study of languages, is said first 
to have taught him Latin, and the elements of the Greek, 
Hebrew, and Chaldean tongues. From the Hague he 
went to the University of Leyden, meeting everywhere 
with zealous protectors. He devoted himself to theology, 
under able professors, with the intention of returning to 
Africa, to preach the Gospel to his countrymen. 

Having studied four years, Capitein took his degrees, 
and in 174S, was sent as a Christian minister to Elmina, 
on the Gold Coast. In 180S, a vague report was spread, 
that he had abjured Christianity, and embraced idolatry 
again. Blumenbach, however, who inserted a portrait of 
Capitein in his work on the varieties of the human race, 
could detect no authentic information against him. 

The first work of Capitein is an elegy in Latin, on the 
death of Manger, minister at the Hague, his preceptor and 
his friend. It is as follows : — 

Hao autem in Batayonun gratissima sedd 
Kon primvni tantom elementa UngttB Bdgioo 






% ^rilntfo for tjit ^tgnt. 




Addidioi, sed arti etiam piotorioa, in quam 
Eram pro pensissiiniis, dedi operam Yirum 
Interea tempore labente, inBtituUoni sua 
Domestica catechesios mlhi interease permitit 
Yir humaniflsimus, Joannes Phillipas Manger, 
Cujus in obitum (oiun tanti yiri, turn 
Solidor eruditionis, turn erga deum singularia 
Pictatb, admirator semper extitissim) flebilibos 
Fatis. Cum Ecclesior Hagienis protenio anno 
Esset ademptns, lugubrem faano co m pers u i 
Elegiam! 

ELEGIA. 

Invida mors totum vibrat sua tela perorbem : 

Et gestit quemyls succubuisse sibi. 

Ula, metilis expers, penetrat condavia regom : 

Imperiiqiie manu ponere soeptra jubet. 

Non sinit ilia diil partes speotare triumphos : 

Idnquere sed cogit, dara tropoea duces. 

Diyitis et gasas, alils ut dividat, omnes, 

Mendicique casam yindicat ilia sibi. 

Faloe senes, juyenes, nullo discrimine, dura, 

Instar aristarum, demittit illa simnL 

Hio fuit ilia audax, nigro yelamine teota. 

Limina Mangeri soUicitare domiis. 

HujuB ut ante domum steterat fiinesta cypressos, 

Luctisonos gemitus nobilis Haga dedit. 

Hunc laorymis tinxit grayibus carissima oonjux, 

Bum sua tundebat peotora seepe mann 

"Non. aliter Naomi, cum te yinduata marito, 

Profudit lacrymas, Elimeleche, tua. 

Siepe sui manes ciyit gemebunda mariti, 

Edidit et tales ore tremente sonos ; 

Condit ut obscuro yultum yelamine Phoebus, 

Traotibus ut terns lumina grata neget ; 

O decus immortale meum, mea sola yoluptas ! 

Sic fugis ex oculis in mea damna meis. 

Kon equidem inyideo, oonsors, quod te ocyor aura 

Transtulit ad lostas sthereas que domos. 

Sed quoties mando placidie mea membra quieti, 

Siye dies yeniat, sum memor usque tui. 

Te thalamus noster raptum mihi funere posoiti 

Quia renoret nobis fosdera rupta dies ? 

En tua sacra deo sedes studiisque dioatai 




i! 




k 






% €TMt fax % 3&tp. 



Te propter, miMti Bigna doloris habet. 
Quod magis, effusas, yeluti de flumine plonOy 
Dant laorymas nostri pignora cara tori. 
DentibuB ut misere fido pastore lupinis 
CoubcIbso tenersB diajiciunter oree, 
Aeraque horrendia, feriitnt balatibiu altum, 
Diuoa sdasiim adspiciunt yooe oientque dooem : 
Sic qnemliB nostras implent ululatibus sedes 
Bum jacet in leoto corpus inane tuum. 
Snocinit huic yatum viduiB pia turba querent!, 
Eunera qu» oelebrat oonyeniente modo 
Grande sacerdotum deous, et mea gloria oessat, 
Delicium domini, gentis amorque piiB ! 
dauditor os.blandum sacro de fonte rigatum ; 
Fonte meam possum quo relerare sitim ! 
Hei mihi ? quam subito fugit facundia lingusD, 
Gnlesti dederat qu» mihi meUe frui. 
Nestoris eloqium yeteres jactate poetce, 
Ipso Mangerius Kestore major erat, &c. 

On his admission to the University of Leyden, Capitein 
published a Latin dissertation on the calling of the Gen- 
tiles, ** De Vocatione Ethniconim," which he divided into 
three parts. From the authority of the sacred writings he 
establishes the certainty of the promise of the gospel, 
which embraces all nations, although its manifestation is 
only gradual. For the purpose of co-operating in this 
respect with the design of the Almighty, he proposes that 
the languages of those nations should be cultivated to 
whom the blessings of Christianity are yet unknown ; and 
also that Missionaries be sent among them, who, by the 
mild voice of persuasion might gain their affections, and 
dispose them to receive the truths of the gospel. 

The Spaniards and the Portuguese, he observes, exercise 
a mild and gentle treatment of their Slaves, establishing no 
superiority of colour, &c. In other countries, Planters 
have prevented their Negroes from being instructed in a 
religion which proclaims the equality of men, all proceed- 
ing from a common stock, and equally entitled to the bene- 
fits of a kind Providence, who is no respecter of persons. 










312 a ^rilmtf fin; t^ jligriu 



The Dutch Planters, persuaded that Slavery is incon- 
sistent with Christianity, but stifling the voice of con- 
science, probably instigated Capitein to become the apolo- 
gist of a bad cause, for he subsequently composed a 
politico-theological dissertation in Latin, to prove that 
Slavery is not opposed to Christian freedom. His con- 
clusions are forced. Though poor in argument, it is rich 
in erudition, and translated into Dutch, by fTUheur, and 
published with a portrait of the author in preacher's attire. 
This work went through four editions. 

Capitein also published a small quarto volume of Ser- 
mons, in Dutch, preached in different towns, and printed 
at Amsterdam in 1742. 



CHBISTIAir KIHDHSS8 IH AH AVBICAH. 

" In one of jpj early journeys," says Moffat, " with 
some of my companions, we came to a heathen village on 
the banks of the Orange River. We had travelled far, and 
were hungry, thirsty, and fatigued. From the fear of 
being exposed to lions, we preferred remaining at the 
village to proceeding during the night. The people at the 
village, rather roughly, directed us to halt at a distance. 
We asked water, but they would not supply it. I offered 
the three or four buttons which still remained on my 
jacket for a little milk ; this also was refused. We had 
the prospect of another hungry night at a distance from 
water, though within sight of the river. We found it diffi- 
cult to reconcile ourselves to our lot ; for, in addition to 
repeated rebufis, the manner of the villagers excited sus- 
picion. 

'* When twilight drew on, a woman approached from 
the height, beyond which the village lay. She bore on her 
head a bundle of wood, and had a vessel of milk in her 
hand. The latter, without opening her lips, she handed 
to us, laid down the wood, and returned to the village. A 




II 



I 



I 



t 



:n 



.A 



» ^' 








% €nMt to tju Mt^n. 



second time she approached with a cooking vessel on her 
head, and a leg of mutton in one hand, and water in the 
other. She sat down without saying a word, prepared the 
fire, and put on the meat. We asked her again and again 
who she was* She remained silent, till affectionately en- 
treated to give us a reason for such unlooked for kindness 
to strangers. The solitary tear stole down her sable cheek 
when she replied, ' I love Him whose servant you are ; and 
surely it is my duty to give you a cup of cold water in his 
name. My heart is full ; therefore I cannot speak the joy 
I feel to see you in this out-of-the-world place.* On learn- 
ing a little of her history, and that she was a solitary light, 
burning in a dark place, I asked her how she kept up the 
life of God in her soul, in the entire absence of the com-^ 
munion of saints. She drew from her bosom a copy of the 
Dutch New Testament, which she had received from Mr. 
Helme, when in his school some years previous, before she 
had been compelled by her connexions to retire to her 
present seclusion. ' This,' she said, ' is the fountain whence 
I drink ; this is the oil which makes my lamp bum.'* 

I looked on the precious reUc, printed by the British and 
Foreign Bible Society ; and the reader may conceive how 
I felt, and my believing companions with me, when we met 
with this disciple, and mingled our sympathies and prayers 
together at the throne of our Heavenly Father, 



t» 



OTHELLO. 

All the information I can glean respecting the Negro 
Othello, is, that he published at Baltimore, in 1788, an 
essay against the Slavery of his race. 

" The European powers,'* says he, " ought to unite in 

• 

* Chriflt alone is the well of liring water, and from Him flows alone the 
oil whereby the lamp is fed. The inspired words of Scripture, applied to 
her soul by the Holy Spirit, continually brought comfort and peace to this 
solitary Christian. 







a €n\aAt fax tjn Jlfgrn. 



abolishing the infernal commerce in Slaves : it is they who 
have covered Africa with desolation. They declaim against 
the people of Algiers, and they vilify, as barbarians, those 
who inhabit a comer of that portion of the globe, where 
ferocious Europeans travel to purchase men, and carry 
them away for the purpose of torture. These are the peo* 
pie who pretend they are Christians, whilst they degrade 
themselves by acting the part of an executioner." " Is not 
your conduct," adds Othello, " when compared with your 
principles, a sacrilegious irony ? When you dare to talk 
of civilization and tlie Gospel, you pronounce your anathe- 
ma. In you, the superiority of power produces nothing 
but a superiority of brutality and barbarism. Weakness, 
which calls for protection, appears to provoke your inhu- 
manity. Your fine political systems are sullied by the 
outrages committed against human nature and the Divine 
Majesty. When America opposed the pretensions of Eng- 
land, she declared that all men have the same rights of 
freedom and equality. After having manifested her hatred 
against tyrants, ought she to have abandoned her principles f 
Whilst we should bless the measures pursued in Penn- 
sylvania in favour of the Negroes, we must execrate those 
of South Carolina, which ev^n prevent the Slaves fix>m 
learning to read. To whom can these unfortunates then 
address themselves ? The law either neglects or chastises 
them." 

Othello paints in strong colours the griefs and sighs of 
families suddenly torn asunder and forcibly dragged from 
the country which gave them birth, — a country always dear 
to their heart, from the remembrance of kindred ties and 
local impressions. So dear to them, indeed, does it remain, 
that one of the articles of their superstitious credulity, is 
to imagine, that after death they will return to Africa." 
With the happiness which they enjoyed in their native soil, 
Othello contrasts their horrible state in America ; where, 
naked, hungry, and without instruction, they see all the 



i^z. 










1 €nMt hx t^ Ktp. 

evils of life accumulate on their heads. He desires that 
their cries may reach to heaven, and that heaven may an- 
swer their prayers. Few works can be compared to this of 
Othello's, for force of reaBoning, and fire of eloquence ) 
but, alas ! how little can reason and eloquence perform, 
when opposed by avarice and crime ? 



TAKES DEBHAK. 

This intelligent descendant of Afiica, originally a Slave 
in Philadelphia, was sold to » medical man, who employed 
him as an assistant in the preparadon of drugs. During the 
American war he was sold to a surgeon, and by him to Dr. 
Dove, of New Orleans, He learned the ^English, French, 
and Spanish languages, so as to speak them with ease. 

He was received a member of the Bnglish church ; and 
in 1788j when about 21 years of age, he became one of the 
most disdnguished physicians at New Orleans, " I con- 
versed with him on medicine," says Dr. Rush, " and found 
him veiy learned. I thought I could give him information 
concerning the treatment of diseases ; but I learned more 
from Aim than he could expect from me," 

The Pennsylvania Society, established in favour of the 
people of Colour, thought it their duly, in 1789, to publish 
these facts ; which are also related by Dickson. In the 
Domestic Medicine of Buchon, and in a work of Duplaint, 
we find on account of a cure for tlie bite of a rattlesnake. 
It is not clear whether Derham was the discoverer ] but it 
is a well known fact, that, for this important discovery, we 
are indebted to one of his Colour, who received bis freedom 
from the general assembly of Carolina, and also an annuity 
of £100. 



AVXCDOTX OF TWO VBaBOIS IB VBAIOB. 
In the most flourishing period of the reign of Louis 
XIV., two Negro youths, the sons of a prince, being 






iky. 



% €rMt ht % Mt^u. 



brought to the court of France^ the king appointed a Jesuit 
to instruct them in letters, and in the Christian religion ; 
and gave to each of them a commission in his guards. — The | 
elder, who was remarkable for candoiur and ingenuity, made ' 
great advances, more especially in the doctrines of religion. I 

A brutal ofGcer, in a dispute, insulted him with a blow. | ' 
The gallant youth did not so much as offer to resent it. i 
One of his friends spoke to him that evening alone upon 
his behaviour, which he told him was too tame, especially 
in a soldier. " Is there then,'* said the young African, 
" one revelation for soldiers, and another for merchants and 
gownsmen ? The good father to whom I owe all my know- i 
ledge, has earnestly inculcated in me the forgiveness of in- | 
juries ; assuring me that a Christian was by no means to 
retaliate abuses of any kind.'* '' The good father," replied , 
his friend, " may fit you for a monastery by his lessons, 
but never for the army, and the rules of a court. In a 
word," continued he, '* if you do not call the officer to an 
account, you will be branded with the infamy of cowardice, 
and have your commission taken from you." '^ I would 
fain," said the young man, '* actconsistently in every thing: 
but since you press me with that regard to my honour 
which you have always shown, I will wipe off so foul a 
stain ; though I must own I gloried in it before." 

He desired his friend to appoint the aggressor to meet 
him early in the morning. They met and fought ; and the 
brave African youth disarmed his adversary, and forced him 
to ask his pardon publicly. This done, he threw up his 
commission, and desired the king's leave to return to his 
father. At parting, he embraced his brother and his friends, 
with tears in his eyes, saying, ** he did not imagine the 
Christians had been such an unaccountable people; and 
that he could not apprehend their faith was of any use to m^: 
them, if it did not influence their practice. In my coun- 
try, we think it no dishonour to act according to the prin- 
ciples of our religion. 



«) 








a ^ribrfe far tjn iltgrn. 



KIVDVS88 07 A COLOUBSD 7EXALB TO 
CAFTAIV BAIV870BD. 

When Captain Rainsford, a British officer, was in St, 
Domingo in 1799, he was arrested from suspicions as to his 
being a spy. During fourteen days' imprisonment, he was 
touched with the sympathy of a Coloured female, who 
brought him refreshment to the window of his cell. He 
records this circumstance in the following words : '^ I can- 
not omit to pay the tribute of gratitude to an unknown 
female of Colour, whose pity, more than her power, would 
have alleviated the horrors of my situation. She came 
occasionally in the night to the window of my cell, which 
looked into a court, to which she found access by an avenue 
that was unguarded. She brought me food, wine, and 
spirits, the remains of which, to prevent enquiry, she was 
anxious should be destroyed. The humane sympathy ex- 
pressed by her in these nocturnal offerings to misery, have 
repeatedly brought to my remembrance the eulogium of 
Ledyard, on a sex ever prone to tender offices." 



THOMAS JBBKIB8. 

Thomas Jenkins was the son of an African king, and 
bore externally all the features of the Negro. His father 
reigned over a country on the coast of Guinea, resorted to 
by British vessels for the purchase of Slaves. The Negro 
sovereign having observed the superiority civilization and 
learning gave to the Europeans, resolved to send his eldest 
son to Britain, that he might acquire the advantages of 
knowledge. He bargained with Captain Swanstone, a 
native of Hawick, who traded to the coast for ivory, gold 
dust, &c., that the boy should be taken by him to his own 
country, and returned in a few years fully educated, for 
which he was to receive a certain consideration in the pro- 
ductions of Africa. The boy recollected a little of the scene 
which took place on his being handed over to Swanstone. 









% €xMt fax t|f Mtpa. 



His father came with his mother^ and a number of Sable 
courtiers, to a green eminence near the coast, where, 
amidst tears, he was formally consigned to the care of the 
British trader, who pledged himself to return his tender 
charge, some years afterwards, endowed with as much learn- 
ing as he might be foimd capable of receiving. He was 
then conveyed on ship-board, where the fancy of the master 
conferred upon him the name of Thomas Jenkins. 

Swanstone brought his protege to Hawick, and was about 
to take the proper means for fulfilling his bargain, when he 
died. No provision having been made for such a contin- 
gency, the young Negro was thrown upon the wide world, 
not only without the means of obtaining an education, but 
destitute of everything necessary to supply more pressing 
wants. Swanstone died at the Tower Inn at Hawick, 
where Tom very faitMully attended him, though almost 
starved by the cold of a Scottish winter. After his guar- 
dian had expired, he was in a state of the greatest distress 
from cold, till the landlady brought him to her kitchen 
fire, where he found a climate agreeable to his nerves, and 
he was ever after very grateful for her kindness. After 
remaining some time at the inn, a farmer in Teviot-head, 
the nearest surviving relation of his guardian, took charge 
of him, and he was removed to his house, where he soon 
made himself useful in humble duties. When he left the 
inn, he understood hardly a word of English ; but here he 
speedily acquired the dialect of the district, with all its 
pecidiarities of accent and intonation. He lived in this 
family several years, in the course of which he was succes- 
sively advanced to the offices of cow-herd and driver of 
peats to Hawick for sale on his master's account, which he 
discharged very satisfactorily. After he had become a 
stout boy, Mr. Laidlaw of Falnash, a gentleman of great 
respectability and intelligence, took a fancy for him, and 
prevailed upon his former protector to yield him into his 
charge. Black Tom, as he was called, became at Falnash 








a €xMt hx tju Mt^n. 



a sort of Jack-of-all-trades. He acted as cow-herd at 
one time, and stable-boy at another : in short, he could 
turn his hand to anything. It was his especial duty to go 
errands to Hawick, for which a retentive memory well qua* 
lified him. He afterwards became a regular farm-servant 
to Mr. Laidlaw, and while in this capacity, he first disco- 
vered a taste for learning. How he acquired his first in- 
structions is not known. The boy probably cherished a 
notion of duty on this subject, and was anxious to fulfil, 
as far as his unfortunate circumstances would permit, the 
designs of his parent. He picked up a few crumbs of ele- 
mentary literature at the table of Mr. Laidlaw*s children, 
or interested the servants to give him what knowledge 
they could. 

In a short time, Mrs. Laidlaw was surprised to find that 
Tom began to have a strange liking for candle-ends. Not 
one about the farm-house could escape him. Every scrap 
of wick and tallow he fell in with was secreted and taken 
to his loft above the stable, and suspicions were entertained 
respecting the use he made of them. Curiosity incited the 
people about the farm to watch his proceedings after he 
had retired to his den ; and it was then discovered, to the 
astonishment of all, that the poor lad was engaged, with a 
book and a slate, in drawing rude imitations of the letters 
of the alphabet. On the discovery of his literary taste, 
Mr. Laidlaw put him to an evening school, kept by a neigh- 
bouring rustic, at which he made such rapid progress as to 
excite astonishment all over the country, for no one had 
ever dreamt of his becoming a scholar. 

Though daily occupied with his drudgery as a farm-ser- 
vant, he began to instruct himself in Latin and Greek. A 
boy friend lent him several books necessary in these stu- 
dies ; and Mr. and Mrs. Laidlaw did all in their power to 
favour his wishes, though the distance of a classical academy 
was a sufficient bar, had there been no other, to prevent 
their giving him the opportunity of regular instruction. In 








^^ 




h' 



a €jMi firr % Jltgnr. 



speaking of the kind treatment lie received from these wor- 
thy individuals, his heart was often observed to swell, and 
the tear to start into his honest dark eye« Besides ac- 
quainting himself with Latin and Greek, he initiated him- 
self in the study of mathematics. 

A great era in Tom's life was his possessing himself of a 
Greek dictionary. Having learned that there was to be a 
sale of books at Hawick, he proceeded thither, in com- 
pany with his boy friend. Tom possessed twelve shillings, 
saved out of his wages, and his companion vowed that 
if more should be required for the purchase of any parti- 
cular book, he should not fail to back him in the compe- 
tition — so far as eighteen-pence would warrant, that being 
the amount of his own little stock. Tom at once pitched 
upon a lexicon as the grand necessary of his education, and 
began to bid for it. All present stared with wonder when 
they saw a Negro competing for a book which could only- 
he useful to a student at a considerably advanced stage. A 
gentleman named Moncrieff, who knew Tom*s companion, 
inquired with great curiosity into the seeming mystery. 
When it was explained, and Mr. Moncrieff learned that 
thirteen shillings and sixpence was the utmost extent of their 
joint stocks, he told his young friend to bid as far beyond 
that sum as he chose, and he would be answerable for the 
deficiency. Tom had now bidden as far as he could go, and 
he was turning away in despair, when his young friend 
threw himself into the competition, and soon had the satis- 
faction of placing the precious volume in the hands which 
were so eager to possess it. Tom carried off his prize in 
triumph, and, it is needless to say, made the best use of it. 

It may now be asked — ^what was the personal character 
of this interesting African ? We answer at once — ^the best 
possible. He was mild and unassuming, free from every < tr^ 
kind of vice, and possessing a kindliness of manner which [^ 
made him the favourite of all who knew him. In fact, he 
was one of the most popular characters in the whole district 






^MJd) 



I' 




a €nMt fax % Stgrn- 




of Upper Teviotdale. His employers respected him for 
the faithful and zealous mamier in which he discharged his 
duties, and all were interested in his efforts to obtain know- 
ledge. Having retained no trace of his native language, 
he resembled, in every respect except his colour, a Scotch 
peasant : only he was much more learned than most of 
them, and spent his time more abstractedly. He was 
deeply impressed with the truths of Christianity, and was 
a regular attender on religious ordinances. Altogether, he 
was a person of the most worthy and respectable properties, 
and, even without considering his meritorious struggles for 
knowledge, would have been beloved and esteemed wherever 
he was known. 

When he was about twenty years of age, a vacancy oc- 
curred in the school of Teviot-head. A committee was 
appointed to examine the candidates : among three or four 
competitors appeared the Black farm-servant of Falnash^ 
with a heap of books under his arm. The committee was 
surprised ; but they read his testimonials of character, and 
put him through the usual forms of examination. His 
exhibition was so decidedly superior to the rest, that they 
reported him as the best fitted for the situation. 

For a time this prospect was dashed. On the report 
coming before the presbytery, a majority of the members 
were alarmed at the idea of placing a Negro in such a 
situation, and poor Tom was voted out of all the benefits 
of the competition* He suffered dreadfully from this sen- 
tence, which made him feel keenly the misfortune of his 
colour, and the awkwardness of his situation in the world. 
But the people most interested in the matter felt as indig- 
nant at the treatment which he had received, as he could 
possibly feel depressed. The heritors, among whom the 
late Duke of Buccleuch was the chief, took up the case so 
warmly, that it was resolved to set up Tom in opposition 
to the teacher appointed by the presbytery, and to give 
him an exact duplicate of the salary which they already 




9. 







^ €n\ak ki % Mt^n. 







paid to that person. A place was hastily fitted up for his 
reception, and he was immediately installed in office, with ^^^ 
the uniyersal approbation of both parents and children. 
The other school was completely deserted ; and the Negro, 
who had come to this country to learn, soon found himself 
fully engaged in teaching, and in the receipt of an income 
more than adequate to his wants. 

To the gratification of his friends, and confusion of face 
to the presbytery, he proved an excellent teacher. He 
had a way of communicating'knowledge eminently success- 
ful, and was as much beloved by his pupils as he was re- 
spected by those who employed him. On the Saturdays, 
he walked to Hawick (eight miles distant), to make an 
exhibition of what he had himself acquired during the 
week, to the master of an academy there ; thus keeping up 
his own gradual advance in knowledge. His untiring zeal 
for religious instruction shewed itself in his always return- 
ing to Hawick next day — (of course an equal extent of 
travel) — ^to attend the church. 

After he had conducted the school a year or two, finding 
himself in possession of about £20., he determined to spend a 
winter at college. He waited upon Mr. Moncrieff (the gen- 
tleman who had enabled him to get the lexicon, and who had 
since done him many other good offices), to consult him 
concerning the step he was about to take. Mr. Moncrieff, 
though accustomed to regard him as a wonder, was surprised 
at this new project. He asked the amount of his cash. 
On being told that £20. was all, and that he contemplated 
attending the Latin, Greek, and mathematical classes, he 
informed him this would never do : the money would 
hardly pay his fees. Tom was much disconcerted at this ; 
but his generous friend soon relieved him, by placing in 
his hands an order upon a merchant in Edinburgh for what- fk(5> 
ever might be required to support him for a winter at 
college. 

He pursued his way to Edinburgh with his £20. On 










a €tMt kt t|» Mt^n. 



applying to the Professor of Latin for a ticket to his class, 
he looked upon him with wonder, and asked if he had 
acquired any rudimental knowledge of the language. Mr. 
Jenkins, as he may now be called, said modestly that 
he had studied Latin for a considerable time, and was 

anxious to complete his acquaintance with it. Mr. P 

presented him with a ticket, for which he generously re- 
fused to take the usual fee* Of the other two professors 
to whom he applied, both stared as much as the former, 
and only one took the fee. He was thus enabled to spend 
the winter in a most valuable course of instruction ; and 
next spring returned to Teviot-head, and resumed his pro- 
fessional duties. 

A gentleman, animated by the best intentions, subse- 
quently recommended Thomas Jenkins to the Christian 
Knowledge Society, for a missionary among the colonial 
Slaves ; and he was induced to go out to the Mauritius, 
where he attained eminence as a teacher, and is probably 
still living there. 



VOTICB OF AH IVTELLIGBVT VEGBO. 

OOMMUHICATEO BT CAPTAIN WATJCHOPB, B.N., IN A LETTER TO TUB AUTHOR, 

DATED FEB. 37, 1848. 

Dear Sir, 

I think the following statement may be worthy of a place 
in the volume you are now publishing. 

In 1837, I commanded her Majesty's frigate *' Thalia," 
on the west coast of Africa ; and when in Clarence Cove, 
in the island of Fernando Po, I spent the day on shore 
with that very worthy and excellent man, Mr. Becroft, 
who at that time was in chaj^e of the establishment there. 
My purser had occasion that forenoon to draw a bill on 
government for £250. ^ which was cashed by Mr. Scott, a 
Negro. I dined with Mr. Becroft the same day, and Mr. 
Scott, who was chief clerk of the establishment, was one 
of the guests. I was struck with his intelligence and 








a €n\aAt fat tjn 3?Bgm 



gentlemanly behaviour, and when alone with Mr. Becroft 
afterwards, I mentioned how much surprised I had been 
with the whole of Mr. Scott's conduct and conversation : 
his reply was — " You wiU be more surprised when I tell 
you that ten years ago Mr. Scott was in the hold of a 
Slaver." 

He had been educated at Sierra Leone, and found his 
way afterwards to Fernando Po. I believe that few Euro* 
pean intellects would have made such a stride in so short 
a space of time. 

I have the honour to remain, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

R. WAUCHOPE, 
Captain R.N. 



d^^^ 




FT7BTHBB OBSSSYATIOKS BESPBCTDTG 

VEGBO CHABACTS& AVD ABILITY; 

COMMUNICA.TED BT CAPT. WAUCHOPB, R.N. 

Dacre, near Penrith, April 8, 1848. 

Dear Sir, — Although I am not able to give you any 
further account of the history of Mr. Scott, whom I men- 
tioned to you in my last letter, yet I cannot refrain from 
giving you my notes of the state of the liberated Africans 
at Sierra Leone during the years 18S4-5-6-7, when cruizing 
upon the west coast of Africa in command of H.M. Ship 
Thalia, being then flag-captain to Sir Patrick Campbell. 

We were invited to an official dinner at the Chief Jus- 
tice's, at which were present most of the official people of 
rank, and many of the principal merchants of Free Town* 
After dinner, the conversation turned upon the state of the 
liberated Africans, of whom all spoke very highly. The 
Chief Justice appealed to the gentlemen of authority pre- 
sent, as well as to the merchants, whether, upon a trial 
where life or property were concerned, a liberated African 
jury was not as much to be trusted as any jury in Great 



<iKr-N 






cti: 



^^ 






a ^rilntte fiit tjn jSfgtD* 



Britain, and all agreed that they would as soon trust to the 
yerdict of a jury of liberated African householders as to 
any jury of the same description in England. This, I think, 
requires no comment, as I consider it a decided proof of 
the equality of intellect between the White and Coloured 
man when cultivated. 

There have been many opinions respecting the character 
of the Coloured people brought over to Sierra Leone and 
other places. We hear one opinion given — ^that they are 
generally a hard working, intelligent, and honest people ; 
another asserts that they are dishonest and treacherous ; 
and a third, that such is the indolence of their character, 
that nothing will induce them to work beyond what is ab- 
solutely necessary to supply the wants of nature, in fact, 
that their indolence appears to be incuirable ; but, however 
difficult it may be to reconcile these different opinions, 
there is truth in them all. When at Sierra Leone, I took 
much pains to inquire about the different descriptions of 
A&icans who were brought there from the coast, and I 
found that in every cargo of Slaves there probably were 
three descriptions of people. First, the man who had been 
a Slave from infancy in his own country, when brought 
to Sierra Leone would be found to be incurably idle and 
inferior in intellect : his beau ideal of happiness, and 
after which he ardently longed, was repose from labour 
and freedom from Slavery, both of which were connected 
together in his mind ; and, when restored to freedom, in- 
dolence and sleep appeared his greatest enjoyments. Se- 
condly, criminals who had been sold into Slavery in their 
own land as malefactors ; such as are constantly found pil- 
fering, and prowling about the native villages, picking up 
chickens or whatever they can lay their hands upon. The 
third class, are those who, in their own country, were free 
men and independent characters ; these are noted for being 
both honest, industrious, and of superior intellect. 

I quote these remarks from my notes made at the time, 







a €xMt hx tjn jltgrn. 




7^^ 



I 



from information obtained from those who were well ac* 
quainted with the Negro character ; that these last were a 
hard working, money making people, and that it not unfre- 
quently happens that a man, who had only been landed a 
month or six weeks from a Slave vessel, will return to the 
barracks, where the new people are placed on first landings 
and deposit ten shillings, which entitles him to a boy for an 
apprentice, having obtained this money by cutting wood, 
&c., and selling it at Free Town. With this help he culti- 
vates his little plantation, and makes the most he can of all 
its produce : his great ambition is to build a Hone house at 
Free Town, and I have seen houses in all states of forward- 
ness, from the first purchase of the ground for a site in one 
place ; in another, a site railed off and a hole dug for a foun- 
dation, waiting for more money to get stone and commence 
building : again, houses may be found half built and in a 
state of forwardness, and last of all, finished and completely 
furnished, and most comfortably so. I have visited these 
houses, and can remember the inventory I took of one of 
the dining rooms ; there was a handsome mahogany table, 
a mahogany bkck hair sofa, mahogany chairs, a mahogany 
sideboard containing cut glass and decanters, a German 
mirror on one side of the room and a map of Palestine on 
the other. I was informed that there were many liberated 
Africans at Sierra Leone possessed of very oonsiderable 
wealth. 

It is not £ur to draw the Coloured man's character from 
the Negro found in a state of Slavery, (or even from the 
next generation to this), a state which reduces both the 
Black and the White to the same leveL 

When Lord Exmouth bombarded Algiers, he sent a 
person who understood the language of the Coast to nego« 
tiate for the liberation of European Slaves, and that person ^ 
informed a firiend of mine that he found the White Slaves 
in a more degraded condition, both as to intellect and ap* 
pearance, than he had ever found the Negro when in the 



ilk. 






1 €nMt fsa tjn Mt^ta. 



Vf same state of Slavery. I may also here mention^ that in 
^^ 1835, the lawyer generally employed by the captains of 
Slayers as their counsel was a Black man; I cannot at pre- 
sent recollect his name^ but I have spoken to him : he was 
esteemed a good lawyer, and a very clever man. 

I remain, dear Sir, 

Your very obedient servant, 

R. WAUCHOPE, (R.N.) 

To Wilson Armistead, Esq., Leeds. 




THE H08PITABLS VSGBO WOXAV. 

The enterprising traveller, Mungo Park, was employed 
by the African Association, to explore the interior regions 
of Afirica, in which he encountered many dangers and diffi- 
culties. His wants were often supplied, and his distresses 
alleviated, by the kindness and compassion of the Negroes. 
He gives the following interesting account of the hospitable 
treatment he received from a poor Negro woman. 

" Being arrived at Sego, the capital of the kingdom of 
Bambarra, on the Niger, I wished to pass over to that part 
of the town in which the king resides. The people who 
crossed the river, carried information to Mansong the 
king, that a White man was coming to see him. He im- 
mediately sent one of his chief men, who informed me 
that the king could not possibly see me, until he knew what 
had brought me into his country. He advised me to lodge 
for the night in a village to which he pointed. As there 
was no remedy, I set off for the village ; where I found, to 
my great mortification, no person would admit me into 
his house. From prejudices infused into their minds, 
I was regarded with astonishment and fear ; and was 
obliged to sit the whole day without victuals, in the shade 
of a tree. 

" The night threatened to be very uncomfortable ; the 
wind rose, and there was great appearance of a heavy rain. 









a ^rihirfi fiir tin jgjgnr. 






^ 



Qiyi. 



The wild beasts, too, were so numerous in the neighbour- 
hood, that I should have been under the necessity of 
climbing up the tree, and resting among the branches. 
About sun-set, however, as I was preparing to pass the 
night in this manner, and had turned my horse loose, that 
he might graze at liberty, a Negro woman, returning from 
the labours of the field, stopped to observe me ; and per- 
ceiving that I was weary and dejected, inquired into my 
situation. I briefly explained it to her ; after which, with 
looks of great compassion, she took up my saddle and bridle, 
and told me to follow her. Having conducted me into her 
hut, she lighted a lamp, spread a mat on the floor, and told 
me I might remain there for the night. Finding I was 
very hungry, she went out to procure me something to 
eat ; and retiuned in a short time with a very fine fish, 
which, having caused to be half broiled upon some embers, 
she gave me for supper. The rights of hospitality being 
thus performed towards a stranger in distress, my worthy 
benefactress (pointing to the mat, and telling me I might 
sleep there without apprehension) called to the female part 
of her family, who had stood gazing on me all the while in 
astonishment, to resume their task of spinning cotton ; in 
which they continued to employ themselves great part of 
the night. 

" They lightened their laboiu: by songs, one of which 
was composed extempore : for I was myself the subject of 
it. It was sung by one of the young women, the rest join- 
ing in a chorus. The air was sweet and plaintive, and the 
words literally translated, were these : — ' The winds roared 
and the rain fell. The poor White Man, faint and weary, 
came and sat under our tree. He has no mother to bring 
him milk — no wife to grind his corn.* Chorus. * Let us 
pity the White man ; no mother has he to bring him milk (tns^ 
— no wife to grind his com.'" :''T^ 

These simple and affecting sentiments have been very 
beautifully versified in the following lines : — 










St €n\a&t fsx % jStp. 




The loud wind roared, tlie rain fell faat ; 
The White man yielded to the blast. 
He sat him down beneath the tree, 
For weaiy, sad, and faint was he : 
And ah ! no wife or mother's care. 
For him the milk or com prepare. 

CHOBUS. 

The White man shall our pity share ; 
Alas ! no wife or mother's care, 
For him the milk or com prepare. 

The storm is o'er, the tempest past. 
And mercy's voice has hnsh'd the blast ; 
The wind is heard in whispers low. 
The White man far away nlnst go ; 
But ever in his heart will bear, 
Bemembranoe of the Negro's care. 

CHOBUS. 

Go, White man, go ; but with thee bear 
The Negro's wish, the Negro's prayer, 
Bemembranoe of the Negro's care. 

" I could never read these lines," says Dr. Madden, 
without feeling the lump in the throat that troubles a 
man's deglutition when he stumbles unexpectedly on a 
generous act that is the genuine impulse of nature/* 

" Trifling as these events may appear to the reader," 
concludes Mungo Park, " they were to me affecting in the 
highest degree. I was oppressed by such unexpected kind- 
ness ; and sleep fled from my eyes. In the morning, I 
presented to my compassionate landlady two of the four 
brass buttons which remained on my waistcoat ; the only 
recompence it was in my power to make her." 



tt 



ATTOBAE CUOOANO 

Was bom in the town of Agimaque, on the coast of 
Fantin, in Africa ; and was dragged from his country, with 
twenty other children of both sexes, by European robbers, 
who, brandishing their pistols and sabres, threatened to 
kill them if they attempted to escape. " They confined 



2u 






— -T3 



V M 





C'^kI) 





330 



% (Krihttfe for tlji 3?tgrn. 



^ .1 ■--- 



71 



us," he says, '^ and soon I beard nothing but the clanging 
of chains, the sound of the whip, and the cries of my fel- 
low prisoners." In this dreadful situation he was carried 
to Grenada, and sold into Slavery. 

Cugoano was indebted to the generosity of Lord Hoth, 
who liberated him and carried him to England, where, ia 
1788, he was in the service of Cosway, the first painter to 
the Prince of Wales, Piatoli, an Italian author, who, 
during a long residence in London, was particularly ac- 
quainted with Cugoano, then about forty years of age, and 
whose wife was an English woman, praises this Afirican 
highly ; he speaks in strong terms of his piety, his mild- 
ness of character, modesty, integrity, and talents. 

Like Othello, Cugoano has described in an affecting 
manner, the heart-rending spectacle of those unfortunate 
Africans, who are forced to bid an eternal adieu to their 
native country — to fathers and mothers, husbands, brothers 
and children, invoking heaven and earth, throwing them- 
selves, bathed in tears, into each other's arms asunder! 
" This spectacle," says he, " calculated to move the hearts 
of monsters, does not that of the Slave dealer," At Gre- 
nada, he saw Negroes lacerated by the whip, because, in- 
stead of working, they went to church on the Sabbath. 
He saw others have their teeth broken, because they dared 
to suck the sugar cane. 

Cugoano published his reflections on the Slave Trade, 
and the Slavery of Negroes, in English ; and it was also 
translated into French. He raised his voice to spread abroad 
the spirit of religion, and prove from the Scriptures, that 
the stealing, sale, and purchase of men, and their detention 
in a state of Slavery, are crimes of the deepest die. His 
writings are not very methodical, but they speak the lan- 
guage of a feeling heart. There are repetitions, because 
grief is verbose. An individual deeply affected, is always 
afraid of not having said enough — of not being sufficiently 
understood. 



dL^_ 



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a €rihitte for % jBtgrn. 



After some observations on the cause of difference of 
colour in the human species, as climate, soil, regimen, &c., 
he asks, whether colour or bodily form give a right to en- 
slave men. " The Negroes," he observes, " have never 
crossed the seas to steal White Men." " Europeans," he 
says, "complain of the barbarism of the Negroes, while 
their conduct towards Negroes is horribly barbarous. To 
steal men, to rob them of their liberty, is worse than to 
plunder them of their goods. On national crimes,'* he 
adds, " heaven sometimes inflicts national punishments. 
Besides, injustice is sooner or later fatal to its author." 
This idea is conformable to the great plan of religion ; and 
ought to be indelibly impressed on every human heart. 

Cugoano makes a striking comparison between ancient 
and modem Slavery ; and proves that the last, which pre- 
vails among professing Christians, is worse than that among 
Pagans, and also worse than that among the Hebrews, who 
did not steal men to enslave them, nor sell them without 
their consent ; and who put no fine on the head of a fugi- 
tive. In Deuteronomy, it is formally said : "Thou shalt 
not deliver up to his master a fugitive Slave, who in thy 
house has sought an asylum." He passes from the Old to 
the New Testament, and states the inconsistency of Slavery 
with Christ's command, to " do to others as we would they 
should do to us." 

In Cugoano, we may behold talents without much literary 
cultivation, to which a good education would have given 
great advantage. 



WILLIAM HAMILTON 



Was originally a Slave on the Bog Estate, near Hope- 
ton, in Jamaica. His sufferings during the last years of 
Slavery in that Island, were given in evidence before the 
Apprenticeship Committee of the House of Commons. 

Hamilton was the only Slave on the estate who dared 



e— - 







mB^ 




a ^riliitte &t t^ Jltgni, 



to attend a place of worship ; the only one of upwards of 
400 Negroes who dared to live with his partner in mar- 
riage. For these offences he was degraded from being a 
first-rate mechanic and copper-smith, to the rank of a com- 
mon field labourer, and sent to a swampy estate, 80 miles 
distant from his wife and family, where he narrowly escaped 
with his life. He had learned to read and write when a 
boy, by stealth, and during his banishment he kept a jour- 
nal, which, though it is chiefly the record of his spiritual 
conflicts and his religious labours among the neglected 
heathen Negroes with whom his lot was cast, yet contains 
many incidental allusions to the sufferings of himself and 
his fellow Slaves* It affords an interior picture of Slavery, 
which exceeds perhaps, any that the world has yet seen $ it 
lifts a veil that conceals the true lineaments of Slavery, 
which forcibly impress the mind with the conviction, that 
the worst features of that horrible state of society, neither 
have been, nor can be, laid open to public view. 

William Hamilton, soon after the introduction of the 
Apprenticeship system, purchased his fireedom by valuation, 
for £209 ; and has since been employed as the overseer of 
the Lenox estate. He has also purchased 70 acres of land 
for himself. *' Though self educated," say Sturge and 
Harvey, " he is evidently a person of an intelligent and re- 
flecting mind, which has been improved by reading and 
disciplined by a life of adversity, such as rarely falls to the 
lot of a Slave." 






■ 



PEILLI8 WEEATLET. 

Although the state of Massachusetts was never so deeply 
involved in the African Slave Trade as most of the other 
stated of America, previous to their separation from Great < j^. 
Britain, many Negroes were brought into its ports, and 
sold for Slaves. 

In 1761, Mrs. John Wheatley, of Boston, went to the 



v^'^ 









31 €rihatt fit: t|ii jSfgrn* 



Slave-market, to select, from the crowd of unfortunates 
there offered for sale, a Negro girl, whom she might train, 
by gentle usage, to serve as an attendant during her old 
age. Amongst a group of more robust and healthy children 
just imported from Africa, the lady observed one, slenderly 
formed, and suffering apparently from change of climate 
and the miseries of the voyage. The interesting counte- 
nance and humble modesty of die poor little stranger, in- 
duced Mrs. Wheatley to overlook the disadvantage of a 
weak state of health, and Fhillis, as the young Slave was 
subsequently named, was purchased in preference to her 
healthier companions, and taken home to the abode of her 
mistress* The child was almost in a state of perfect naked- 
ness, her only covering being a strip of dirty carpet. These 
things were soon remedied by the attention of the lady 
into whose hands the young African had been thrown, and 
in a short time the effects of comfortable clothing and food 
were visible in her returning health. 

Fhillis, at the time of her purchase, was between seven 
and eight years old, and the intention of Mrs. Wheatley 
was to train her up to the common occupations of a menial 
servant. But the marks of extraordinary intelligence which 
the young Negress soon evinced, induced her mistress's 
daughter to teach her to read ; and such was the rapidity 
with which this was effected, that in sixteen months from 
the time of her arrival in the family, the African child had 
so mastered the English language, to which she was an 
utter stranger before, as to read with ease the most difficult 
parts of Scripture. This uncommon docility altered the 
intentions of the family regarding Phillis, and in friture she 
was kept constantly about the person of her mistress, wliose 
affections she entirely won by her amiable disposition and 
propriety of demeanour. All her knowledge was obtained 
without any instruction, except what was given her in 
the family ; and the art of writing she acquired entirely 
from her own exertion and industry. In the short period 








..._. ,.. 



r .— 



Gwm - 



-^k^- 



a ^rilitttt fer tjiB ^fp. 



of four years from the time of her being stolen from Africa, 
and when only 12 years of age, she was capable of writing 
letters to her friends on various subjects* In 1765, she 
wrote to Samson Occum, the Indian minister, while he was 
in London. 

The young Negress soon became an object of very gene- 
ral attention and astonishment, and in a few years she 
corresponded with several persons in high stations. At this 
period neither in the mother country nor in the colonies 
was much attention bestowed on the education of the la- 
bouring classes of the Whites themselves, and much less, 
it may be supposed, was expended on the mental cultiva- 
tion of the Slave population. It is scarcely possible to 
suppose that any care should have been expended on the 
mind of the young Negress before her abduction from her 
native land ; and indeed her tender years almost precluded 
the possibility even of such culture as Africa could afford. 
Of her infancy, spent in that unhappy land, Phillis had but 
one solitary recollection, but that is an interesting one. 
She remembered that every morning her mother poured 
out water before the rising sun — sl religious rite, doubtless, of 
the district from which the child was carried away. Thus, 
every morning, when the day broke over the land and the 
home which fate had bestowed on her, was Phillis reminded 
of the tender mother who had watched over her infancy, 
but had been unable to protect her from the hand of the 
merciless breakers-up of all domestic and social ties. The 
yoimg Negro girl, however, regarded her abduction with no 
feelings of regret, but with thankfulness, as having been 
the means of bringing her to a land where a light, unknown 
in her far-off home, shone as a guide to the feet and a lamp 
to the path. 

As Phillis grew up to womanhood, her progress and 
attainments kept pace with the promise of her earlier years. 
She attracted the notice of the literary characters of the 
place, who supplied her with books, and encouraged the 



>r- 



,1 '-.- 



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« ' 



t 








% €nMt fnr tjiB Utgra, 



ripening of her intellectual powers. This was greatly as- 
sisted by her mistress, who treated her like a child of the 
family — admitted her to her own table — and introduced 
her, as an equal, into the best society of Boston* Notwith- 
standing these honours, Phillis never departed from the 
humble and unassuming deportment which distinguished 
her when she stood, a little trembling alien, to be sold, like 
a beast of the field, in the Slave-market* Never did she 
presume upon the indulgence of those benevolent friends 
who regarded only her worth and her genius, and over- 
looked in her favour all the disadvantages of caste and of 
colour. So far was Phillis from repining at, or resenting 
the prejudices which the long usages of society had im- 
planted, too deeply to be easily eradicated, in the minds 
even of the most humane of a more favoured race, that she 
uniformly respected them, and, on being invited to the 
tables of the great and the wealthy, chose always a place 
apart for herself, that none might be offended at a thing so 
unusual as sitting at the same board with a Woman of 
Colour — a child of a long-degraded race. 

Such was the modest and amiable disposition of Phillis 
Wheatley : her literary talents and acquirements accorded 
with the intrinsic worth of her character* She studied the 
Latin tongue, and if we may judge from a translation of one 
of Ovid's tales, appears to have made no inconsiderable 
progress in it. In her leisure moments she often indulged 
herself in writing poetry. At the early age of fourteen, 
she appears first to have attempted literary composition ; be- 
tween this period and the age of nineteen, the whole of her 
poems which were given to the world seem to have been 
written* They were published in London in 1773, in a 
small octavo volume of above 120 pages, containing 39 
pieces, which she dedicated to the Countess of Hunting- 
don* This work has gone through several editions in Eng- 
land and the United States, the genuineness of which was 
established in the first page of the volume, by a declaration 




.X2>® 






a ^rihiitt fer t|ii Jltgrn, 




of the Governor of Massachusetts, the lieutenant-Gover- 
nor, her master, and fifteen of the most respectable inha- 
bitants of Boston, who were acquainted with her talents, 
and the circumstances of her life* 

Most of her productions have a religious or moral bear- 
ing ; all breathe a soft and sentimental feeling. Manj of 
them were written to commemorate the decease of friends. 
The following lines she composed on the death of a young 
gentleman of great promise :— 

Who taugbt tbee conflict with the powers of night, 
To vanqnish Satan in the fields of fight ? 
Who strong thy feeble arms with might unknown ? 
How great thy conquest, and how bright thy crown ! 
War with each princedom, throne, and power is o'er ; 
The scene is ended, to return no more. 
Oh, could my muse thy seat on high heboid. 
How decked with laurel, and enriched with gold ! 
Oh, could she hear what praise thy harp employs, 
How sweet thine anthems, how divine thy joys. 
What heavenly grandeur should exalt her strain ! 
What holy raptures in her numbers reign ! 
To soothe the troubles of the mind to peace, 
To still the tumult of life's tossing seas, 
To ease the anguish of the parent's heart, 
What shall my sympathising verse impart ? 
Where is the balm to heal so deep a wound ? 
Where shall a sovereign remedy be found ? 
Look, gracious spirit ! from thy heayenly bower. 
And thy full joys into their bosoms pour : 
The raging tempest of their griefs control, 
And spread the dawn of glory through the soul. 
To eye the path the saint departed trod. 
And trace him to the bosom of his God. 

ON THE DEATH OF AN INFANT. 
No more the floweiy scenes of pleasure rise, 
Nor charming prospects greet the mental eyes ; 
No more with joy we view that lovely £Eioe, 
Smiling, disportive, flush'd with eveiy grace. 

The tear of sorrow flows from every eye. 
Groans answer groans, and sighs to sighs reply ; 



f^- 




17^ 



r 






a €tMt fiir tjii ^tp. 



What sudden {Mngs shot through each aching heart, 
When Death, thy meflsenger, despatched his dart. 
Thy dread attendants, all-destroying power. 
Hurried the infimt to his mortal hour. 
Oouldst thou unpitying dose those radiant eyes P 
Or fiuled his artless beauties to surprise P 
Could not his innocence thy stroke control. 
Thy purpose shake, and soften all thy soul P 

The blooming babe, with shade of Death o'erspread. 
No more shall smile, no more shall raise his head. 
But, like a branch that from the tree is torn. 
Falls prostrate, withered, languid, and forlorn. 
'* Where flies my child ?** *tis thus I seem to hear 
The parent ask : — " Some angel tell me where 
He wings his passage through the yielding air ?" 
Methinks a cherub bending from the skies 
Observes the question ; and serene replies, 
<* In heaven's high palaces your babe appears ; 
Prepare to meet him, and dismiss your tears." 

Shall not the intelligenoe your grief restrain. 
And turn the mournful to the cheerful striun P 
Cease your complaints, suspend each rising sigh, 
Cease to accuse the Buler of the sky. 
Parents, no more indulge the fiaJling tear ; 
Let Faith to heaven's refulgent domes repair ; 
There see your infant, like a seraph glow, 
Wliat charms celestial in his numbers flow. 
Melodious, while the soul enchanting strain 
Dwells on his tongue, and fills the ethereal plain ! 
Bnough 1 for ever cease your murmuring breath. 
Not as a foe, but friend, converse with Death, 
Since to the port of happiness unknown 
He brought that treasure which you call your own ; 
The gift of heaven entrusted to your hand, 
Cheerful resign at the divine command : 
Not at your bar must sovereign Wisdom stand. 








ON THE DEATH OF AN INFANT. 

Through airy fields he wings his instant flight 
To purer regions of celestial light ; 
Enlarged he sees unnumbered systems roll. 
Beneath him sees the universal whole, 
Planets on planets run their destined round, 
And circling wonders fill the vast profound. 



2x 






a 'tribute fcr % Jltp. 



Th' ethereal now, now the empyreal skies 

With glowing Bplendoun strike his wondering eyes : 

The angels yiew him with delight unknown. 

Press his soft hand, and seat him on his throne ; 

Then smiling thus : — "To this diTine abode. 

The seat of saints, of seraphs, and of God, 

Thrioe welcome thou." The raptured babe replies, 

*' Thanks to my 6h)d, who snatched me to the skies. 

Ere yice triumphant had possessed my heart, 

Ere yet the tempter had beguiled my heart, 

Ere yet on sin*s base actions I was bent. 

Ere yet I knew temptation's dire intent ; 

Ere yet the lash for wicked actions felt, 

Ere vanity had led my way to guilt, 

Early arrived at my celestial goal. 

Full glories rush on my expanding soul." 

Joyful he spoke : exulting cherubs round. 

Clapped their glad wings, the heavenly vaults resound. 

Say parents, why this unavailing moan ? 

Why heave your pensive bosoms with the groan ? 

To Charles, the happy subject of my song, 

A brighter world, a nobler strain belongs. 

Say would you tear him from the realms above. 

By thoughtless wishes, and mistaken love ? 

Doth his felicity increase your pain ? 

Or could you welcome to this world again 

The heir of bliss ? with a superior air 

Methinks he answers with a smile severe^, 

" Thrones and dominions cannot tempt me there." 

But still you cry, '* Can we the sigh forbear. 
And still, and still, must we not pour the tear ? 
Our only hope, more dear than vital breath. 
Twelve moons revolved, becomes the prey of death ; 
Delightful infant, nightly visions give 
Thee to our arms, and we with joy receive. 
We fain would clasp the phantom to our breast 
The phantom flies, and leaves the soul unblest.* 

To yon bright regions let your faith ascend, 
Prepare to join your dearest infistnt friend 
In pleasures without measure, without end. 




(L/l' 



»» 



K 



W^^ 





9^&m:^lM 





a €rilnitt fiir % Mt^n. 339 

ON THE DEATH OF A LOVELY GIEL, 

FITS TXAHS OF AGB. 

From dark abodes to fair ethereal light. 

The enraptured innocent has winged her flight ; 

On the kind bosom of eternal loTe 

She finds unknown beatitude above. 

This know, ye parents, nor her loss deplore. 

She feels the iron hand of pain no more ; 

The dispensations of unerring grace, 

Should turn your sorrows into grateiul praise ; 

Let then no tears for her henceforward flow, 

Nor suffer distress in this dark vale below. 

Her morning sun, which rose divinely bright. 

Was quickly mantled with the gloom of night ; 

But hear in heaven's blest bowers your child so &ir. 

And learn to imitate her language there. 

*' Thou, Lord, whom I behold with glory crowned. 

By what sweet name, and in what tuneful sound 

Wilt thou be praised ? Seraphic powers arc faint 

Infinite love and majesty to paint. 

To thee let all their graceful voices raise. 

And saints and angels join their songs of praise.*' 

Perfect in bliss, now firom bar heavenly home 
She looks, and smiling beckons you to come ; 
Why then, fond parents, why these fruitless groans ? 
Bestrain your tears, and cease your plaintive moans. 
Freed from a world of sin, and snares, and pain. 
Why would ye wish your &ir one back again ? 
Nay — ^bow resigned : let hope your grief control. 
And check the rising tumult of the soul. 
Calm in the prosperous and the adverse day, 
Adore the God who gives and takes away ; 
Behold him in all, his holy name revere, 
Upright your actions, and your hearts sincere, 
Till having sailed through life's tempestuous sea. 
And from its rocks, and boisterous billows free, 
Yourselves, safe landed on the blissful shore, 
Shall join your happy child to part no more. 

In a poem addressed by Phillis Wheatley to a clergjnnan 
on the death of his wife some beautiful lines occur. After 
describing the deceased as in a state of perfect bliss, " with 







% €xiMi for t^ Mt^u. 




peerless glory crowned,'* she conveys encouragement to the 
bereaved one by representing him as addressed by her thus 
from the " empyreal sky" — 

" O oome away," lier longing spirit cries, 
« And share with me the raptures of the skies. 
Our bliss divine to mortals is unknown, 
Immortal life and glory are our own. 
Here too may the dear pledges of our love 
Arriye, and taste with us the joys above ; 
Attune the harp to more than mortal lays, 
And join with us the tribute of their praise, 
To him who died stem justice to atone. 
And make eternal glory all our own." 

The following is a portion of an epitaph Phillis composed 
for a Minister of the Gospel, who died much esteemed : — 

liO, here a man, redeemed by Jesus' blood, 
A sinner once, but now a saint with God ; 
Behold ye rich, ye poor, ye fools, ye wise, 
Nor let his monument your heart surprise. 
He sought the paths of piety and truth, 
By these made happy from his early youth ! 
In blooming years that grace divine he felt. 
Which rescues sinners from the chains of guilt. 
Mourn him, ye indigent, whom he has fed, 
And henceforth seek, like him, for living bread ; 
E'en Christ, the bread descending from above. 
And ask an interest in his saving love. 
Mourn him, ye youth, to whom he oft has told 
God's gracious wonders frt)m the times of old. 
I too, have cause this mighty loss to mourn. 
For he my monitor will not return. 
O when shall we to his blest state arrive? 
When the same graces in our bosoms thrive. 

Many passages in the following poem '^ On the Provi- 
dence of God," evince a very considerable reach of thought, 
and no mean power of expression : — 

Arise, my soul, on wings enraptured rise. 
To praise the monarch of the earth and skies. 
Whose goodness and beneficence appear 
As round its centre moves the rolling year, 




<!N?5 






a ^rilntfe fiir i\t 3?tp. 



Or when the momiiig glows with rosy charms, 
Or the sun slumbers in the ocean's arms : 
Of light diyine be a rich portion lent 
To guide my soul, and favour my intent. 
Celestial muse, my arduous flight sustain, 
And raise my mind to a seraphic strain ! 

Adored for ever be the God unseen, 
"Which round the sun rerolyes this vast machiue, 
Though to his eye its mass a point appears : 
Adored the 6h)d that whirls surrounding spheres, 
Who first ordained that mighty Sol should reign 
The peerless monarch of the ethereal train : 
• • • From him the extended earth 
Vigour deriyes and erery flowery birth ; 
Vast through her orb she moves with easy grace. 
Around her Phoebus in unbounded space ; 
True to her course the impetuous storm derides, 
Triumphant o'er the winds, and surging tides. 

Almighty, in these wondrous works of thine. 
What Power, what Wisdom, and what Qtx>dnes8 shine ! 
And are thy wonders, Lord, by men explored, 
And yet creating glory imadored ? 
Creation smiles in various beauty gay, 
While day to night, and night succeeds to day : 
The wisdom which attends Jehovah's ways, 
Shines most conspicuous in the solar rays ; 
Without them, destitute of heat and light, 
This world would be the reign of endless night. 
• ••••• 

Hail I smiling mom, that firom the orient main 
Ascending dost adorn the heavenly plain. 
So rich, so various are thy beauteous dyes, 
That spread through all the circuit of the skies, 
That full of thee, my soul in rapture soars, 
And thy great God, the cause of all adores. 
O'er beings inflnite his love extends, 
His wisdom rules them, and his power defends : 
When tasks diurnal tire the human frame. 
The spirits fSEunt, and dim the vital flame. 
Then too that ever active bounty shines 
Which not infinity of space confines. 
The sable veil, that Night in silence draws, 
Conceals efibcts, but shows the Almighty Cause, 






% €rihiite fire % j^tgrn. 




Night Bet^ in sleep the wide creation fair. 
And all is peaceful but the brow of care. 
Again, gay Fhoebua, as the day before, 
Wakes eTery eye, save what shall wake no more ; 
Again the face of nature is renewed. 
Which still appears harmonioos, &ir, and good. 
May grateful strains salute the smiling mom. 
Before its beams the eastern hills adorn I 
Shall day to day and night to night conspire 
To show the goodness of the Almighty Sire ? 
This mental voice shall man regardless hear. 
And never, never raise the filial prayer ? 

But see the sons of vegetation rise. 

And spread their leafy banners to the skies ; 

All-wise, Almighty Providence we trace 

In trees, and plants, and all the flowery race. 

As dear as in the nobler frame of man, 

All lovely ensigns of the Maker's plan. 

The power the same that forms a ray of light. 

That called creation from eternal night. 

" Let there be light !" he said } from his profound 

Old Chaos heard, and trembled at the sound : 

Swiit as the word, inspired by power divine^ 

Behold the light around its Maker shine. 

The first fiedr product of the omnific Gk>d, 

And now through all his works di£EiiBed abroad. 

As reason's powers by day our Qod disclose, 

So may we trace him in the night's repose. 

Say, what is sleep ? and dreams, how passing strange ! 

When action ceasee and ideas range 

Licentious and unbounded o'er the plains, 

Where fimcy's queen in giddy triumph reigns. 

Hear in soft strains the dreaming lover sigh 

To a kind fair, and rave in jealousy $ 

On pleasure now, and now on vengeance bent, 

The labouring passions struggle for a vent. 

What power, oh man ! thy reason then restores, 

So long suspended in nocturnal hours f 

What secret hand restores the mental train. 

And gives improved thine active powers again ? 

From thee, oh man ! what gratitude should rise I 

And when from balmy sleep thou op'st thine eyes, 

Let thy first thoughts be praises to the skies. 




I. 

li 



4|>^ 







% ^rilmte fiir tjji 3lfgnr. 



How merdful our God, wlio thoB imparts 
0*erflowing tides of joy to human hearts. 
When wants and woes might be our righteous lot, 

Our Gk>d forgetting, by our God forgot ! 

• ••••• 

Among the mental powers a question rose, 

'< What most the image of the Eternal shows ?*' 

When thus to Season (so let fSsnqy rove) 

Her great companion spoke, immortal LoTe : — 

" Say, mighty power, how long shall strife preyail, 
And with its murmurs load the whispering gale ? 
Befer the cause to ReooUeotion's shrine, 
Who loud proclaims my origin diyine, 
The cause whence heaven and earth b^gan to be ; 
And is not man immortalized by me? 
Season let this most causeless strife subside," 
Thus Loye pronounced, and Keason thus replied, 
** Thy birth, celestial queen ! 'tis mine to own, 
In thee resplendent is the Godhead shown ; 
Thy words persuade, my soul enraptured feels, 
Resistless beauty which thy smile repeals." 
Ardent she spoke, and kindling at her charms. 
She cbisped the blooming goddess in her arms. 

Infinite lore, where'er we turn our eyes, 
Appears : this every creature's wants supplies. 
This most is heard in Nature's constant voice. 
This makes the mom, and this the eve rejoice ; 
This bids the fostering rains and dews descend 
To nourish all, to serve one general end, 
The good of man ; yet man ungrateful pays 
But little homage, and but little praise. 
To him whose works arrayed with mercy shine, 
What songs should rise, how constant, how divine ! 

These lines, written by an African Slave girl, at the age 
of sixteen or eighteen, are equal to many that appear in 
standard collections of English poetry. They are, if any- 
thing, superior in harmony, and are not inferior in depth of 
thought. 

Phillis Wheatley felt a deep interest in everything affect- 
ing the liberty of her fellow-creatures, of whatever condi- 
tion, race, or colour. She expressed herself with much 





a '^rMt fiit tIjB jSfp. 




feeling in an address to the Earl of Dartmouth, secretary 
of state for North America, on the occasion of some re- 
laxation of the system of haughty severity which the home 
government then pursued towards the colonies, and which 
ultimately caused their separation and independence. 

Hail, happy day, when smiling like the mom, 
Fair freedom rose New England to adorn : 

• • • • • 

Long lost to realms beneath the northern skies. 
She shines supreme, while hated faction dies : 
Soon as appeared the goddess long desired, 
Sick at the yiew, she languished and expired ; 
Thus from the splendours of the morning light 
The owl in sadness seeks the cayes of night. 

No more, America, in mournful strain 
Of wrongs and grieyanoe imredressed complain, 
No longer shalt thou dread the iron chain, 
Which wanton tyranny with lawless hand 
Made, and with it meant to enslaye the land. 

Should you, my lord, while you peruse my song, 
Wonder from whence my loye of freedom sprung ; 
Whence flow those wishes for the common good. 
By feeling hearts alone best understood — 
I, young in life, by seeming cruel frtte, 
Was snatched from Afric*s fancied happy seat. 
What pangs excruciating must molest. 
What sorrows labour in my parents* breast ! 
Steeled was that soul, and by no misery moyed. 
That from a father seized his babe beloyed : 
Such, such my case. And can I then but pray 
Others may neyer feel tyrannic sway ! 

The other compositions of this African poetess are on 
Virtue, Humanity, Freedom, Imagination, &c. The follow- 
ing lines contain a beautiful address and prayer to the Deity. 

Great God, incomprehensible, unknown 

To sense, we bow at thine exalted throne. 

O, while we craye thine excellence to feel, 

Thy sacred spirit to our hearts reyeal. 

And giye us of that mercy to partake. 

Which thou hast promised for the Sayiour*s sake ! 







a €xMt fst tjji JIfgrn. 



345 



One of her pieces is an address to a young painter of 
her own colour. On seeing his works, she vented her grief 
for the sorrows of her countrymen, in a pathetic strain. 

After the publication of her volume, and about the 
twenty-first year of her age, Phillis was liberated ; but she 
continued in her master's family, where she was much re- 
spected for her good conduct. Many of the most respect- 
able inhabitants of Boston and its vicinity, visiting at the 
house, were pleased with an opportunity of conversing 
with her, and of observing her modest deportment, and the 
cultivation of her mind. 

The constitution of Phillis being naturally delicate, her 
healtli became such as to alarm her friends. A sea voyage 
was recommended by her physicians, and it was arranged 
that she should take a voyage to England in company with a 
son of Mrs. Wheatley, who was proceeding thither on com- 
mercial business. The amiable Negro girl had hitherto 
never been parted from the side of her benefactress since 
the hour of her adoption into the family ; and though the 
necessity of the separation was acknowledged, it was 
equally painful to both. She recorded her feelings upon 
this occasion in the following lines : — 

A FABEWELL TO AMEBICAj 

ADDBESSED TO MBS. WHEATLET. 

Adieu, "Sew England's smiling meads, 

Adiea> the flowery plain : 
I leave thine opening charms, O spring, 

And tempt the roaring main. 

In Tain for me the flowerets rise, 

And boast their gaudy pride. 
While here beneath the northern skies 

I mourn for health denied. 

Celestial maid of rosy hue, 

O let me feel thy reign ; 
I languish till thy face I view. 

Thy vanished joys regain. 



2 Y 









% €nlntte fitt % Mt^n, 




346 



Snsaiiiiah mOTums, nor can I bear 

To lee the ohrystol shower, 
Or mark the tender falUng tear 

At sad departure's hour ; 

Not unregarding can I see 

Her soul with grief opprest, 
But let no sighs, no groans for me 

Steal from her pensiye breast. 

In Tain the feathered warblers sing. 

In rain the garden bloomB, 
And on the boaom of the spring 

Breathes out her sofk perfumes. 

While for Britannia's distant shore 

We sweep the liquid plain. 
And with astonished e^es explore 

The wide extended main. 

Lo ! Health i^ypears, eelestial dame, 

Complacent and serene^ 
With Hebe's mantle o'er her frame, 

With soul-delighting mien. 

For thee^ Britannia, I resign 

New England's smiling fields ; 
To Tiew again her charms diyine, 

What joy the prospect yields. 

Phillis was received and admired in the first circles of 
English society ; and it was here that her poems were first 
given to the world, with a portrait of the authoress attached 
to them. From this portrait^ her countenance appears to 
have been pleasing, and the form of her head highly in- 
tellectual. On the engraving being transmitted to Mrs. 
Wheatley in America^ that lady placed it in a conspicuous 
part of her room, and called the attention of her visitors 
to it. But the health of this good and humane lady de- 
clined rapidly, and she soon found that the beloved original 
of the portrait was necessary to her comfort and happiness. 
On the first notice of her benefactress's desire to see her 
once more^ Phillis^ whose modest humility was unshaken 
by the severe trial of flattery and attention from the great, 
re-embarked immediately for the land of her true home* 




i: 








a €rilrab fiit tjn JStgw. 



Within a short time ftfter her arrival^ she discharged the 
melancholy duty of closing the eyes of her mistress, mother, 
and friend, whose husband and daij^hter soon sunk also into 
the grave. The son had married and settled in England, 
and Phillis Wheatley found herself alone in the world. 

The happiness of the African poetess now became clouded. 
Little is known of the latter years of her life, except what 
is of a melancholy character. Shortly after the death of 
her friends, she received an offer of marriage from a re- 
spectable Coloured man of the name of Peters. In her 
desolate condition, it would have been hard to have blamed 
Phillis for accepting any offer of protection of an honour- 
able kind. At the time it took place, Peters not only 
bore a good character, but was eveiy way a remarkable 
specimen of his race ; being a fluent writer, a ready speaker, 
and altogether an intelligent and well-educated man. He 
was a grocer by trade, but having obtained considerable 
learning, also officiated as a lawyer, under the title of Doc- 
tor Peters ; pleading the cause of his brethren the Africans, 
before the tribunals of the state. Phillis was, at the time 
of her marriage with Peters, about twenty-three years 
of age. 

The reputation he enjoyed, with his industry, procured 
him a fortune, though it appears he was subsequently un- 
successful in business. The connexion did not prove a 
happy one, and Phillis, being possessed of a susceptible 
mind and delicate constitution, fell into a decline, and died 
in 1780, about the twenty-sixth year of her age, much 
lamented by those who knew her worth. 

Thus perished a woman who, by a fortunate accident, 
was rescued from the degraded condition to which those of 
her race who are brought to the Slave-market are too often 
condemned, as if for the purpose of showing to the world 
what care and education could effect in elevating the cha- 
racter of the benighted African. Such an example ought 
to impress us with the conviction, that, out of the 







a ^ribitt fat tjji Mw* 








countless millions to whom no similar opportunities have ever .. , . 
been presented, many might be found fitted by the endow- ^ T^ 
ments of nature, and wanting only the blessings of educa- 
tion, to be made ornaments, like Phillis Wheatley, not 
only to their race, but to humanity. 



JOHH XIZELL 

Was a native of a country some leagues inland from the 
Sherbro river. His father was a Chief of some consequence, 
and so was his uncle. They resided at different towns, and 
when Kizell was a boy, he was sent by his father on a visit 
to his uncle. On the very night of his arrival the town 
was attacked : a bloody battle ensued, in which his uncle 
and many of his people were killed. Some escaped : the 
rest were taken prisoners, amongst whom was Kizell. His 
father, as soon as he heard of his son's disaster, made every 
effort to release him, but in vain. He was taken to the 
Gallinas, put on board a ship, and carried, as one of a cargo 
of Slaves, to Charlestown. 

On the passage, one of the women pining away with grief 
on account of her situation, was tied up to the mast and 
flogged to death, as a warning to others not to indulge their 
melancholy to the detriment of their health, and thereby 
injure their value to their Christian ovimers. 

John Kizell arrived in Charlestovm a few years before it 
was taken by Sir H. Clinton ; and in consequence of diat 
general's proclamation, with many others, he joined the 
royal standard. After the war he was removed to Nova 
Scotia, and from thence to Sierra Leone. He was an in- 
telligent man, always preserved an excellent character, and 
had the welfare of his native country sincerely at heart. 
The government of Sierra Leone often employed him in 
their negociations with the native chiefs ; and he always fpN^ 
discharged his duty with integrity and address. 

In 1810, John Kizell was sent by governor Columbine, 
vrith a letter to some of the chiefs on the Sherbro river, 



^ 







a €rMt ftr tjn Mt^n. 



recommending them to discontinue the Slave Trade^ and 
to turn their attention to the cultivation of the earth. 
While on this mission^ he wrote many letters to the gover- 
nor, from which the following are extracts : — 

" I went to Sumarro with the head-man, and gave him 
the things you sent for him : he was glad, and all his peo- 
ple. I then showed them your letter. The young people 
were thankful for the word they heard, but there were 
some that did not like it I then asked them : * From the 
time that your fathers began to sell Slaves, to this day, 
what have you got by it ? Can any of you show me how 
much money you have — ^how much gold — how many Slaves, 
and vessels, and cattle — ^how many people you have ? ' They 
said, * None ! * 

'' I went to take a walk with one of my boys, and was 
surprised to see so many coffee-trees : some places being 
entirely covered with them. I was concerned to think that 
there was no man to be foimd who had the welfare of this 
country and people at heart, to observe what is in it, and 
what it will produce, instead of taking the natives, and car- 
rying them to European islands to raise coffee, which is 
the natural plant of Africa. But I thank Almighty God 
for his over-ruling power : He does all things in their sea- 
son ; and this is the time he has appointed, in which to 
rouse the great men of England, and to put it in their 
hearts to consider the human race. May Almighty God 
incline them to persevere ! for these men of sin desire to 
keep the Black people in Slavery, and their minds in dark- 
ness ; so that they may enjoy neither the good of this 
world, nor the happiness of the world to come. 

" This country wants nothing but people to bring them 
to order ; to let them see that by working they will get 
money, and not by the Slave Trade ; for that destroys their 
happiness. Of all people I have ever seen, they are the 
kindest. They will let none want food ; they vriill lend and 
not look for it again. If strangers come to them, they will 








% €'ttMt fttc t^ JltgriL 



give them water to wash, and food for nothing* If they 
had the same learning as Europeans, the best hiwyer could 
not excel them in words and speeches. They are a sensible 
people to talk to in their palavers. The land is rich and 
good ; and if it was not for the cursed Slave Trade, I think 
they would be the happiest people in the world/' 




BIirjAKIir BAHITEXEB 

Was bom in Baltimore County, his father being an 
African, and his mother of pure African descent. His pa- 
rents having obtained their freedom, were enabled to send 
him to an obscure school, where he learned, when a boy, 
reading, writing, and arithmetic ; and they left him at their 
decease, a few acres of land, upon which he subsequently 
supported himself with economy and exertion, so as always 
to preserve reputation. 

To struggle incessantly against want, is by no means fa* 
vourable to improvement. What he had learned he did not 
forget, and as some hours of leisure will occur in the most 
toilsome life, he availed himself of these, not to read and 
acquire knowledge from writings of genius and discovery, 
(for of such he had none), but to digest and apply, as occa- 
sions presented, the few principles of the few rules of arith- 
metic he had been taught at schooL This kind of mental 
exercise formed his chief amusement, and soon gave him a 
facility in calculation that was often serviceable to his 
neighbours, and at length attracted the attention of the 
Messrs. Ellicott, a family remarkable for their ingenuity. 
It was about the year 1788, that George Ellicott lent him 
three astronomical works, and some instruments, accompany- 
ing them with neither hint or instruction that might further 
his studies, or lead him to apply them to any useful result. 
These books and instruments, the first of the kind Bai|- 
neker had ever seen, opened a new world to him, and he 
began to employ his leisure in astronomical researches. 




1 1 







% €nlnitt fax % Mt^u. 



Having taken up the idea of making calculations for an 
Almanac, he completed a set for a whole year. Encou* 
raged by this first attempt, he entered upon calculations 
for subsequent years, which, as well as the former, he began 
and finished without the least assistance firom any person or 
boohs than the three volumes mentioned ; so that whatever 
merit is attached to his performance, is exclusively and pe- 
culiarly his own. He published almanacs in Philadelphia 
for 1792-3-4 and 6, which contain his calculations, exhi- 
biting the different aspects of the planets, a table of the 
motions of the sun and moon, their risings and settings, 
and the courses of the bodies of the planetary system. 
These calculations were so thorough and exact, as to excite 
the approbation of Pitt, Fox, Wilberforce, and other emi- 
nent men ; and one of his almanacs was produced in the 
British House ' of Commons, as an argument in favour of 
the mental cultivation of the Coloured people^ and of their 
liberation from their wretched thraldom. 

Imlay says, that in New England, he knew a N^;ro, who 
kept an astronomical journal, and who had composed ephe- 
merides. He does not mention his name : if it was Ban- 
neker, it is a testimony to his talents ; if some other Negro, 
it affords further evidence of the ability of the race. 

When Banneker had prepared his first almanac for pub- 
lication, he sent a copy of the M.S. to Jefferson, then Pre- 
sident of the United States, with the following letter, the 
composition of which bespeaks considerable ability. 



Maryland, Baltimore County, 
August 19, 1791. 



Sir, 



I am fully sensible of the greatness of the freedom I 
take with you on the present occasion ; a liberty which 
seemed scarcely allowable, when I reflected on that distin- 
guished and dignified station in which you stand, and the 









(kUi 



I ) 
I 



% €nMi for tIjB jBigw. 



almost general prejudice which is so prevalent in the world 
against those of my complexion. 

It is a truth too well attested, to need a proof here, that 
we are a race of beings, who have long laboured under the 
abuse and censure of the world ; that we have long been 
looked upon with an eye of contempt ; and considered ra- 
ther as brutish than human, and scarcely capable of mental 
endowments. 

I hope I may safely admit, in consequence of the report 
which has reached me, that you are a man far less in- 
flexible in sentiments of this nature, than many others ; 
that you are measurably friendly, and well disposed towards 
us ; and that you are willing to lend your aid and assistance 
for our relief from those many distresses, and numerous 
calamities, to which we are reduced. 

If this is founded in truth, I apprehend you will embrace 
every opportunity to eradicate that train of absurd and 
false ideas and opinions, which so generally prevail with 
respect to us : and that your sentiments are concurrent 
with mine, which are, that one universal Father hath given 
being to us all ; that He hath not only made us all of one 
flesh, but that He hath also, without partiality, afforded 
us all the same sensations, and endowed us all with the 
same faculties ; and that however variable we may be in 
society or religion, however diversified in situation or in 
colour, we are all of the same family, and stand in the 
same relation to Him. 

If these are sentiments of which you are fully persuaded, 
you cannot but acknowledge, that it is the indispensable 
duty of those, who maintain for themselves the rights of 
human nature, and who profess the obligations of Chris- 
tianity, to extend their power and influence to the relief 
of every part of the human race, from whatever burden or ( i -Jsg^ 
oppression they may unjustly labour under ; and this, I ^ 
apprehend, a full conviction of the truth and obligation of 
these principles should lead aU to. 






I ; 



|! 





% €n\aAt fax % Mtita. 



I have long been convinced, that if youx love for your- 
selves, and for those inestimable laws which preserved to 
you the rights of human nature, was founded on sincerity 
you could not but be solicitous, that every individual, 
of whatever rank or distinction, might with you equally 
enjoy the blessings thereof; neither could you rest satisfied 
short of the most active effusion of your exertions, in order 
to their promotion from any state of degradation, to which 
the unjustifiable cruelty and barbarism of men may have 
reduced thenu 

I freely and cheerfully acknowledge, that I am of 
the African race, and in that colour which is natural to 
them, of the deepest dye ; and it is under a sense of the 
most profound gratitude to the Supreme Ruler of the 
Universe, that I now confess to you, that I am not under 
that state of tyrannical thraldom, and inhuman captivity, 
to which too many of my brethren are doomed, but that I 
have abundantly tasted of the fruition of those blessings, 
which proceed from that free and unequalled liberty with 
which you are favoured ; and which I hope you will wil- 
lingly allow you have mercifriUy received, from the imme- 
diate hand of that being from whom proceedeth every goed 
and perfect gift. 

Suffer me to recall to your mind that time, in which the 
arms of the British crown were exerted, ¥Hith every power- 
ful effort, in order to reduce you to a state of servitude : 
look back, I entreat you, on the variety of dangers to which 
you were exposed ; reflect on that period in which every 
human aid appeared unavailable, and in which even hope 
and fortitude wore the aspect of inability to the conflict, 
and you cannot but be led to a serious and grateful sense 
of your miraculous and providential preservation ; you can- 
not but acknowledge, that the present freedom and tran- 
quility which you enjoy, you have mercifully received, and 
that it is the peculiar blessing of heaven. 

This, Sir, was a time when you clearly saw into the 




2z 







01- 




a Crilittte fcr tin jSfgrn. 



injustice of a state of Slavery, and in which you had just 
apprehensions of the horrorsi of its condition. It was then 
that your abhorrence thereof was so excited, that you pub- 
licly held forth this true and invaluable doctrine, which is 
worthy to be recorded and remembered in all succeeding 
ages : * We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all 
men are created equal; that they are endowed by their 
Creator with certain inalienable rights, and that among 
these are, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.' 

Here, was a time in which your tender feelings for your- 
selves had engaged you thus to declare ; you were then 
impressed with proper ideas of the great violation of liberty, 
and the free possession of those blessings, to which you 
were entitled by nature ; but, sir, how pitiable is it to 
reflect, that although you were so fully convinced of 
the benevolence of the Father of Mankind, and of his 
equal and impartial distribution of these rights and privi- 
leges which he hath conferred upon them, that you should 
at the same time counteract his mercies, in detaining by 
fraud and violence, so numerous a part of my brethren 
under groaning captivity and cruel oppression, that you 
should at the same time be found guilty of that most cri- 
minal act, which you professedly detested in others, with 
respect to yourselves. 

Your knowledge of the situation of my brethren is too 
extensive to need a recital here ; neither shall I presume 
to prescribe methods by which they may be relieved, other- 
wise than by recommending to you and all others, to wean 
yourselves from those narrow prejudices which you have 
imbibed with respect to them, and as Job proposed to his 
friends, * put your soul in their souls* stead ;* thus shall 
your hearts be enlarged with kindness and benevolence 
towards them ; and thus shall you need neither the direc- tfr^ys 
tion of myself or others, in what manner to proceed herein. 

And now, sir, although my sympathy and affection for my 
brethren hath caused my enlargement thus far, I ardently 



»'.-=. 



^^•V;: 



V.-„V 







J<A % €ritiirii fbr tjit Mt^ti. 355 



1 



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1 




hope, that your candour and generosity will plead with 
you in my behalf^ when I state that it was not originally 
my design ; but having taken up my pen in order to present 
a copy of an almanac which I have calculated for the suc- 
ceeding year, I was unexpectedly led thereto. 

This calculation is the production of my arduous study, 
in my advanced stage of life; for having long had un- 
bounded desires to become acquainted with the secrets of 
nature, I have had to gratify my curiosity herein through 
my own assiduous application to astronomical study, in 
which I need not recount to you the many difficulties and 
disadvantages which I have had to encounter. 

And although I had almost declined to make my calcu- 
lation for the ensuing year, in consequence of the time 
which I had allotted for it being taken up at the federal 
territory, by the request of Mr. Andrew EUicott, yet I 
industriously applied myself thereto, and hope I have ac- 
complished it with correctness and accuracy. I have taken 
the hberty to direct a copy to you, which I humbly request 
you will favourably receive ; and although you may have 
the opportunity of perusing it after its publication, yet I 
desire to send it to you in manuscript previous thereto, 
that thereby you might not only have an earlier inspec- 
tion, but that you might also view it in my own hand- 
writing. 

And now, sir, I shall conclude, and subscribe myself, 
with the most profound respect. 

Your most obedient humble servant, 

BENJAMIN BANNEKER. 

To the foregoing letter the President returned the fol* 
lowing answer: — 

Philadelphia, August 30, 1791. 
Sir, 

I thank you, sincerely, for your letter^ and the almanac 
it contained. No body wishes more than I do, to see such 




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% 'M\aAt hi % Mt^n. 



proofs as you exhibit^ that nature has given to our Black 
brethren talents equal to those of the other colours of men ; 
and that the appearance of the want of them, is owing 
merely to the degraded condition of their existence, both 
in Africa and America. I can add with truth, that no 
body wishes more ardently to see a good system com- 
menced for raising their condition, both of their body and 
mind, to what it ought to be, as far as the imbecility of 
their present existence, and other circumstances, which 
cannot be neglected, will admit. 

I have taken the liberty of sending your almanac to 
Monsieur de Condozett, Secretary of the Academy of 
Sciences at Paris, and member of the Philanthropic Society, 
because I considered it as a document to which your whole 
colour had a right for their justification, against the doubts 
which have been entertained of them. 

I am with great esteem, sir. 

Your most obedient, &c., 
THOMAS JEFFERSON. 



FAITH OF A POOB BLIITD HEGBa. 

A person going to see a very aged woman of Colour, 
found a respectable looking White girl sitting by her, read- 
ing the Bible for her. On inquiring of the old woman 
whether she could ever read, she answered '' O yes ! and 
I used to read a great deal in tJuU book,*' (pointing to a 
Bible very much worn, that lay on the table,) but now I 
am almost blind, and the good girls read for me ; but by 
and by, when I get on Zion's hill, I shall see as well as 
any body." 



A PIOUS ABD BBLIOKTBBBD XAFIB. 

Mrs. WiUiams in relating some particulars respecting 
the death of her husband, says, on die day before his de- 
cease, I was at length enabled to resign and give him up 



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1 €xMt to tjn Mt^tt. 



to the Lord to do his pleasure concerning him. I asked 
one of the Kafirs if he had no wish to see his teacher be- 
fore the Lord took him to himself. ** Yes, but I do not 
like to ask jou^ because I think it will make your heart 
sore/' He then came and sat down by the bedside. I 
asked him if he prayed. " Yes." " What do you pray 
for ?'* ''I pray the Lord as he hath brought us a teacher 
over the great sea and hath thus long spared him to tell us 
His word^ that he would be pleased to raise him up again 
to tell us more of that Great Word." I asked, " Do you 
pray for me?" "Yes." " What do you ask when you 
pray for me ? " "I pray that if the Lord should take away 
your husband from you, he would support and protect you 
and your little ones in the midst of this wild and barbarous 
people." 

" This was to me a precious sermon/' adds Mrs. Wil- 
liams, " at such a season, from the mouth of a Elafir." 



IlTTELLIOEirT AHD SLOaVEirT XA7IB CAPTIYI PEXALE. 

During the residence of Thos. Pringle in South Africa, 
he made an excursion to Bethelsdorp, where he was wel- 
comed by the resident Missionary. 

** While tea was preparing," he writes, " and before the 
twilight had yet closed in, my host was called to speak to a 
stranger. This was a Kafir woman, accompanied by a litde 
girl of 8 or 10 years of age, and having an infant stripped 
to- her back. She was one of a number of Kafir femdes, 
who had been made priscmers by order of the Commandant 
on the frontier, for crossing the line of proscribed demarca- 
tion without permission, and who were now to be given out 
in servitude among the White inhabitants of this district. 
The woman before us was to be forwarded by the mis- 
sionary, to a colonist, about SO miles to the westward. 

" While the constable who brought her was delivering his 
message to this effect, the Kafir woman looked at him and at 












% €xMt fnr tIjB jlfgrn. 



us with keen and intelligent glances ; and though she very 
imperfectly understood his language, she appeared fully to 
comprehend its import. When he had finished, she stepped 
forward, drew up her figure to its full height, extended 
her right arm, and commenced a speech in her native 
tongue. Though I did not understand a single word she 
uttered, I have seldom been more struck with surprise and 
admiration. The language^ to which she appeared to give 
full and forcible intonation, was highly musical and sono- 
rous ; her gestures were natural, graceful, and impressive, 
and her dark eyes and handsome bronze countenance, were 
full of eloquent expression. Sometimes she pointed back 
towards her own country, and then to her children. Some- 
times she raised her tones aloud, and shook her clenched 
hand, as if she denounced our injustice, and threatened us 
with the vengeance of her tribe. Then again she would 
melt into tears, as if imploring clemency, and mourning for 
her helpless little ones. Some of the villagers who had 
gathered round, being whole or half Kafirs, understood her 
speech, and interpreted it in Dutch to the Missionary ; 
but he Qould do nothing to alter her destination, and could 
only return kind words to console her. For my own part, 
I was not a little struck by the scene, and could not help 
beginning to suspect that my European countrymen, who 
thus made captives of harmless women and children, were 
in reality greater barbarians than the savage natives of 
Caffiraria.** 

" After our interview with the Kafir female," continues 
Thos. Pringle, " I attended the evening service in the rustic 
chapel of Bethelsdorf. The place was occupied by a very 
considerable number of the inhabitants of the village, a 
large proportion being females. The demeanour of the 
audience was attentive and devout, and their singing of the 
missionary hymns was singularly pleasing and harmonious. 
The effect of the music was no doubt greatly heightened by 
the reflections which the sight of this African congregation 



ll 







ja-fZ' ty 'y"^'' '^ 



? 



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(kisUd) 






31 iKrihiite fet tin jifgrn. 



naturally suggested. I saw before me the remnant of 
an aboriginal race, to whom this remote region, now occu- 
pied by White Colonists, had at no distant period belonged. 
As I sat and listened to the soft and touching melody of 
the female voices, or gazed on the earnest, upturned, swarthy 
countenances of the aged men, who had probably spent their 
early days in the wild freedom of nomadic life, and worn 
out their middle life in the service of the Colonists, it was 
pleasing to think that herey and in a few other institutions 
such as this, the Christian humanity of Europe, had done 
something to alleviate European oppression, by opening 
asylums, where, at least, a few of the race were enabled to 
escape from personal thraldom, and to emerge from heathen 
darkness into the glorious light and liberty of the Gospel. 



»» 



JAN TZATZOE; A CHBI8TIAN KAFIB CHIEF. 

Jan Tzatzoe is an hereditary Chief of the Amakosa 
Kafirs, a tribe whose country borders on that formerly be- 
longing to the Hottentots. His father, who was always 
held in high estimation by the other Chiefs, for his integ- 
rity and peaceable disposition, as well as for the good order 
so uniformly maintained among his people, was living a 
few years ago, supposed to be nearly one hundred years of 
age, though he had long been too feeble to take any share 
in the government of his people. This old Chief was re- 
lated to Habaki, the grandfather of Gaika, and conse- 
quently belongs to the ancient reigning families of the 
country. 

His son, Jan Tzatzoe, was born about the year 1791, 
and while yet a child, his father removed, with his tribe, 
into the Zuirveld, where the old Chief and his people were 
residing, when the London Missionary Society's Institution 
at Bethelsdorp was established. According to the custom 
of the country, the old Chief had several wives. The mother 
of Tzatzoe being a woman of the highest rank among them. 








a €jMt fe tjif 3SigrH. 



and a great fayourite, the father determined that her son 
should succeed him in the chieftainship of the tribe ; and 
in order to secure for him every possible advantage, he re- 
quested Dr. Yanderkemp and James Read, to receive him 
into the Missionary Institution at Bethelsdorp, which he 
entered in 1804>. He was then about thirteen years of age, 
and, though an unclothed, untutored African boy, he 
evinced a mildness and docility of disposition, a patient en- 
durance of the restraints which his altered circumstances 
imposed, and a persevering application to his lessons, which 
gi*eatly endeared him to his teachers. The venerable Dr. 
Yanderkemp, who had long mourned over the injustice 
and cruelty practised towards the African race, received 
his young pupil with the most grateful joy, — Gloved him, 
and treated him as his own child, and spared no pains, 
while engaged in teaching him the use of letters, and a 
knowledge of the Dutch language, to instil into his mind 
the principles of truth and justice, while he sought to im- 
press upon his heart the sublime doctrines of the Bible. 
On two occasions the Doctor took his industrious and ob- 
servant scholar with him to Cape Town, and endeavoured 
by every means in his power to prepare him to discharge, 
with the greatest benefit to his race, the duties to which in 
future years he would be called. 

In 1815, a remarkable attention to personal religion 
prevailed among all classes at Bethelsdorp ; and during 
this period there is reason to believe that Tzatzoe, then 
about twenty-four years of age, experienced, by the influ- 
ence of the Holy Spirit, that entire change which rendered 
him a sincere and decided Christian. In him, as in most 
instances among the heathen, one immediate effect of the 
participation of Divine mercy, was a desire to make the 
salvation of Christ known to his countrymen. He sought 
to improve the period of his continuance at Bethelsdorp, 
with greater diligence than ever, and from higher motives ; 
and in order to promote, by every possible means, the 



; 




I 



I 

:l 

I 

I 
I 







a €rilrate fiir t^ JItgm 



improvement of his countrymen, he applied himself to the 
most useful mechanical arts, and learned to work in wood 
as a carpenter and wheelwright, and also to work in iron 
and stone. About this time he married a pious female of 
the Hottentot nation, who had long been connected with 
the Institution at Bethelsdorp. In the following year, 
Tzatzoe accompanied that eminently devoted man of God, 
John Williams, to the neighbourhood of Gaika's residence, 
and continued with him till the lamented death of Williams 
interrupted the Kafir mission. 

In 1817, when Lord Charles Somerset, then Governor of 
the Cape of Good Hope, visited the frontier, and entered 
into a treaty with Gaika, the chief of the tribes inhabiting 
the country adjacent to the Elat river, Tzatzoe was present, 
and acted as interpreter* He afterwards returned to Be- 
thelsdorp, and was chosen by the people one of the local 
authorities forbearing complaints and adjusting differences 
among the inhabitants of the place. His conduct, in dis- 
charging the duties of this office, which has ever been found 
of great importance to the harmony and order of the settle- 
ment, was distinguished by great shrewdness, and the most 
scrupulous adherence to integrity and justice. 

Tzatzoe continued at Bethelsdorp until 1817, when he 
accompanied John Brownlee to his own country, and ren- 
dered important services in the commencement of the missions 
among the people in that neighbourhood. He also, shortly 
afterwards, rendered very valuable aid to W. Shaw, Wes- 
leyan missionary, in the establishment of the mission at 
Wesleyville, and W. Shaw has frequently expressed his 
deep sense of obligation to Tzatzoe for the advantages 
derived from his assistance and advice, especially in the 
early stages of his labours among the Kafirs. 

Tzatzoe's aged father, who had long been anxious for the 
establishment of a mission in his own territory, now repeated 
his solicitations to his son, and to the Missionaries, re- 
questing that they might be instructed in religion, and the 



a^i 




3 a 








% (Krihiite for % 3ligni, 



arts of civilized life. In compliance with his request, the j | Y( 
mission at the Buffalo river was commenced in 18S6 by 
John Brownlee, aided by Tzatzoe^ who has ever since 
resided at the station, acting as an assistant missionary. In 
this capacity his exertions have been peculiarly acceptable 
and valuable. His knowledge of the opinions, habits, and 
superstitions of his couhtrymen have afforded important 
facilities in exposing their errors, and instructing them in 
a more excellent way : and he has been employed with 
great advantage in preaching the gospel, and assisting in 
the translation of the Scriptures into his native language. 

John Williams and John Brownlee have borne the warm- 
est testimony to his zeal and talents, and he was always 
regarded by Dr. Vanderkemp with peculiar affection and 
solicitude. 

While Tzatzoe was occupied in assisting the mission- 
aries, the duties connected with the civU affiiirs of his tribe 
were discharged by an elder brother ; but Tzatzoe was 
held in such high estimation that he was frequently con- 
sulted in matters of importance ; such, in fact, was the in- 
fluence of his acknowledged integrity and justice, that the 
subjects of other chiefs often mutually requested him to 
decide matters in dispute between them. On one occasion 
two Kafirs appeared before the young chief, each claiming 
as their own a colt which they led to the place. In 
support of their claims, each stated that he was in posses- 
sion of the dam of the colt. Having listened to their 
respective statements, Tzatzoe directed them to bring both 
the animals, and then ordered the colt to be let loose be^ 
fore all the people. Thi.s was no sooner done, than it 
repaired to one of the animals, by which it was immediately 
recognized, and treated with expressions of evident plea- || 
sure, while it was unnoticed by the other animal, which it i tW*^ 
also seemed to avoid. The dispute was now at an end, and 
all parties appeared pleased at the manner in which the 
proprietorship in the animal was so satisfactorily determined. 



•r-^ 








31 '^rihite fiit tjit Jftgrn. 



When a disastrous war broke out between the Kafirs 
and the colonists^ Tzatzoe successfully exerted his influence 
to restrain his tribe from joining their countrymen in en- 
tering the colony ; and afterwards, when called to assist 
the colonial government, he led 400 men to the field, where 
he continued with the British forces till hostilities ceased 
and peace was made with the Kafirs. On his return, he 
found the land of his tribes in the occupancy of his friends, 
the colonial forces, who had taken possession of his house, 
and the grounds which he had stocked with fruit trees, and 
brought under cultivation ; thus depriving him of the fruits 
of the labours of many years, obliging him again to begin 
the formation of a settlement in the uncultivated wilder- 
ness, and to fix his dwelling in another part of his own 
hereditary land. These fiagrant injuries made a deep im- 
pression on his mind, but his clear judgment told him that 
England is calumniated in the government of her colonies, 
and that a direct appeal to herself would procure immediate 
reparation. To obtain the restoration of his rightful pro- 
perty, or some compensation, and to solicit further assist- 
ance in promoting the moral and spiritual improvement of 
his countrymen, he resolved on visiting Great Britain, 

Soon after the passing of the act for the abolition of 
Slavery in the British colonies, the attention of many of 
the benevolent friends of the African and other native tribes 
was directed to the effects which had followed the inter- 
course of civilized with uncivilized men in different parts 
of the world, more especially in coimtries bordering on our 
own colonies ; to the principles on which such intercourse 
had generally been conducted, and the means by which it 
might be rendered in future honourable to the British, and 
beneficial to the most distant nations. In 1834, the sub- 
ject was considered by parliament, and an address to the 
King, in relation to the same, was unanimously agreed to. 
This led to the appointment of a select committee, for the 
purpose of prosecuting an inquiry, highly honourable to 










a €xMt fin: % Sfgrn. 



the nation, and replete with promise to the tribes with whom 
we may be brought into contact — ^namely, " to consider 
what measures ought to be adopted with r^ard to the na- 
tive inhabitants of countries where British settiements are 
made, and to the neighbouring tribes, in order to secure 
to them the due observance of justice, and the protection 
of their rights — to promote the spread of civilization — and 
to lead them to the peaceful, voluntary reception of the 
Christian religion." 

The imperative necessity for such an inquiry becomes at 
once established by the statement of a few notorious facts. 
The first lands acquired by the Dutch at the Cape of Ghxxl 
Hope, were paid for by ^* a few trinkets and flasks of 
brandy." In consideration of this payment tiiey subse- 
quendy possessed themselves of 48,000 square miles, and 
finally of the entire productive part of the Hottentot ter- 
ritory. The next aggression consisted in seizing the cattle 
of the aborigines, and appropriating them to their own uses; 
an injustice which the European governor declined to pun- 
ish, because so many setders were implicated in this system 
of plunder. In addition to the spoliation of their catde 
and lands, ^' when a Hottentot offended a setder, he was 
tied to a waggon-wheel, and severely flogged, or dispatched 
on an errand, and then waylaid and destroyed." In short, 
the spirit of extermination seemed to be the influencing 
power in the government of the Cape, and the survivors 
were only sure of life, so long as they could contribute by 
the labour of their hands to enrich the stranger. 

Dr. Philip, superintendent of the London Missionary 
Society in South Africa, the intrepid advocates of 
the natives, who had exerted himself successfully in 
securing their civil liberty, as well as in imparting many 
religious advantages, having been required to attend the 
committee of the House of Commons, returned to Eng- 
land in the spring of 1836. It was on this occasion that 
Jan Tzatzoe, and Andries Stoffles, a Christian Hottentot, 



?^<^- 



♦ - ^ 






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fm 




m 







a €nMt for tjit SlBgrn. 



with a patriotism that reflects honour on their race^ availed 
themselves of the opportunity of crossing the Atlantic 
with Dr. Philip, in hopes of creating amongst the Eng- 
lish people^ a kindlier feeling, and a warmer interest in 
behsJf of their country. 

Early in the sununer of 1836, Dr. Philip and his 
African companions were repeatedly called to appear 
before the Committee of the House of Commons, insti- 
tuted for the purpose of enquiring into the inhuman 
treatment of the injured Aborigines. The evidence 
given on these occasions was published by order of par- 
liament, and is of great importance. Andries Stoffles 
delivered his testimony with great animation and feeling, 
but evident sincerity ; and the Chief gave his evidence with 
that simple dignity and frankness which a consciousness of 
the truth of his own statements, and a confidence in the 
integrity and justice of his auditors, could not fail to inspire. 
Evidence, demonstrating beyond doubt or contradiction, 
the absence of all foundation for some of the statements 
that had been made against him, was produced : he was 
listened to with the most respectful attention, and there 
was a general impression, that the nation to which he be- 
longed, notwithstanding the ignorance and superstition 
under which they still laboured, woidd, so far a9 intellec- 
tual faculties are concerned, bear a comparison with more 

highly civilized and powerful commimities.* 

* The engraTing facing the title-page of the present Tolnme represents 
the appearance of the African witnesses before the committee. It is from 
a painting by Boom, procured by subscription among the friends of Dr. 
Philip, and presented to the Directors of the London Missionary Society. 
The scene is in one of the rooms where the committee, of which Sir T. F. 
Buxton, Bart., was chairman, held its sittings. Tsatzoe is in the act of 
giving his eridence. At the opposite end of the table is James Bead, jun., 
acting as interpreter for the chief^ who spoke and wrote before the com* 
mittee in the Dutch language. Dr. Philip is seated in the foreground, on 
the right, and Stoffles occupies a chair behind the table at the end of which 
Tzatzoe is standing. James Bead, sen. is standing behind the chair on 
which Stoffles is seated. The likenesses are said to be exceedingly good, 
especially those of the Hottentot and the Kaiir chief. 



n.^ 



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a Crilmtt fnr t^ jltgrn. 



The following extracts, taken from different parts of the 
printed evidence of the Chief, will shew the kind of ques- 
tions proposed hy the committee, and the manner in which 
they were answered. The evidence of Stoffles was pain- 
fully instructive and affecting, though comparatively brief. 
A large portion of Tzatzoe*s examination related to the 
late war with his nation ; but on this subject, one answer — 
his reason for not taking any part on either side at first — 
must suffice. 

Will you mention the reasons which induced you to re- 
frain from taking any part with your countrymen against 
the colony ? — In the first place T am a Christian, and the 
Scriptures tell us not to fight, or to shed blood ; and that 
is the first reason why I remained quiet. 

Again, after being questioned on the extent and effects 
of missionary labours in Kaffraria, and more particularly 
among his own tribe, and whether any places of worship 
had been erected ; he was asked, and answered as follows : 

How many ? — One church among my own tribe, and Mr. 
Ross had a station in the neighbourhood. 

What was the capacity of that place of worship ? — It was 
great ; much longer than this room. 

How many persons would it accommodate ? — 300, and 
some' of the people would sit under the trees outside. 

Did that number of persons usually attend divine service 
on the Sabbath? — Yes. 

Did the Missionaries establish an infant school t — ^Yes, 
my daughter was the teacher of an infant school. 

How many children were there in that school ? — About 
100. 

Was there any school for older children ? — Yes. 

How many scholars were in that school ? — Between 30 
and 50. 

When you were summoned to attend this committee, 
was that summons unexpected ? — I expected it. 

Did you not come to England understanding that this 





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367 



committee was sitting, with the view of being examined 
before it ? — ^Yes. 

You were told at the Cape of Good Hope that a com- 
mittee of this sort was sitting ?— Yes. 

Who told you ? — I saw it in the newspapers. 

Did you ask any advice as to the mode of examination 
in these committees, and how you should give your answers ? 
— I did not inquire. 

Is your father also a Kafir chief? — ^Yes. 

How many years have you taken the reins of govern- 
iQgQt ? — I have governed since I came back to Kafir land. 

How many years is that ago ? — Ten or twelve years. 

Have you t£^en the oath of allegiance to the king ? — ^Yes. 

Are you a field cornet at this moment ? — ^Yes. 

Under such circumstances, did you get permission of 
the colonial government to come to this country ? — ^Yes, I 
got permission from Colonel Smith to go to Cape Town ; 
and when I came to the Cape, I got permission from the 
governor to come to England. 

Do you appear before the committee here as a Mission- 
ary, to advocate the cause of the Kafirs ? — I stand here as 
an assistant Missionary, and a Kafir chief. 

Who desired you to preach ? — When I felt the power of 
the word of God, I went to the Hottentots, and preached 
what God had done unto me ; and so the Missionaries en- 
gaged me. 

Has any portion of your land been seized by the govern- 
ment ? — ^Yes. 

What reasons did they give to you, who was an ally of 
the British government, for taking away your land ?— No 
reason that I know of, they did not tell me why they took 

the country. 

Why did not you complain to the Governor at the Cape 
before you came here ? — I thought it was enough that the 
governor knew that I had no part in the war, that I was 
not guilty, and he should have known that* 



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Did hot you think that the Governor would have done 
you justice, if you had made your complaint known to 
him ? — No, he would not have done it, as he took the 
ground without having any right to it. 

How came you to think that the government in England 
would be more ready to do you justice than the govern- 
ment at the Cape ? — Because from the time of Dr. Van- 
derkemp to this time, the Missionaries used to tell us that 
the good people and right people were here, and that jus- 
tice was here. 

Had not you heard that the Governor of the Cape was 

very anxious to do justice to all the native people ? — Yes, 

I had so ; but he did me no justice. 

Are you quite certain that the governor knew that your 

country was taken from you ? — The governor was there 

when the houses were building — the fort. 

Was he aware that it was building upon land that be- 
longed to you ? — Certainly ; he must have known it. 

Did the governor give you any compensation for the loss 
of your buildings ? — No. 

Did you ever make any application to the Governor for 
redress ? — Why should I go to the governor, if he takes 
my things from me ? 

Were the lands from which the Governor removed you, 
cultivated lands ; or lands in a state of nature ? — He took 
my own piece of ground that I had cultivated, and my 
garden and my trees. 

What did he give you in exchange ? — Nothing. 

In what condition was the new place which the governor 
appointed to you ; was it cultivated, or uncultivated ? — 
The place where I am at present is uncultivated. 

Were there any fruit trees in the new place where the 
Governor had appointed you to go ? — No ; it is a wilder* 
ness. 

In whose territory was that wilderness ? — It belongs to 
me. 



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a '^rMt for \}p 3ltgrn* 



So that, in fEtct, the Governor removed you from one 
spot in your own territory which was cultivated, to another 
spot in your own territory which was uncultivated ? — ^Yes. 

Did the Governor know at the time that he was commit- 
ting this robhery upon you? — Yes; I am sure that he 
must have known it, and therefore I did not speak to him 
about it. 

Did not the land that was taken away by the Governor, 
in reality belong to the Missionary Society, and not to you ? 
— It belongs to me. 

The evidence of Taztzoe and Stoffles on other points 
was equally explicit and conclusive — ^but their testimony 
before a section of the British senate was not the only im- 
portant object that was accomplished : besides the incalcu- 
lable advantage to the native tribes of Africa, of their ap- 
pearing before a committee of the British parliament as 
witnesses for their countrymen of the wrongs they had en- 
dured, their visit to England and Scotland afforded to 
multitudes a satisfaction of the highest order, and must 
have benefitted the cause of Christian missions throughout 
the world. They entered our domestic circles, and attended 
our religious assemblies, and were affectionately and cor- 
dially welcomed as brethren by Christians of every deno- 
mination; their intelligent and pious conversation glad- 
dened the hearts of all who had intercourse with them, 
and their truly exemplary deportment exemplified the 
influence of the gospel on their hearts. New demonstra- 
tions were given of the power of the gospel, new motives 
to engage in its propagation supplied, and firmer hopes in- 
spired of its speedy and universal extension. The eloquence 
of the Hottentot produced impressions that will never be 
forgotten. At a public meeting in Exeter Hall, London, 
for receiving statements from Dr. Philip and his friends in 
reference to the missions in South Africa, Andries Stofiles, 
addressing the crowded assembly on the effects of the gos- 
pel, spoke tiius : — 




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ia €nMt for tin jiBgtn* 



" I wish to tell you what the Bible has done for Africa. 
When the Bible came amongst us, we were naked ; we 
lived in caves and on the tops of the mountains ; we had no 
clothes, but painted our bodies. At first we were sur- 
prised to hear the truths of the Bible, which charmed us 
out of the caves, and from the tops of the mountains ; made 
us throw away all our old customs and practices, and live 
among civilized men. We are civilized now ; we know 
there is a God. I have travelled with the Missionaries in 
taking the Bible to the Bushmen, and other nations. When 
the word of God has been preached, the Bushman has 
thrown away his bow and arrows. I have accompanied 
the Bible to the Kafir nation ; and when the Bible spoke^ 
the Kafir nation threw away his shield and all his vain cus- 
toms. I went to Latakoo, and they forsook all their evil 
works ; they threw away their assagais ; and became the 
children of God. The only way to reconcile man to man, 
is to instruct him in the truths of the Bible. I say again, 
where the Bible comes, the minds of men are enlightened ; 
where it is not, tliere is nothing but darkness ; it is dan- 
gerous, in fact, to travel through such a nation. Where 
the Bible is not, man does not hesitate to kill his fellow ; 
he never even repents afterwards of having committed miur- 
der. Are there any of the old Englishmen here who sent 
out the word of God ? I give them my thanks : if there 
are not, I give it to their children. Your Missionaries, 
when they came to us, suffered with us, and wept with us, 
and struggled for us, till they obtained for us the charter 
of our liberties — the Fiftieth Ordinance. [The animation 
with which the last clause of this sentence was uttered by 
Andries Stoffles, produced a deep sensation throughout the 
whole auditory. The Fiftieth Colonial Ordinance was issued 
by General Bourke in 1828, placing the Hottentots on the 
same footing as other free subjects in the Colony. Since 
the passing of this Ordinance, though not exempt from 
oppression, their circumstances have been greatly improved.] 



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a €rilrate fer tju jUfgm 



When the Fiftieth Ordinance was published, we were then 
brought to the light. Then did the young men begin to 
learn to write and read* Through that Ordinance we got 
infant schools, and our children have been instructed, and 
are making progress in learning. You, the posterity of 
the old Englishmen, I address you on this occasion ; I am 
standing on the bones of your ancestors, and I call upon 
you, their children, to-day, to come over and help us. Do 
you know what we want ? We want schools and school- 
masters — ^we want to be like yourselves." 

At the same meeting, the late Edward Baines, Esq., 
M.P. for Leeds, a member of the Committee by which the 
Africans were examined, delivered the following honour- 
able testimony in their favour ; — 

" The Kafir chief," he said, " had given his evidence 
with an artlessness and dignity which proved that he was 
indeed a Chief. There was about his evidence that which 
showed that he had the interest of his nation at heart — 
that he came here imbued with a truly noble spirit, and 
with the desire of communicating that spirit to others, and 
of teaching us how we might make the Aborigines of 
A&ica happy, instead of rendering their country desolate. 
He had taught us a great lesson in political economy* He 
had told us that, by doing justice to the people of Africa, 
we should induce them to become our customers and friends. 
In this way the African chief had imparted knowledge to 
the British senate. 

"These witnesses," he added, "did not assume to be the 
instructors of the Aborigines Committee, but they did in 
reality impart to them much valuable instruction ; and he 
would venture to predict, that from this day forward there 
never would be heard complaints of the driving of the na- 
tive inhabitants from one river to another, of usurping and 
seizing their cattle, and of appropriating their territory. 
He could not sufficiently impress upon the meeting the 
beneficial consequences of the visit of the persons, now 










a €nMt kt tju Mt^n. 



before them, to Europe. They had given informatioii as to 
the state of their country, and imparted a tone to the pub* 
lie feeling as to the wrongs of the native inhabitants in our 
colonies that would never be obliterated." 

The Kafir nation received, so far as the seizure of terri- 
tory was concerned, all the justice and restitution that the 
British government could award ; the country so unjustly 
taken from them was restored, and the most friendly rela- 
tions entered into with the rulers and people. Anxious to 
benefit his countrymen, Tzatzoe took back to Africa, not, 
as has been too often the case, arms and ammunition for 
annihilating the human race, but implements of husbandry, 
— ^the axe and the spade, the pruning-hook and the plough, 
emblems of peace ! with a large supply of books, and all 
the apparatus for schools. He was welcomed with the most 
cordial affection by the chiefs and people of his nation, who 
were in a state of most intense anxiety about his return ; 
and he was followed by the prayers and benedictions of all 
good men, who must feel a deep interest in all that tends 
to the civilization of Africa and the accomplishment of 
the promise which declares, that ^^ Ethiopia shall stretch 
forth her hands unto God.** 

James Backhouse, a Minister of the Society of Friends, 
in his Narrative of a visit to the Mauritius and South Afiica, 
mentions Tzatzoe as having interpreted for him to his com* 
fort. He also visited him at his own house in 18S9. " I 
was comforted,*' says J. B., " while sitting a short time 
with him, in a very perceptible feeling of the love of our 
Heavenly Father, uniting our hearts in gospel fellowship." 

One of the Missionaries in Kafirland, by whom Tzatzoe 
is well known, writes thus : — ^' Tzatzoe possesses consider- 
able talent ; his addresses are pointed and powerful, and 
always command the attention of his hearers. As a preacher, 
his perfect knowledge of the Kafir character, and his ac- 
quaintance with their customs, give him an advantage which 
few Europeans can attain in preaching to Kafirs. But the 





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a 'Srilrate far t^ jBEgnr. 

tact wliich he displays in combating Kafir prejudices and 
Euperstition, is really surprisiBg. I have often listened 
with delight and astonishment to his discourses, which are 
BO full, so simple, and yet so powerful. The ease, too, with 
which he can effectually arrest the attention of his coun- 
trymen, is matter of admiration. Here is a specimen of 
the great power of God, in reclaiming a savage, and making 
him an instrument in reclaiming others." 

The late lamented Thomas Pringle, during his residence 
in South Africa, visited the Missionary station at the Buf- 
falo river, commenced in compliance with the request of 
Tzatzoe's aged father, and has left the following record of 
his visit : — 

" A ragged moanbun, round irhoae imnniit proud. 
The eagle sailed, or hesTed the thooder-cloiid, 
Poured, &om i(« doTen breaat, a gurgling brook g 
Which down the grauj gladea ita joorney took ) 
Oft bending round, to IsTe, with nunbliog tide, 
The grOTei of erergreen on either lide. 
Fast hj this gtrraun, where jet ita oonrse was foung, 
And itoojong from the heighta, the forett flong 
A gntefbl shadow o'er the nurow ddl, 
Appeared the Miasionarj's hermit o^ 
WoTon of wttttled boughs, and thatched with learos, 
The aweet wild jasmine olustering to it* eares, 
It stood, with its small casement gleaming through. 
Between two ancient cedan t roond it grew 
Clumps of aoacias and joung orange bowers. 
Pomegranate hedgea, gay with soarlet Qowara ; 
And pale-stemmed fig-trees, with their &uit jet green. 
And apple blossoms waring light between. 
All musical it seemed with bninming bees. 
And bright plnmed sngar-birds among the trees 
Fluttered, like hting hloBioms. 

"In the shade 
Of ft grej rock, that midst the leafj glade 
Stood like a giant sentinel, we found 
The habitant of this fair spot of ground — 
A plain, tall Scottish man, of thoaghtful 
Qrave, but not gloomj. By his aide was 





a €xMi fin; tju Jg^gra. 



An Ancient Chief of Amakosa's race, 

With javelin armed, for conflict or for chase ; 

And seated at their feet, upon the sod, 

A youth was reading from the word of Gk)d, 

Of Him who came for sinfiil men to die. 

Of erery race and tongue beneath the skj. 

<< Unnoticed, towards them we softly stept. 
Our friend was rapt in prayer — the warrior wept. 
Leaning upon his hand : the youth read on ; 
And then we hailed the group— the Chieftain's son. 
Training to be his country's ChrisUan guide — 
And Brownlee, and old Tzatsoe by his side.' 




>i 




AKDBIE8 8T0FFLE8. 

The Hottentot churches which have been gathered by 
the missionaries in South Africa, contain many eminent 
examples of Christian character and worth. With these 
fellow members of the same spiritual body, the Christians 
of Europe and other parts of the world would find it de- 
lightful occasionally to hold personal intercourse ; but such 
meetings have been hitherto exceedingly rare, nor is it 
probable that circumstances will arise to make them of 
more frequent occurrence for the future. Andries Stoffles 
was one of the very few of the Hottentot converts whom 
we have had the happiness of welcoming amongst us in 
Great Britain. By multitudes of the friends of Africa in 
this country, he is affectionately remembered, as one who 
was renewed after the image of Christ. 

Stofiies, as has already been stated, came to plead the 
cause of his wronged and suffering countrymen ; and to 
ask, on their behalf, the sympathy and aid of British Chris- 
tians. He was a powerful advocate, for he possessed, in 
union with the influences of religion, the eloquence of na- 
ture and the strength of truth, and left no heart unmoved, 
no mind unconvinced by his statements and his appeals. 
Having sickened in our ungenial climate, he returned to 
Africa, but only survived a few days after reaching the 



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Cape. To his latest hour he had peace and joy in believ- 
ing, and the light of the Saviour's love fell fully on his 
soul as it departed to the world of glory. 

The following brief account of the life of Andries 
Stof&es, detailing his conversion to Christianity, his pro- 
gress in the Christian life, and imprisonment for preaching 
the gospel, his attachment to the Missionary cause, his 
patriotic visit to England, with some particulars of his 
death, will be found interesting. 

Andries Stoffles was bom in South Africa, about the 
year 1776. He was a Hottentot of the Gonah tribe, in- 
habiting a country called the Zuirveld, lying between the 
Gamtoos and the Great Fish River. From his boyhood, 
Stoffles was a close observer, and was gifted with an excel- 
lent memory. With a naturally sound judgment, he pos- 
sessed an active mind and a sanguine temperament ; and 
consequently, at an early age he was found mingling in the 
fierce feuds and conflicts which arose at that period be- 
tween the Dutch settlers and the Hottentots. In one of 
these engagements, he was severely wounded, and narrowly 
escaped the loss of life. On another occasion, a waggon 
went over his body and nearly killed him. After his con- 
version, the remembrance of occurrences which had so 
nearly proved fatal, always deeply affected him, and he was 
frequently heard to remark, that had he died then, he should 
have been lost for ever. 

An event which greatly determined his future course in 
life, was the circumstance of his being taken prisoner by 
the Kafirs, and carried from his own country into Kafir- 
land. There he resided for some time, learnt the Ka&r 
language, and was employed as an interpreter, in which 
capacity he was taken by a Kafir chief to Bethelsdorp, 
about the year 1810. Stoffles was then in a savage state, 
and arrayed in the manner of the Kafirs, his only clothing 
a dressed cow skin thrown loosely over his shoulders, and 
his body smeared with grease and red ochre. When he 








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first attended divine worship at Bethelsdorp, he was so ig- 
norant of its purpose and meaning, as to suppose that the 
people had assembled to receive rations of provisions, or 
presents of beads and buttons. But he was soon unde- 
ceived — divine grace speedily reached his heart, though it 
was some time before his mind was fully enlightened as to 
the way of salvation. His second attendance in the house 
of God, which has been characteristically described by him- 
self, made a deep impression upon him. The conviction of 
sin smote immediately upon his conscience, and he was no 
longer the same man. He returned to the Kafirs, and tried 
to be happy in his former ways ; in dancing, and merri- j 
ment, and idle mirth ; but conscience pursued him, and he 
could find no rest. 

Labouring under a deep sense of sin, and having in vain 
sought relief to his mind in heathen companionship, Stofiles 
returned to Bethelsdorp, and again listened to the preach- 
ing of the gospel ; but his convictions were only strength- 
ened, and the agitation of his mind increased in proportion. 
Overcome by his internal conflicts he frequently hastened 
from the chapel to the bush, weeping aloud. Here, it is 
said, he would spend hours, and even days, apart from 
human intercourse, praying to God for mercy, and seeking 
for rest to his heavy laden spirit. In this state he con- 
tinued for two or three years, bowed down under the con- 
sciousness of guilt, beset vnth the terrors of self-condemna- 
tion, and unable to apply to himself the rich remedies of 
the gospel of peace. But He who hath promised not to 
break the bruised reed, nor quench the smoking flax, at 
length shed abroad a clearer light in his soul — the way of 
salvation through a crucified Saviour was fully revealed to 
him — ^his penitential sorrow did not cease, but its bitterness 
was gone — he saw by faith the " Lamb slain from the foun- ^|t<, 
dation of the world " — the burden of sin passed away — his 
eye glistened, and his heart was filled with joy, for the 
blood of Christ had imparted peace to his soul. 



I 



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Turned from darkness to light, Stoffles believed himself 
called upon to testify of the grace of God to those around 
him, manifesting the utmost anxiety (ot the salvation of 
his fellow men. His conversations, addresses, and prayers, 
deeply impressed all who heard him. Often were whole 
assemblies of natives and Europeans melted into tears when 
he spoke to them of the dying love of the Saviour. This 
was the subject ever uppermost in his mind, and in dwell- 
ing upon it, his flow of language was peculiar to himself. 
His wife and many of his relations also became converted. 

Some time after his conversion, a magistrate, residing at 
a distance from Bethelsdorp, applied to the station for a 
few men to assist in some public works. Stoffles volunteered 
to go, but no sooner arrived in the locality than he began 
to preach to the Hottentots and Slaves, with great effect. 
There was much weeping, and it was said that he would 
drive all the people mad. He was forbidden to preach ; 
but he continued to do so, believing it right to obey God, 
and he was consequently imprisoned. He now began 
preaching to the prisoners, who were numerous, with simi- 
lar effects ; so that the only alternative was to release him, 
and send him back to Bethelsdorp. He ever considered it 
an honour to have been in bonds for Christ's sake. 

When the Missionaries for Lattakoo arrived in Africa, 
Stoffles accompanied them to their station through the 
country of the wild Bushmen, to many of whom he was 
the first to convey the glad tidings of salvation. He assisted 
in the opening of the Lattakoo Mission, and remained there 
four years. To the Missionaries, who placed the fullest 
confidence in him, he rendered essential service. He pos- 
sessed such a knowledge of the native character, that the 
brethren could always beneficially consult him. He tra- 
velled with them to all the towns and villages of the 
Bechuanas, accompanied the minister Campbell, on his 
second journey to Kurachana ; and minister Miles, through 
Kafiraria to the Tambookie country ; he likewise travelled 




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much with Dr. Philip. In all these journeys, though often 
wearied with the work of the day, he never retired to rest 
without singing a hymn and prayer. 

Stoffles was a true patriot ; his concern for the welfare of 
his country increased with his years, and he entered with 
earnestness and intelligence into every subject connected 
with it. He felt keenly the degraded condition of his 
people, who had lost their hereditary lands, their property, 
and their freedom ; and his mind was constantly engaged 
in considering the means by which it could be improved. 
When the Hottentots gained their civil liberties, his joy 
was extreme, and when government offered them land at 
Xat River, though it involved at first great hardship and 
privation, yet as he thought it was for his country's good, 
he was the first to go and take possession of what he termed 
the Hottentots' Land of Canaan. He subsequently de- 
voted himself entirely to the welfare of the settlement, and 
the people at the several locations all regarded him as their 
friend, their guide, and their defender. 

His services, in reference to the spiritual concerns of 
the people at Kat River, were also highly important. Until 
a Missionary came to that part of Africa, Stoffles, with the 
assistance of other pious natives, conducted the services on 
the Sabbath, and every evening in the week. He after- 
wards acted as deacon of the community of Hottentot 
Christians at Philiptown, where 400 were united in fellow- 
ship ; and with great benefit to the people, he watched 
over the flock with great zeal, faithfulness, and activity. 
He conducted the prayer meetings with marked propriety, 
and his addresses on those occasions produced the happiest 
effects among his countrymen. 

Stoffles and his family were the first settlers at the Kat 
River ; and for the prosperity of the settlement, his expe- 
rience, abilities, infiuence, and efforts, were constantly em- 
ployed, especially in promoting education, and extending 
to every location the advantages of religious instruction. 



r 



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In common with all the inhabitants of this important settle- 
ment, he mourned over the disastrous effects of the unjust, 
capricious, and arbitrary detention of the Missionaries 
from their station, after the termination of a war with the 
Kafirs, which prevented them resuming their labours of 
love and usefulness. To ask from the equity and honour- 
able feeling of the government at home, a remission of this 
decree, and the privilege of their return, which had been 
denied by the Governor in the colony, was one of his prin- 
cipal objects in visiting Great Britain. 

Early in 1836, Stoffles embarked for England, in com- 
pany with Dr. Philip, James Read, jun., and Jan Tzatzoe, 
the Kafir chief; and arrived in London in the fifth month. 
Besides being desirous of exerting himself in England on 
behalf of his country ; he wished to see, he said, and be- 
come acquainted with, the people by whom the Gospel had 
been sent to their Heathen land ; and to express his grati- 
tude to them for the inestimable blessing. These objects 
he effected, but not to the extent which he desired. Before 
the Aborigines Committee of the House of Commons, he 
stated the grievances of his afiiicted countrymen, and pro- 
duced a strong impression in favour of their claims and his 
own. To the friends of missions, in various parts of the 
kingdom, his animated and eloquent addresses, joined with 
his fervent, unaffected piety, afforded the highest interest, 
and the most hallowed delight. 

But his health soon began to decline, principally owing 
to the hostile influence of the climate. It was recommended 
that he should leave England immediately, and towards the 
conclusion of the year he embarked for Africa, accompa- 
nied by J. Read, jun., and E. Williams. At the com- 
mencement of the voyage, his health apparently rallied ; 
but after crossing the line, a relapse followed, and on his 
arrival at the Cape, he sunk rapidly, and died in the early 
part of 1837, aged about 60 years. 

In his dying hoiurs, his mind was calm and resigned. He 








a €n\ivk &t % jBtgrn. 



had never» he said, enjoyed more of the presence of God, 
his Saviour^ than during the voyage. When he ceased to 
anticipate recovery > he expressed regret at not being spared 
" to go and tell his people what he had seen and heard in 
England. He would go and tell his story in Heaven, but 
he thought they knew more there than he could tell them.** 

The death of Stoffles was lamented by multitudes of the 
natives, both within and beyond the colony ; the people of 
Elat river were scarcely to be comforted, and it was feared 
by some that his wife and daughter, who were exceedingly 
attached to him, would faU sacrifices to their grief. But 
many prayers were offered on their behalf, that their deep 
affliction might bring forth abundantly the peaceable firuits 
of righteousness. 

In personal appearance, Andries Stoffles was of middle 
stature, stout, and robust, but active, with a countenance 
remarkably intelligent and expressive. The portrait of him 
in the engraving facing the title page of this volume, in 
which he is represented seated at the table, is said to be an 
exceedingly good one. 




EXTBACT OF A LETTEB FBOX 70HK CAKDLBB. 

Jamaica, 1840. 
In the afternoon we reached Spanish Town. An Anti- 
Slavery Convention of delegates from the whole island, met 
the next morning, and a public meeting was held in the 
evening in the Baptist Chapel, attended by about 2000 
persons, the main body of it consisting of lately emancipated 
Slaves. It was a meeting of amazing interest. Imagine a 
platform in the capital of Jamaica, the chair occupied by a 
great planter, a member of the Legislative Council, sur- 
rounded by Missionaries of several denominations, mem- 
bers of the Established Church, some of the Society of 
Friends, and planters of large property, who lately pos- 
sessed nimierous Slaves, and who now rejoice in the change 






V •<•< 



_ _-s 






a €iMt fat tjit Jlignr. 




from Slavery to Freedom* Before usj in the body of the 
chapel and the spacious galleries, a dense crowd of men 
and women of all colours, admirably attired, and behind 
the platform, tier upon tier of intelligent Black men, from 
the neighbouring properties, who had come in troops to 
enjoy the pleasures of the evening, and respond to the ob- 
servations that pleased them* Some of the speeches were 
excellent, particularly those of Capt. Stuart, Wm. Knibb, 
John Clarke ; and J. J* Gumey's pointed address to the 
Black people fixed their attention deeply. They are a 
very shrewd people. 




GBATSFTTL SLAVES. 

The more I have seen of the Negroes in Jamaica, writes 
Dr. Madden, and observed their conduct, the more reason 
I have to think that they are naturally a good-humoured, 
easily-contented, kind-hearted race, amply disposed to ap- 
preciate kind treatment and to be grateful for it. Of their 
disposition to appreciate benefits, even in the trifling way 
I have endeavoured to be serviceable to them, by protect- 
ing them from injustice to the best of my poor ability, I 
have had proofs enough of their grateful feelings towards 
me. One poor fellow of the name of Cochrane came to me 
the other day to take leave of me : I had never rendered 
him the slightest service, but I had been civil to him, and 
he had been in the habit of coming to my house* He took 
leave of me with tears in his eyes : Dr. Chamberlaine was 
present : he took me aside and put a paper into my hand, 
which he said was a small present, which he hoped I would 
accept, to think of him when I was gone. I opened the 
paper, and to my surprise, I found it contained three 
Spanish doubloons, (equal to £10. sterling). I cannot de- 
scribe what I felt in assuring this poor Negro I did not 
need his gold to remember him and his race with kindly 
feelings. It was with difficulty I could prevail on him to 








a '^nMt fat tin Jltgra^ 



take it back. He turned away abruptly from me^ and that 
night I had a kid sent to me, which he sent me word he 
hoped might be of use to me on my voyage home. 

Two days ago, an old man, whom I had never seen be- 
fore, entered the gate as I was going out, and addressed 
me in Arabic, he was a native of Africa, and he presented 
a pair of ducks, which he said he brought for me a long 
way, to make part of my sea stock. He seemed to think I 
was a friend to his countrymen, and he wished to prove to 
me that he was grateful for it. I accepted the old man's 
ducks, with more gratification than, perhaps, a European 
minister ever felt at receiving a diamond snuff-box from the 
Sultan. In short, for the last week, I have been receiving 
more presents of fruit and poultry than I know what to do 
with. In every instance in which I have been able to ren- 
der any service to a Negro, I have found him mindful of 
it, and fkr more grateful for it than I could have expected. 



8IXE0K WILHSLX 

Was bom on the west coast of Africa, about the year 1800, 
and was received when nine years old into the Missionary 
School at Bashia. He manifested a teachable, gentle, af- 
fectionate disposition, had a pleasing countenance, and was 
much gratified with the pains taken to instruct himself and 
other African children in knowledge and religion. About 
the year 1815, he was baptized, and had the name of Si- 
meon Wilhelm given to him, after the missionary Wilhelm, 
who was much attached to him. 

In 1816, Edward Bickersteth visited the Settlements of 
the Church Missionary Society in Africa, and staid some 
time at Bashia. " The more I saw of Simeon," says he, 
" the more I was pleased with him, and as he desired to 
visit England, that he might qualify himself to be usefrd 
to his countrymen, it appeared that I might be really serv- 
ing the cause of religion by taking him to England. His 









% €n\aAt for tin 35Bgrn. 



383 




heart bounded within him, and his eyes beamed with joy and \^ 
thankfulness, when I told him he might go with me. He ^' "^ 



promised to do everything that I wished^ and he never 
broke this promise." 

The African youth set sail with his kind preceptor in 
1816. " During our passage," writes the latter, " we often 
sang hymns together, in a retired part of the deck ; and I 
had frequently interesting conversation with him. The 
weather was, in general, very favourable ; but towards the 
end of the voyage it became stormy. On the 13th of 
August, in particular, we had a very stormy night ; but 
Simeon did not seem in any way alarmed or agitated. 
He slept in my cabin, and I talked with him on our danger ; 
but he seemed wholly to rely on God, committed himself 
to his protection at bed-time, and soon fell asleep. 

After arriving in England, Edward Bickersteth being 
himself too much occupied to superintend his education, 
the offer of F. Cunningham, Vicar of Pakefield, to instruct 
him in useful knowledge, and prepare him to become a 
blessing to his countrymen, was gladly accepted. He so- 
journed under the hospitable roof of that gentleman for 
some time, where his conduct gave great satisfaction, 
but his health soon required his being removed, and he 
was admitted into the National School in Shoe-lane, where 
he soon rose to the first class. Here he was attacked with 
a pulmonary complaint, and as it was feared the climate of 
this country would not suit his constitution, it was pro- 
posed that he should return to Africa, and his physician 
informed him of it. He expressed a very strong desire to 
remain in England, and as he cheerfully resigned his life 
to God, it was thought best to indulge him with staying. 
He gradually recovered from this sickness : and his gratir 
tude, exemplary conduct, meek and affectionate spirit, in- 
creased the love of those about him. 

" His general behaviour," says E. Bickersteth, " was 
truly exemplary. Those who had the happiness of seeing 









a tribute for tjit J^tgrn. 








it, will never forget his meek, gentle, and afFectionatespirit. 
He was grateful for the least kindness* His ardent attach- 
ment to myself, the way in which his eye followed me when 
I at any time left home, and the manner in which he wel- 
comed me on my return, showed how sensible he was of 
the least kindness. He was always very attentive when 
the Scriptures were explained, and heartily joined when a 
psalm or hymn was sung. We found it sometimes useful 
to refer, when reading the Scriptures, to parallel passages. 
Those who first found these passages, read them aloud. 
Simeon was frequently, if not generally, the first, on these 
occasions, being well acquainted with his Bible.'* 

Arabic being understood by the Mandingoes, on the 
western coast of Africa, and the knowledge of it giving an 
ascendancy in their opinion, Simeon began to learn Arabic ; 
and had made, before his death, considerable progress in 
reading and writing that language. He had also begim to 
learn Latin. 

His worthy preceptor requested him to endeavour occa- 
sionally, to write on any texts which he might choose, such 
sermons as he would wish to address to his countrymen 
when he should return to Africa. I regret that space will 
not allow the insertion of some of these, indicating as they 
do a clear discernment of the gospel, and of its powerful 
influence on the mind of this African youth ! Several let- 
ters he wrote show where his treasure and his heart were. 
" Oh, may I fear the Lord," he writes, *' that he may teach 
me, above all, to love Him and keep his commandments. 
May the Lord deliver me from the vanity of my own 
heart, and entirely keep me from the world, and not let 
me be a mere professor of religion, but a doer of it ! &c. 

When he became, from increasing weakness, confined to 
his bed, the servants of the family waited on him with un- ^s^ 
wearied affection. He was attended by medical men, who 
strove to recover him to health and usefulness, but in vain. 
The Missionary, Henry C. Decker, watched over himwit^ 






^ 



s 





-'i' »• 



^;'' 





ia €rilHtti fat tji? Mt^n. 



385 




the most constant and kind attention^ and his copious notes 
made during his last ilbiess^ furnish an interestingly affect- 
ing view of the gradually closing scene. 

" Simeon/' he says, " delighted in prayer, and in hearing 
the Bible read to him ; and reminded me of a tender lamb, 
which the faithful Shepherd bears in his arms, and nurses 
in his bosom. I asked him sometimes if he was comforted 
in his mind. 'Can you think on the Saviour?' *Yes.' 
* Have you hope that your sins are forgiven you ? ' ' O 
yes ! — He has shed his blood for me.' " 

" He was very grateful for every thing that was done for 
him. He desired me one day to read some chapters in the 
Bible. I read the 3rd and 17th chapters of John, and 
made some remarks on them. After being silent about 
half an hour, he said : ' True repentance ! pardoning grace! 
sanctification ! ' — and frequently repeated these words. I 
asked him if he wanted anything. He answered : ' No ! 
I must be silent and pray. I have very much to think re- 
specting true repentance.* He was, through the night, 
very silent, and much occupied in prayer." 

One morning H. D. having prayed with him, he prayed 
beautifully himself at some length. *' I was very glad to 
hear this prayer," says H. D., " and was obliged to retire 
for some minutes, in order to give free course to my tears 
of gratitude to the Lord, for the grace given to this dear 
youth. He was all the day very quiet and patient, not- 
withstanding the increase of his fever. He expressed him- 
self as being happy, and able to think on the Saviour and 
his love ; but added, * I have much to think respecting con- 
version : therefore I want to be silent, and to pray in ray 
thoughts.' 

" Simeon's illness continued to increase. When I some- 
times spoke to him, he would say, ' I must be silent : I 
have much to think on, and to pray for. I must be really 
converted.' The Holy Spirit seemed to be more and more 
preparing him for his heavenly mansion. After I had 





8d 








% Criktttt fiir tilt Jltgrn. 



communicated something comfortable to him, he remaiked, 
with a smiling countenance, * That is a joyful message/ — 
meaning it was adapted to his state — * I am comfortable, I 
feel no pain, all is over, I pray only that I may love the 
Saviour more, who is so kind to me.' It was delightful to 
see him so happy. He found it a great comfort, that he 
had physicians, who not only provided him with medicines 
for the body, but spoke to him concerning his soul. 

" He one day asked for some paper, and tried to write ; 
but being too weak to hold the pen, he said : * Mr. Decter, 
tell the boys atBashia,' naming four of them, 'that Simeon 
is going to the Saviour in heaven ; but he prays with his 
dying lips to the Lord, that they may turn with all their 
hearts to Jesus, and may be really converted by the power 
of the Holy Spirit. He begs them to give over all their 
hearts to him, that none of them, by remaining in imbelief 
and sin, may be lost ; but that all, as true believers, may 
meet with him in heaven.* " On his friend's saying, " Simeon, 
you are very happy ; you will in a short time see the Sa- 
viour in whom you have believed, and be a partaker of his 
glory :" raising his voice, he exclaimed : " O Saviour, come ! 
O Lord Jesus ! take me homd to Thee ; I want to be with 
Jesus ! — ^You go to Africa, and I to heaven ; but we are 
united in Christ." He afterwards said : ** O Lord ! look 
with thy compassion on a poor Negro lying here ! O Lord ! 
hear the prayer of a dying Negro, and convert my country- 
men ! send true preachers to them. Take me to heaven. 
Lord Jesus ! " All present were moved to tears. 

About two o'clock, on the morning of his death, he 
asked for some refreshment ; when he had ate and drank, 
he said cheerfully : " This is the last time — ^I want no more 
— I shall go to my Saviour in heaven." He then poured out, 
with a loud and distinct voice, a fervent prayer for himself, 
for his relatives, for his countrymen, and for all his friends 
and benefactors. He spoke continually of the joy of 
being for ever with the Lord. About nine, he said to a 




•^ 



W$^<^ 





^€*^ 



sm 




a ^rilrafe firr tin Mtita. 



companion, *' pray for Siineon, that the Lord may give him 
patience/* He then fell into a slumber ; and aboat ten 
o^cIock, after an illneas of six weeks, he calmly fell asleep 
in Jesus* 

One of the kindiriends who had been a good deal with 
him during his last illness, and witnessed his final close, 
observed, in a letter written soon after : — " This young 
African died, under the most clear, decided, and powerful 
influence of divine grace. His Christian intelligence and 
tenderness charmed every one around him. His love to his 
poor country was ardent, and his prayers unceasing. His 
death has deeply impressed all of us who witnessed it* We 
have had many anxious hours in this house respecting 
Africa ; but God has placed before our eyes a scene, which 
is a full reward for all that we have felt and feared. These 
first-fruits gathered home to God assure us that an abun- 
dant harvest will follow." 

John Cooper, a brother-in-law of EL Bickersteth's, says : 
— *' I visited Simeon occasionally during lus illness ; but 
within the last week of his life, I saw him daily, and sat 
up with him part of the two nights preceding the last. He 
was usually in a serene and heavenly state of mind* At 
every interview, I was constrained to admire the grace of 
God in him. I cannot repeat all that he said on these oc- 
casions ; but it was expressive of that humble and believing 
state of mind, and that lively hope and longing to be with 
Christ, which the Christian, who has borne the burden and 
heat of the day for half a century, might rejoice to expe- 
rience when he comes to die." 




L0VI8 DE8B0VLEAVX. 



Pinsum, a captain in the Slave Trade, and a Planter of 
St. Domingo, had a confidential Slave, whom he was per- 
petually flattering with the hope of speedy freedom ; but 
the more pains he took to render himself useful^ the more 








a €n\ivk for tift Mt^n. 



firmly were his fetters rivetted. Louis Desrouleaux, whose 
schemes for obtaining his liberty rendered him very 
economical and laborious, soon amassed funds more than 
sufficient to purchase his freedom. He offered them with 
transport for the purchase of his independence, which had 
been so often promised him. " I have too long traded with 
the blood of my fellow-creatures/' said his master, in a 
tone of humiliation ; " be free ; you restore me to myself." 

Pinsum, whose heart had been rather led astray than 
corrupted, now sold all his effects, and embarked for France 
with great riches ; but in a few years lost all and returned 
to St. Domingo. Those who, when he was rich, called 
themselves his friends, now took very little notice of him ; 
but his emancipated Slave, who had acquired a fortune by 
his industry, now supplied the place of his former friends. 
Hearing of the situation of his old master, he hastened to 
find him, and gave him lodging and food. Perceiving him, 
however, unhappy, he proposed that he should return again 
to France, and reside where his feelings would not be mor- 
tified by the sight of ungrateful men. *' My gratitude will 
follow you," said the Negro, embracing his old master, 
*' here is a contract for an annual income of 1500 livres.** 

Pinsum wept for joy ; the annuity was always paid be- 
forehand ; and some presents, as tokens of friendship, often 
accompanied it, until the death of Louis Desrouleaux, in 
1774. 










' , 



ii 



I 



PBIHCE GAGAHGHA ACQVA. 

A BRIEF NOTICE OP PRINCE OAGANGHA EMANUEL ACQUA, SON OP ACQUA, KIKG 
OP THE CAilARONES, COMMUNICATED IN A LETTER TO THE AUTHOR BT 
JOHN BURTT. 

London, 5th of 2nd Mo., 1848. 
My Dear Friend, L^ 

Amidst the attempts which have been made to depress !"^ 
the African character, by exhibiting it as incapable of im- 
provement, it becomes not only an agreeable, but an 













a (Krikate fiir t^ jgtgrn^ 



imperative duty, to adduce evidence of an opposite nature ; 
and to show that circumstances, whether their influences 
be good or evil, operate no less powerfully on the sable in- 
habitants of a tropical climate, than on the natives of more 
northern latitudes, where opportunities have been employed 
to remove the ignorance of uncivilized man, and to invest 
him with the glorious light of religion and science. How 
has it raised the brutal to the rational — the degraded to 
the noble — the idolatrous to the Christian character ! 
What was once the condition of Druidical Britain, when, 
in the most barbarous manner, parents sacrificed their off- 
spring to senseless deities ? And to what can her present 
position amongst the nations be attributed, but to that 
expansion of knowledge, human and divine, with which she 
has been pre-eminentiy favoured by the providence of 
Him who hath made of one blood all tiie inhabitants of 
the earth ? 

These observations are naturally suggested by an out- 
line of the history and character of Prince Gagangha 
Emanuel Acqua, who, in 1833, having obtained permis- 
sion of his father, the King of the Camarones, to visit 
Cuba, embarked on board a Spanish schooner, as he him- 
self expressed it, " to see the White man's country." The 
vessel was freighted with a cargo of Slaves, probably in 
part supplied by Acqua's father, who, like himself, had 
been brought up in the odious traffic in human beings. 
She was pursued and taken by an English man-of-war, on 
board of which the Prince was detained about five months, 
and was deprived of 300 dollars, the whole of what he had 
brought for his travelling expenses. 

Such a privation excited an imfavourable feeling on the 
part of the sufferer, who could not clearly understand that 
the fact of his having been met with onboard a Slave-ship, 
was, to say the least, a circumstance of strong suspicion of 
wrong doing. While on board this vessel, he assisted in 
capturing two other ships engaged in the same iniquitous 







traffic, rme of which waa freighted with 646 of his miaer- I '•' 
able countrymen. Acqua was taken to Jamaica, ham >. 
whence he proceeded to England, hoping to obtain a free 
passage to Sierra Leone or Fernando Po. He was probably '. 
encouraged in this hope not only by reflecting on his rank 1 1 
aa an African Prince, but as being the son of a chief whose | 
liberality to our countrymen was well known in his gratai- I 
tons supplies of provisions to the English captuus on the ' 
coast of Fernando Po. I 

On reaching Portsmouth, destitute of money, the Board | 
of Admiralty furnished him with the means of proceeding "' 
to London, where, having letters of introduction from | 
several naval officers, he became a recipient of those ,, 
kindly attentions which weli-reconuneoded foreigners meet 
with in the British metropolis. Here, amongst others, he ' 
found a warm benefactor in Joseph Phillips, formerly of ', 
Antigua, now a magistrate in the West Indies. Under bis |, 
roof Prince Acqua waa entertained in the kindest manner, '. 
while wailing for an opportunity to return to his own ' 
country. During bis stay of some months in London, he 
was under constant anxie^ to be restored to his family 
connexions ; which was rendered more intense by his pes- 
petual fear, that they would be distressed with & belief 
that he had met with an untimely end. Thus, the feelings 
of filial affection wrought powerfully on his yet untutored 
mind, and evidenced the possession of moral qualities, which 
his Christian friends felt it incumbent on them to cultivate 
for the augmentation of his own happiness, as well as ftn 
the benefit of those who might hereafter fall within the 
sphere of his influence. 

It is probable that until his arrival in England he bad 
seldom associated with such aa recognize any feeling of jus- 
tice towards his oppressed countrymen, or any desire to > Ws) 
promote the cause of humanity where it might interfere 
with their own sordid interest. Trained in early life to 
supply the Slave Captains with the victims of their avarice. 



m 






% €rilnib far tjit jltgni. 



his mind had necessarily been brutalized by a system which 
comprises every description of cruelty and fraud ; never- 
theless, amidst the gloom of ignorance^ of guilt, and super- 
stition, the rudiments of future usefulness were discernible ; 
and, from the judicious care he now experienced, it may 
be hoped that his visit to our shores has already proved an 
event of substantial benefit. 

At the period referred to, I frequently saw him at my 
own house, or at the residence of Joseph Phillips. We 
perambulated many parts of the metropolis t(^ether, when 
every faculty would at times appear to be absorbed in ad- 
miration and astonishment ; and it required some care not 
to overcharge his mind with those sudden transitions, which, 
from the intensity of excitement, might prove almost over- 
whelming. Under the dome of the cathedral^ while sur- 
veying its magnificent roof, he was feu: from being insensible 
of that sublimity of feeling which has generally been con- 
sidered incompatible with the African intellect There, I 
observed the hand which had probably set fire to many a 
Negro hut, and seized and bound the terrified inhabitant, 
itself bound as by the spell of some power hitherto un- 
known ; and which, placed on his temples, seemed for a 
time perfectly disabled by the sudden rush of new and 
multitudinous ideas that evidently oppressed him. The 
same effect was observable when from the summit of the 
monument he was shown the habitations of two millions of 
human beings. On such occasions he would for some mo- 
ments appear incapable of articulation, only manifesting 
his feelings by a peculiar expression of the countenance, 
presently followed by some such expressions as these — 
" Ah ! White men know everything ; I cannot speak what 
I think." 

Prince Acqua more and more highly appreciated Euro- 
pean knowledge ; and I well recollect, while upon the lofty 
column already named, he was not only greatly affected with 
the stupendous scene, but at that juncture in particular, 







a €nMt firr tju 3lfgtn. 




Hv' 






he was earnest in soliciting me to go home with him 
to instruct the Camarone people in useful learning, as- 
suring me that I should be liberally rewarded in the best 
products of the soil ; and judging from an observation which 
I once heard him make in connection with the superior 
attainments of Europeans over his own countrymen, the 
schoolmaster is indeed wanted in his father's dominions* 
Their mode of accounting for our superiority is, by sup- 
posing that at the creation, " White men*' were made of 
the best material, while the refuse only had been used in 
the formation of our sable brethren* In his own countiy, 
when anything of peculiar excellence was exhibited, he 
said it was common to view it as the immediate workman- 
ship of a divine hand ; " but now," he exclaimed with evi- 
dent delight, " I have myself seen such things made by 
men." Such expressions were interesting as throwing a 
light on our species when in an imcivilized state ; but the 
following account which he gave of the manner of supply- 
ing the White traders vrith their victims is truly affecting. 
It naturally leads to the sad reflection, how deplorable it 
is that professing Christians should occasion the horrible 
outrages on humanity which are daily perpetrated. 

" We take many men," said he, " who can shoot : my 
father has forty hundred men who can use guns which he 
has bought. We walk many days imtil we come near, and 
then only walk at night, and enter the village. A few men 
fire their guns ; the people awake and run out ; we fire 
and kill a few, and surprise them all during their fright. 
We take as many as we can away, and drive them before us 
tied together, and sell them to the factors. We give them a 
man for a gun ; sometimes for hatchets and clothes. It is 
wrong to sell a man, but they (the White Christians) will 
have nothing else for their guns and clothes. It is your arC-) 
fault that we sell him : you do more wrong than we do, 
because you know better. You have the Book ; you 
know God, &c." 



^ 




'-■^Ai/^- 









(kUlJ) 





% a^rihiib for tlji J^tgrn^ 



It was interesting to witness the gradations by which the 
cheering beams of intelUgence occupied the former abodes 
of ignorance and superstition. After being shown many 
mechanical operations, he was conducted through various 
exhibitions of natural history, antiquities, &c. ; and while 
enjoying the rich gratification afforded by the British Mu- 
seum, I found ample opportunity for observing the gifts, 
which, although long uncultivated, had been liberally be- 
stowed on this our sable brother by the common parent of 
mankind. At the same time I rejoiced in the assurance 
that in England at least, he had a circle of friends, who, 
during his continuance amongst them, were anxious so to 
exercise his various faculties, that they might be as per- 
fectly developed as circumstances would allow. In the 
British Museum, Acqua, with much interest, drew my at- 
tention to specimens of ingenuity brought from his own 
coimtry, which he quickly discovered ; and the readiness 
with which he comprehended my explanations of things 
hitherto unknown, afforded abundant evidence that his 
stock of general knowledge was not only increasing, but that 
correct views on the most important subjects were also 
taking possession of his mind. Pointing out some of the 
idols of Fernando Fo, he showed his sense of the absurdity 
of holding them in reverence by emphatically remarking 
that if they were Gods they would not suffer themselves 
to be taken captive, and be there confined within the nar- 
row precincts of a house. 

An excitement arising from anxiety to return home 
operated against any systematic mode of instruction which 
Frince Acqua might otherwise have received, yet his ac- 
quirements of a religious nature were satisfactorily pro- 
gressing. The following anecdote was related to me by my 
friend Jeremiah Wiffin, the elegant translator of Tasso : — 

The prince having been taken to two places of public 
worship, described what he saw and felt in a manner which 
proved his attention and discrimination. Having taken his 



6 E 








51 (Krihttti for tjif Mtitn. 




seat in the place to \?luch he was first introduced, he ob- 
served the air of indifference with which several came in and 
walked to their seats : to him, he said, some appeared proud 
and haughty, and others light and inattentive ; but little 
seriousness being discernible. The music, he said, pro- 
duced no effect on his mind but an inclination to dance. 
At the second place to which he was taken, he said he saw 
a number of persons sitting in a serious frame of mind, 
amongst whom he soon became serious himself. Presently 
one of them arose, and spoke in a manner which he said 
appeared ** wonderful" ; his spiritual condition being so 
clearly addressed as forcibly to remind him of his former mns, 
and to convince him ** how wicked he was.'* His conscience 
was so powerfully awakened, that in a humble state of 
mind, yet with an originality of expression which was com- 
mon to him, he declared to his friends that he had been 
wholly subdued. " The preacher," said he, " gave me a 
great blow, and knocked me down." 

During his stay in London, Prince Acqua was introduced 
to Lord John Russell, and to that indefatigable friend of 
the African, Thos. Fowell Buxton. The latter, amongst 
other marks of attention, presented him with a case furnished 
with the necessary apparatus for writing, and having the 
following inscription engraved on a plate : — 

GAOANGHA EMANUEL ACQUA, 

PRINCE BOYAL OF THE CAMAROKES IN AFRICA. 

THIS CASE WAS PRESENTED TO HIM WHEN IN ENGLAND, 

NOV. 10, 1882, 

BY THOMAS FOWELL BUXTON, ESQ., 

MEMBER OF THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT, 

THE FAITHFUL ADVOCATE FOR THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE 
AND SLAVERY THROUGHOUT THE WORLD. 



'i V. 



<^^ 



f 

Considerable pains were taken to imbue the mind of Ac- .^^^ 
qua with a due regard to the natural rights of man, and the [^'] ; 





^UJ) 





a €xMi for tin jSfgni. 



importance of treating all our fellow creatures with justice 
and humanity ; and it was a great satisfaction that he who 
had been trained to cruelty, and made familiar with atro- 
city and bloodshed, became so far a convert to the cause of 
right, as to declare his sense of the evils of Slavery, and to 
condemn the traffic in men as a system of the grossest ini- 
quity. Whilst lamenting that his own people took part 
in supporting it, he justly complained of those European 
nations which employed their capital in perpetuating its 
horrors ; stating that scarcely a White man who visited his 
native shores was worthy of being trusted : that they op- 
posed every measure for instructing his countrymen, the 
more easily to impose on their ignorance. " Only one," 
said he, '' of all the captains who have had transactions with 
my father has been a good man." All the rest he charged 
with having deceived and robbed either the king or his 
people ; who, degraded as they are, nevertheless earnestly 
desire improvement. 

For the purpose of being educated, two of Acqua's 
brothers had formerly been confided to the care of a Liver- 
pool merchant of high standing ; instead of which he em- 
ployed them in manual labour several years, and finally 
sent them back nearly as ignorant as they were on the 
day of their arrival ; by which dishonest conduct the laud- 
able intentions of their father were cruelly defeated. 

With a vivid recollection of such treatment, the prince 
naturally feared that his long absence from his native land 
would create in his father's mind painful apprehensions for 
his safety. Alas ! alas ! what confidence can the untaught 
African place in the refined, the intelligent, the highly 
professing European ! 

Prince Acqua was partially acquainted with the English, 
Spanish, and Portuguese languages. His complexion was 
of a jet black ; and scientific men much admired the 
organic structure of his head. His general bearing was 
also considered to indicate a degree of conscious superiority ; 








% €n\aAt far t^ $mu. 



0^ - 










and, notwithstanding the disadvantages of his early train- 
ings he was remarkably humane towards the poor ; which 
was once particularly evinced when we met with an in- 
dustrious artisan^ whose wages were inadequate to his 
wants* With a countenance full of commiseratioDi he 
solemnly uttered these expressive words^ '^ God Almighty 
does not like it to be so.'* Deeply interesting and instruc- 
tive were many of his expressions^ characterized as they 
often were with energy, originality, and native simplicity ; 
and I may here observe that the solicitude which had been 
felt for his welfare during a visit of some months, was not 
diminished by his departure for Sierra Leone ; to which 
place a free passage was granted by the Government. 

Prince Acqua left England near the end of 1832; and 
by a letter from Captain Stevens dated " Sierra Leone, the 
22nd of Jan., 1833," we received many gratifjring particu- 
lars respecting him ; especially his grateful acknowledg- 
ments of the kindness he had received in London; of 
which he requested the Captain to say he could not find 
sufficient words to express the fullness of his feeling. Sa- 
tisfactory mention was also made of his continued progress 
in useful learning, and his desire to adhere to the instruc- 
tions which had been bestowed upon him. Captain Stevens 
likewise expressed his belief that if Acqua should continue 
to cherish the feelings and principles which then actuated 
him, he would prove instrumental in promoting the cause 
of human happiness in his own country. 

To so true a friend of the Coloured people as thyself, I 
need make no apology for the length of this letter, the 
tenor of which appears to harmonize with thy " Tribute 
for the Negro," and to corroborate the opinion entertained 
by thee of the capacity of the African for receiving moral 
and intellectual improvement. Prince Acqua arrived in ^ 
England ignorant, superstitious, and vitiated ; the natural 
result of disadvantages which had ever attended him ; but 
after a few months of judicious management, his range of v 



t^ 



^~ 



^!fm 







31 €nMt for tin Mt^n. 



thought was enlarged and refined; moral and religious 
principles were readily imbibed ; and instead of desiring 
to renew those outrages on humanity to which he had been 
unhappily trained, there was reason to hope that he re- 
turned to his native land, with a sincere disposition to 
labour for its permanent improvement. 

Having now, my dear friend, complied with thy request, 
as far as many interruptions would allow, 

I have only to subscribe myself. 

Friends* Boarding Honse, Affectionately thine, 

Liverpool Sfcwet, London. JOHN BURTT. 



BEHOIT TEE BLACK. 

Benoit the Black, of Palermo, also named Benoit of St. 
Philadelphia, or of Santo Fratello, and sometimes Benoit the 
Moor, was a Negro, the son of a Negress Slave. Roccho 
Pirro, author of the Sicilia Sacra, characterizes him by 
these words : — '' Nigro quidem corpore sed candore animi 
prsBclarisimus quem et miraculis Deus contestatum esse 
voluit." " His body was black, but it pleased God to tes- 
tifiy by miracles the whiteness of his soul.*' 

Historians praise in Benoit that assemblage of eminent 
virtues, which, content to have God only as a witness, 
conceal themselves from the sight of man ; for real virtues 
are mostly silent. Sometimes, however, the modest veil 
which conceals merit is removed, and it is owing to this 
that Benoit has escaped oblivion. He died at Palermo, in 
1589, where his tomb and memory are generally revered. 
Roccho Pirro, Father Arthur, Gravima, and many other 
writers, are full of eulogy concerning this venerable 
Negro. 



BEHJAXIH COCKBAHE. 

" I had a visit very lately," says Dr. Madden, " from 
three Mandingo Negroes, natives of Africa. They could 








6<t ' 




(tyi- 



^ €n\aAt fsst tju jUjgrn* 



all read and write Arabic ; and one of them showed me a 
Koran written from memory by himself. One of them^ 
Benjamin Cockrane^ a free Negro who practised with no 
little success as a doctor in Kingston, was in the habit of 
coming to me on Sundays, to give me information about 
the medical plants and popular medicine of the country ; 
and a more intelligent and respectable person, in every 
sense of the word, I do not know. As an Arabic scholar, 
his attainments are very trifling, but his skill as a Negro 
doctor, one of the English physicians of Kingston assured 
me was considerable. He had lately known him called to 
a young lady, where, with his herbs and simples he had 
effected a successful cure of a serious malady. When he 
comes to me, he drives in his own gig, attended by his ser- 
vant. His history is like that of hundreds of others in 
Jamaica, * except these bonds,* which he, by extraordinary 
industry and good conduct, has managed to shuffle off. I 
took down the heads of his story pretty much in his own 
words, as he related it to me in the presence of the attorney- 
general, to whdm I made him known, likewise to Dr. Cham- 
berlain ; and I believe both these gentlemen will vouch for 
the fact that there is at least one Negro in the world who 
is an intelligent, well-conducted, right-thinking man, and 
not so very nearly connected with the class of brutes, as 
the reverend author of * Annals of Jamaica' would lead us 
to infer. 

''I received a letter, about a month before I left Jamaica, 
from my friend Cockrane. He wished to become a mem- 
ber of the College of Physicians here, and, knowing no 
reason why a Negro should not be admitted, if duly quali- 
fied, I undertook to speak to one of the officers, and as- 
certain if there would be any opposition to his presentation 
as a candidate for examination on the score of complexion, ^^ 
provided he was duly qualified. Had I remained, it was 
my intention to assist him to carry his purpose into 
effect." 



-T- 






C5>H) 





% Crilnife firr tin lltgrn^ 



B08ETTA; THE HEGBO GIBL. 

The following narrative evinces that the Negro character 
is not devoid of either humanity or magnanimity, when 
fairly tested ; and also, that the female of that unjustly de- 
graded race, is as competent to sustain the several charac- 
ters of wife, mother, and friend, in all their endearing 
socialities, as those who assume a much higher standing in 
the great human family. John Minns was bom about the 
year 1770, and received a good, plain, and religious educa- 
tion at " The Friends' School and Workhouse," Clerken- 
well — ^an establishment belonging to the Society, carried 
on in a large old-fashioned mansion, said to have been the 
residence of Oliver Cromwell, or some of his court From 
this establishment, he was placed out as an apprentice to a 
baker, a Friend, of Reading* Having acquired a compe- 
tent knowledge of his business, he absconded from his 
place, for some unknown cause, being then about eighteen 
years of age. 

After considerable search and inquiries instituted by his 
friends, he was given up as lost ; but, to their surprise and 
joy, after sixteen years' hopeless suspense, he was heard 
of, and as carrying on a prosperous business as a baker, in 
one of the Bahama islands. It appears that after so long 
a life of secrecy in exile, his heart began to feel for his aged 
father and the rest of the family, and a strong desire to 
know, should they be still in the land of the living, how 
they fared* Accordingly, he made a confidant of one of 
his friends, who was about to embark for England, and en- 
trusted him with the secret of his history, charging him to 
search out his father, and make known to him that his son 
John was still alive, and give him an outline of his remark- 
able history. From this time a warm and affectionate cor- 
respondence took place between John Minns and his father 
and sister, which was continued during their lives. 

John Minns, after absconding from his apprenticeship, 
engaged himself in some subordinate situation in a ship 








au^. 



31 (Erilrate fiir tjjj 3?egrn. 



about to sail for the West Indies. This was at a period 
when the Slave-trade and Slavery were in the zenith of 
their dark domain, and ruled and reigned over the hearts 
and consciences of every class of men. Being of sober and 
frugal habits, after a few years he acquired a little pro- 
perty, and commenced trading in various articles of mer- 
chandize amongst the islands. 

On one of these expeditions he took his passage on board 
a vessel which foundered off New Providence, one of the 
Bahama islands. On board the same ship there was a 
Slave dealer vnth several Negroes, whom he had to dispose 
of when he should fall in vnth a market suited to his pur- 
pose. Having been some time at sea, the ship sprang a 
dangerous leak, and at length was deserted by the captain 
and crew when about two miles from shore. The Slave 
dealer found it impossible to save the lives of the Negroes 
by means of the ship's boat, which, indeed, was scarcely 
equal to carry the captain and crew, besides some other 
passengers then on board. As a forlorn hope, therefore, 
he took off the manacles from his Slaves, and gave them 
the chance of saving their lives by swimming. By some 
circumstance, whether by accident or design does not ap- 
pear, the boat put off with all the crew and passengers ex- 
cept John Minns, who was left on board the sinking ship. 
Not being able to swim, his distress of mind, on reflecting 
on his hopeless situation, may be more easily conceived 
than described. With the prospect of immediate death 
before him, he endeavoured to resign himself to the will 
of God, and put up a prayer for mercy to his soul. 

It pleased Providence, however, to move the heart of 
one of the female Slaves on board (named Rosetta) to his i 
situation, and to devise means for his preservation. She ' 
procured a feather-bed from one of the berths, and having r^vi 
securely lashed it to his back, she requested him to lower -^ 
himself down the ship's side into the sea, when she would 
assist him to gain the shore. This expedient appeared to 








% €nMt ftr % jl^p. 



401 



John Minns but a forlorn hope, yet^ as no other means 
were at hand| and time was wearing fast away, he submitted 
himself to the generous proposal* His sable benefactress, 
being herself an able and expert swimmer, was soon in the 
sea to assist the poor, helpless, White man, down the ship's 
side. She then laid him gently on the bosom of the un- 
stable element, with the bed attached to his back, and 
haying secured one comer of it between her teeth, she pro- 
ceeded on her perilous voyage, towing her singular cargo 
towards the shore ; and in this way they both reached the 
land in safety. 

After John Minns had devoutly acknowledged the inter- 
position of a kind Providence in his preservation, he en- 
deavoured to devise a suitable retribution to her who had 
been the means of his remarkable escape from impending 
death. He concluded it was his duty, by every means in 
his power, to endeavour to obtain Rosetta's freedom from 
Slavery. Most of the other Slaves had, by great exertion, 
reached the shore ; and, as they were soon in a condition 
to be offered for sale, their owner gave pubUc notice of it 
in the island. John Minns now entered into a negotiation 
for the purchase of Rosetta ; but her cruel owner, instead 
of sympathizing with his feelings, took the advantage of 
asking such an exorbitant price for her as was quite beyond 
his means ; and for some time it was doubtful whether the 
desired change of masters for the meritorious girl could be 
accomplished* Rosetta was aware of these impediments, 
and extremely anxious that they should be surmounted, 
fondly hoping that he whom she had been the means of de- 
livering from a watery grave, would, from motives of gra- 
titude and compassion, be the means of restoring her to 
freedom, and, perhaps, to her endeared connexions in 
Afirica, from whose embraces she had been cruelly torn 
away. 

This was indeed a time of anxious suspense to poor Ro- 
setta ; but at length, to her great joy, the bargain was 



Sf 











a €xMt fer tjie j0egrn. 



concluded ; she found herself in the hands of a kind and 
humane master, and now she neither feared the lash of the 
taskmaster, nor the abuse of the manager. John Minns 
soon afterwards commenced business as a baker at Nassau, 
in the island of New Providence ; and as his trade in- 
creased, he found Rosetta of great advantage to him, not 
only in his business, but in his domestic arrangements. 
Besides a high character for fidelity to her employer, and 
a capacity for domestic duties, she possessed the form and 
figure of an African beauty — ^was young, strong, and active. 

All these circumstances tended to create an attachment 
in his mind towards his faithful servant, and he not only de- 
termined to free her by law from bondage, but also to make 
her his wife. Their marriage, brought about by events of 
so extraordinary a character, was productive of a large 
share of happiness to both parties. They had a family of 
children, and lived for several years in great harmony, until 
Rosetta died in giving birth to an infant. On her death- 
bed she conversed with great composure on her approaching 
end. She spoke very affectionately to her sorrowful hus- 
band, and addressed each of her children separately ; but 
it was supposed she had forgotten the infant, when, after a 
considerable pause, she said, *' And God will be a father to 
the motherless child,** and almost immediately she breathed 
her last. Her loss, as described by her husband, was 
lamented in the neighbourhood where she resided, and her 
funeral was attended by a large concourse of the inhabi- 
tants, rich and poor, black and white, bond and free. Her 
husband always spoke of her with the greatest affection, 
affirming, that during the years she had been his wife, she 
never gave him a moment's pain, nor did he ever receive an 
unkind word from her lips. 

Rosetta Minns used to describe herself as the daughter 
of an African prince ; and it is supposed she was taken 
captive in one of those cruel wars which are fomented be- 
tween the chiefs by European intrigue, for the sake of 



(L^l 






X'. 








a €xMt fhr t|if ^tgrn. 



sharing in the spoil — the prisoners on either side being 
sold into Slavery. She appeared to have, at first, but very 
indistinct views of Christianity, but said that missionaries 
had been amongst her people. On further intercourse with 
Christian society, her mind became expanded and capable 
of receiving the truths of the Gospel in its purity and sim- 
plicity. One of her greatest enjoyments was that of lis- 
tening to the reading of the Bible, and she was accustomed 
to speak in terms of great admiration of the efforts of the 
Bible Society to spread the Scriptures throughout the 
world ; frequently expressing her anxious wish that her 
beloved relatives in her native land might become ac- 
quainted with the contents of that blessed book. 

A trivial circumstance may be noticed here, as charac- 
teristic of the abject feeUng of caste which pervades the 
Negro mind, in regard to the well-known prejudice against 
colour in the Whites. John Minns was once reading to 
his wife a letter which he had received from his sister in 
England, in which the following passage occurred : — " Give 
my love to poor sister." On hearing this, poor Rosetta 
was overcome with gratitude and astonishment, to find that 
a female of another complexion than her own could not 
only love her, but was willing to acknowledge her as a sis- 
ter — at hearing which she broke out into tears. 

John Minns was employed by the Government as baker 
to the King's troops, and was much respected in the island. 
The authorities there had regard to those religious scru- 
ples which he was known to entertain, as respects fighting 
and swearing. He was never required to take an oath, or 
to do military duty, although the law then required every 
man to bear arms, and to be prepared to be called out on 
military service. Free persons of Colour were subjected 
to many privations and indignities, and liable, without clear 
proof of title to freedom, to be reduced to Slavery. It 
was a practice with John Minns, in order to make their 
title to freedom beyond dispute or cavil, to buy a piece of 








% €n\asit fiit tjit Jlegro. 



freehold for each of his children, soon after they were bom, 
taking care to have it legally registered in the name of the 
child. Two of his sons (Men of Colour) were educated in 
England, and were persons of considerable talent ; they em- 
ployed their pen in remonstrating against the unjust restric- 
tions to which the free people of Colour were then subject. 
They were not only debarred the franchise, but their oath^ 
when opposed to the word of a White man, was not re- 
garded in any of the courts of justice, which exposed them 
to much vexation and pecuniary loss from unprincipled and 
litigious persons. Such has been the reformation of late 
years in the jurisprudence of these islands, that Free Per- 
sons of Colour are admitted to all the rights of citizenship. 
It is understood that these two individuals are now in office 
under the Government, and one of them in the commission 
of the peace. 




DI8IVTEBE8TED TB8TIX0VT TO VEGBO ABILITY 

AVD FAITHFULBE88. 

Robert Jowitt, of Leeds, states that he was much pleased 
with an intelligent American gentleman from Virginia, who 
visited England some years ago. In conversing with him 
on the subject of Slavery, he acknowledged it to be a very 
great evil, and that the wretched condition of the State in 
which he resided afforded strong evidence of it ; but he 
considered it a necessary evil, so interwoven with their 
various institutions that it could not by any means be 
abolished. 

We need not be surprised at this gentleman's viewing 
Slavery in this Ught, as he was himself interested in the 
system ; yet on this very ground, his evidence respecting 
the capabilities of the Negro is the more valuable. He 
asserted that he had not the slightest doubt of the equality ^Hn^ 
of the Black and White races ; and moreover, that the in- | \jj^ 
tegrity and faithfulness of some of the Blacks was remark- 
able. As a proof of this, he instanced a Slave he had in 






1 ^riltsh &r tjit jUtgnu 



his own employment at home, who was a most valuable 
assistant to him, and in whom his confidence was unbounded. 




ALSXAVBBS PSTIOV. 

Alexandre Petion, already alluded to in our ** Glance 
at the History of St. Domingo," was one of the first Presi- 
dents of the republic of Hayti. He was a Mulatto, but 
of a very dark complexion, and received his education in 
the militaiy school of Paris. Being a man of cultivated 
understanding, and attractive manners, and moreover, well 
instructed in the art of war, he served in the French, and 
afterwards in the Haytian armies, with success and reputa- 
tion. He was in high esteem as a skilful engineer, in 
which capacity he rendered the most essential service to 
Toussaint and Desalines. 

Petion was a man of fine talents, acute feelings, and 
honourable intentions, but not fully adapted for the station 
he was called upon to fill. The Haytians, just liberated 
from absolute Slavery, without education, habits of thought, 
moral energy, and perfect rectitude of character, so neces- 
sary in a government perfectly republican, stood in need of 
a ruler less kind, gentle, and humane, than Petion. In con- 
sequence of this, his people relaxed in their attention to 
agriculture, his finances became disorganized, and lus coun- 
try impoverished. The unfortunate Petion, disheartened at 
a state of things which he saw no means of remedying, 
sunk into a state of despondency, which ended, it is said, 
in volimtary death. 

Petion was perhaps less beloved in his life^time, than his 
memory has been venerated since his death. High mass is 
said every year for his departed soul, with great pomp and 
circumstance, according to the rites of the Romish church ; 
and the people appear to look back upon him with more 
than a common feeling of kindness and regard, as the father 
and friend of his country. His body, encased in a cofiin. 









% €iMt far tju jl^grn. 



lies in an open cenotaph fronting the government house, 
and by the side of it, that of his only daughter: both 
coffins are occasionally decorated with simple native 
offerings. 

" There is no doubt," says Candler, *' that Petion was a 
patriot, and that he sincerely desired the welfare of Hayti : 
he was greatly averse to the shedding of blood, and had 
often to check the impetuosity and vengeance of the gene- 
rals who commanded under him ; some accounts represent 
him to have starved himself to death through vexation at 
the slow progress of his people towards civih'zation ; this 
may have been the case, as he was of a sanguine tempera- 
ment, and was exceedingly thwarted in some of his plans 
for the public good ; but a physician of Port-au-Prince 
assured me that such was not really the fact, and that he 
died of inanition from natural causes.'* 

An interesting and pleasing trait in the character of Pe- 
tion is exhibited in an anecdote related by the author above 
quoted, with which I shall conclude this brief sketch. *^ In 
1815, a visit of a religious character was paid to some parts 
of Hayti by Stephen Grellet, a native of France, and a min- 
ister of the Society of Friends. Petion, who was at that 
time President of the Island, received him ynth great cor- 
diality, and permitted him to preach to his soldiers from 
the steps of the palace ; himself and his staff attending as 
auditors." 



JAXEB W. C. PEKVIHOTOV. 

The minister of the first Coloured Presbyterian church 
in New York, a man truly exemplary, and of high moral 
and religious standing, is a fugitive from Slavery. His 
parents and grand-parents were stolen from Africa and died 
in Slavery. He was therefore bom a Slave, and remained 
one a considerable portion of his life. Such, in all proba- 
bility, he would have continued to remain, had he not 







I , 



flXJ) 



« '.-. 








ia €nhit fat tin jl^grn* 



effected his escape from the oppressor ; — ^have worn out his 
life in perpetual bondage, and ended his days, like most of 
his race, under the galling yoke of fetters and chains, or 
the smart inflicted by the whip of the unrelenting driver. 
This estimable man, who, in Slavery was degraded to 
nearly a level with the brute, is still liable to be re-enslaved 
according to the laws of the United States. In him we 
have a specimen of what the Slave population consists, and 
a living proof as to how far they are capable of being ele- 
vated, in a moral, intellectual, and religious point of view. 

James W. C. Pennington was bom in Mar)dand,in 1809. 
His grandfather was a Chief of the Mandingoes, and both 
his parents and grand-parents being Negroes, he is of pure 
African blood and descent. He was a Slave until twenty 
years of age, at which period he effected his escape. 

The fugitive first found a shelter at the house of a Friend 
in Pennsylvania, with whom he remained six months. " It 
was while Kving with this Friend," he observes, « and by 
his kind attention in teaching me, that I acquired my first 
knowledge of writing, arithmetic, and geography.'* In these 
he made rapid progress during the six months, at the ex- 
piration of which, it became necessary for his safety to 
remove further north, to be more out of the reach of men- 
stealers. He therefore removed to Long Island. Here, 
he soon felt the loss of his kind Friend and tutor, but he 
was successful in obtaining employment, and remained in 
the service of one gentleman for three years, during the 
whole of which period his scanty leisure was closely occu- 
pied in study. 

Pennington had so far improved himself at the expiration 
of five years from the time of his escape from Slavery, that 
an application was made to him, to teach a small school of 
Coloured children, at New Town, near Flushing, on Long 
Island. Being previously examined by a committee, his 
services were accepted, and he taught the school success- 
fully for two years. 









a ^rilrate &r tin Jligra. 



Having experienced, about three years prior to this 
period, a saving change of mind, and feeling a strong desire 
to become more useful, Pennington removed to New Haven 
in Connecticut, where he obtained a larger school, and also 
entered a Theological Seminary to prepare himself for the 
ministry. Here, he taught and studied history, astronomy, 
algebra, philosophy, logic, rhetoric, and systematic theo- 
logy. At the expiration of three years he returned to 
New Town, renewed his former services there, and being 
also ordained as a minister of the Gospel, he soon gathered 
a flourishing congregation. After labouring here two years he 
was removed to Hartford in Connecticut, where he preached 
eight years, and part of the time also taught a school. 

Pennington has been five times appointed to a seat in 
the General Conventions for the improvement of the Free 
Coloured people. In 1843, he was elected by Connecticut 
State, to attend the World's Anti-Slavery Convention; 
also by the American Peace Society to represent them in 
the World's Peace Convention, both these meetings being 
held the same year in London. On this occasion, he ad- 
dressed the Anti-Slavery Convention at considerable length, 
his speech occupying several closely printed octavo pages 
in the report of the proceedings of that interesting and im- 
portant assembly. It is well expressed, and contains much 
valuable statistical information. Our limits preclude any 
extracts being given* 

During his visit in England, Pennington preached in 
many of the principal chapels of the Independents and other 
Dissenters. He moved on a footing of social and intellec- 
tual equality with the ministers and people of his own 
persuasion; he was, in fact, owing to his abilities as a 
preacher, sought out to supply the pulpits of some of the 
most popular ministers of the day. 

On Pennington's return to America, he was received 
with much favour, and has subsequently exchanged pulpits 
with eight or ten of the leading ministers in Connecticut. 



1 1 
I I 



me^ 



o 

K 






■C^^// Ji^ >■/ r^/Kf-^^ . 



'-£^/^ J£^//<^. 





a ^rilrati for tjit j&Egrn. 



He is a member of the Hartford Central Association of 
Congregational Ministers, which consists of about twenty 
of the leading ministers of that denomination in the State. 
He has been twice elected President of this Association^ in 
which capacity he presided over assemblies composed en- 
tirely of Whites. At a recent meeting at which he was 
chosen President, two young men presented themselves for 
licenses to preach. The rules require the President to 
examine the candidates on experimental religion, Church 
history, and various parts of theology. This he did ac- 
ceptably ; the White candidates were both licensed, and 
their certificates were signed by the Black President. One 
of the young men was a native of Kentucky, a Slave State, 
though not himself a Slave-holder. At the same meeting, 
Pennington was appointed a deputation to the General 
Conference of Congregational ministers of the State of 
Maine. A short time ago, a friend, without his knowledge, 
constituted him a member for life of the American Tract 
Society, by paying the necessary amount of money. 

James W. C. Pennington is now the settled minister of 
the first Coloured Presbyterian church of New York, and 
is a member of the Presbytery. In 1841 he published a 
volume of about 100 pages, 12mo., entitled " A Text Book 
of the Origin and History of the Coloured People." He 
has also published an " Address on West India Emancipa- 
tion," some sermons, &c. When the question of granting 
the privilege of citizens to the Coloured population was 
brought before the people of Connecticut, one of the pub- 
lic papers objected to the measure on the ground that the 
Blacks are inferior to the Whites. Pennington invited a 
public meeting, and refuted the calumny before a very large 
audience of Whites. 

The portrait of this worthy man is engraved from a 
photograph, taken at the gallery of Samuel Topham, of 
Leeds, who kindly allowed the author the use of a duplicate 
he had preserved for himself. 




8g 








% UnhrAt for tjiJ 3&Bgrn. 



leHATIVB 8AVCH0. 

The parents of this interesting Negro were brought from 
Guinea, in a Slave-ship, and he was bom on its passage to 
the Spanish West Indies in 1729. When they arrived at 
Carthagena, he was baptized by the Bishop, who named 
him Ignatius. The change of climate, and other sufferings, 
soon brought his mother to the grave ; and his father being 
doomed to the horrors of Slavery, in a moment of despair, 
put an end to his existence with his own hands. 

The little Slave was not two years old when he was taken 
to England, and presented to three young maiden ladies, 
sisters, who resided at Greenwich. Their prejudices 
against the African had taught them that ignorance was 
the only security for his obedience, and that to enlarge the 
mind of their Slave would only assist in emancipating his 
person. They sumamed him Sancho, from his droll and 
humorous nature, and a fancied resemblance to the Squire 
of Don Quixote, and ever afterwards he called himself 
Ignatius Sancho. 

The Duke of Montague, who was a frequent visitor at 
the house of Sancho's mistresses, admired in the Negro 
boy a native frankness of manner, which, though unrefined 
by education, was yet unbroken by servitude. The Duke 
took an interest in him, and frequently brought him home 
to the Duchess, encouraged his turn for reading with pre- 
sents of books, and urged on his mistresses the duty of cul- 
tivating by education a genius of such apparent fertility. 
But his advice was unheeded by the unfeeling ladies, who 
were inflexible, and even sometimes threatened to return 
the Negro into Slavery. 

At length, on the death of his mistresses, his kind friend 
and patron the Duke of Montague being also deceased, 
the Duchess, who secretly admired his character, admitted 
him into her household, where he remained till she died, 
wlien, through economy and a legacy she left bim, be was 
possessed of £70., and an annuity of £30. This might have 



. r 



O. 









(SKiJi 




a ^^ribttb &i tijt jStgrn. 



enabled him to establish himself respectably in life, but 
being subject to like passions as other men, he fell into 
bad company, and was reduced to suffering. He was re- 
tained a few months at Montague House. That roof had 
been ever auspicious to him ; and the then Duke soon 
placed him about his person, where he became habituated 
to regularity of life. 

In 1773, repeated attacks of gout and constitutional dis- 
ease rendered him incapable of further attendance in the 
family. Having married an interesting and very deserving 
young woman of West Indian origin, his annuity, with the 
assistance of that munificence which had protected him 
through various vicissitudes, enabled him to commence the 
business of a grocer, by which, and his wife's industry, he 
reared a numerous &mily in a life of domestic virtue, which 
gained the public esteem. 

Ignatius Sancho devoted himself earnestly to the cause 
of Negro freedom, and amid the trivial interruptions of a 
shop he also applied himself to study. The muses and the 
poets he imitated with some success ; he constructed two 
pieces for the stage ; the theory of music he discussed, 
published, and dedicated to the Princess Royal ; and paint- 
ing was so much within the circle of his judgment and 
criticism, that Mortimer came to consult him. His repu- 
tation as a wit and humourist were considerable ; and his 
acquaintances of no mean sort; he corresponded with 
Sterne, and it is said that Garrick was very fond of him. 

Two volumes of Sancho's letters were published, with a 
fine portrait of the writer. I cannot with justice omit the 
insertion of a few extracts from them, exhibiting, as they 
do, considerable epistolary talent, rapid and just conception, 
as well as universal philanthropy — demonstrating that a n 
untutored African may possess abilities of no mean order. 
The reader must remember they were not written for pub- 
lication, no such idea being ever entertained by the writer. 
None of them were printed from duplicates preserved by 










% €xMt ht tlu Mt%m. 



himself, but were collected from the various friends to 
whom they were addressed. 

" July 23, 1777. 

"Poor Lady S still lingers this side the world. 

Alas ! when will the happy period arrive that the sons of 
mortality may greet each other with the joyful news, that 
sin, pain, sorrow, and death, are no more ; skies without 
clouds, earth without crimes, life without death, world 
without end ! — ^peace, bliss, and harmony, where the Iiord 
God, all in all, King of kings. Lord of lords, reigneth 

omnipotent — ^for ever ! May you, dear M , and all I 

love, yea the whole race of Adam, join with my unworthy 
self, in the stupendous, astonishing, soul-cheering hallelu- 
jahs ! where charity may be swallowed up in love, hope in 
bliss, and faith in glorious certainty.' 



•» 



" Mr. W has paid the debt to nature : — ^last Sunday 

heaven gained a worthy soul, and the world lost an honest 
man ! a Christian ! a friend to merit ; a father to the poor 
and society ; a man, whose least praise was his wit, and his 
meanest virtue, good humour ; may you, and all I love and 
honour, in God*s good time, join him ! " 

The following is from a letter written to a young man 
who had gone to reside abroad : — 

" Read your Bible ; as day follows night, God's blessing 
follows virtue ; honour and riches bring up the rear, and 
the end is peace. 

" Youth is naturally prone to vanity ; such is the weak- 
ness of human nature, that pride has a fortress in the best 
of hearts. I know no person that possesses a better than 
yourself, but although jflattery is poison to youth, yet truth 
obliges me to confess that your correspondence betrays no 
symptom of vanity, but teems with truths of an honest 
affection, which merits praise, and commands esteem. 



-i"/^ 



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a ^rihtttt for % JiBgrn. 



413 




" In one of your letters, you speak (with honest indig- 
nation) of the treachery and chicanery of the Natives.* 
My good friend, you should remember from whom they 
learnt those vices. The first Christian visitors found them 
a simple, harmless people; but the cursed avidity for 
wealth, urged them and all succeeding travellers to such 
acts of deception, and even wanton cruelty, that the poor 
ignorant Natives soon learnt the knavish and diabolical arts 
which they imbibed from their teachers* 

" I am sorry to observe that the practice of your coun- 
try, (which as a resident I love, and for the freedom and 
many blessings I enjoy in it, shall ever have my warmest 
wishes, prayers, and blessings) ; I say, it is with reluctance 
that I must observe, your coimtry's conduct has been uni- 
formly wicked in the East and West Indies, and on the 
coast of Guinea. Commerce was meant by the goodness 
of the Deity to diffiise the various productions of the earth 
into every part, to unite mankind in brotherly love and 
mutual dependence. The enlightened Christian should 
diffuse the riches of the Gospel of Peace, with the com- 
modities of his respective land. Conunerce attended with 
strict honesty, and with religion for its companion, would 
be a blessing to every shore it touched at. In Africa, 
the poor wretched natives, blessedjwith the most fertile 
and luxuriant soil, are rendered so much the more miser- 
able for what Providence meant as a blessing — the Chris- 
tian's abominable traffic in Slaves, and the horrid cruelty 
and treachery of the petty kings, encouraged by their 
•Christian customers, who carry them strong liquors, to in- 
flame their national madness, and powder and fire arms, to 
furnish them with the means of killing and kidnapping — 
but enough ; — ^it is a subject that sours my blood, and I 
am sure will not please the friendly bent of your social 

* Allusion is here made to the remarks in a letter describing the Blacks 
as a set of canting, deceitful people, who have not such a word as gratitude 
in their language, &c., and will explain the succeeding obserrations. 









a €rilnib fet % JlBgni. 



affections. I mention these only to guard my friend against 
being too hasty in condemning the knavery of a people, 
whoy bad as they may be, possibly were made worse by their 
Christian visitors. 

<< Make human nature thy study wherever thouresidest ; 
whatever the religion, or the complexion, study their 
hearts. Simplicity, kindness, and charity be thy guide ; 
with these even savages will respect you, and God will 
bless you ! 

^* It is with sincere pleasure I hear you have a lucrative 
establishment. Your good sense will lead you to proper 
economy, as distant from frigid parsimony, as from a heed- 
less extravagancy ; but ai you may possibly have dome time 
to spare for necessary recreation, give me leave to obtrude 
my poor advice. I have heard it more than once observed 
of fortunate adventurers, that they have come home en- 
riched in purse, but wretchedly barren in intellect. The 
mind wants food as well as the stomach ; should not we 
wish then to increase in knowledge as well aa in money t 
Young says, ^* Books are fair virtue's advocates and friends." 
Now my advice is, to preserve about £S0 a year for two 
or three seasons, by which means you may gradually form 
a useful, elegant little library. Suppose now the first year 
you send the order, and the money, to your father, for the 
following books, which I reconnnend from my own super- 
ficial knowledge as useful. A man should know something 
of geography and history ; nothing more useful or pleasant 
** Robertson's Charles V.," "Goldsmith's History of 
Grreece," "of Rome," "of England." Two small volumes 
of " Sermons," usefril, and very sensible, by Mr. Williams, 
which are as good as fifty, for I love not a multiplicity of 
doctrines ; a few plain tenets, easy, simple, and directed to 
the heart, are better than volumes of controversy. " Spec- 
tators," " Guardians," and " Tattlers," you have of course. 
" Young's Night Thoughts," " Milton," and " Thomson's 
Seasons," were my summer companions for nearly twenty 









.V 










% €rihiib for tijt Sign. 



years ; they mended my heart, improved my veneration to 
the Deity, and increased my love to my neighbours. 

'^ You have to thank God for strong natural parts, a 
feeling, humane heart : you write with sense and judicious 
discernment ; — ^improve yourself, my dear young friend, that 
if it should please God to return you to your friends with 
the fortune of a man in upper rank, the embellislmients 
of your mind may be ever considered as greatly superior to 
your riches, and only inferior to the goodness of your heart. 

" I give you the above as a sketch ; your father and 
others of your friends will improve upon it in the course 
of time ; the above is enough at first, in conformity with 
the old adage, — " A few books, and a few friends, and 
those well chosen." Your father, who sees every improve- 
ment with delight, observes that your handwriting is much 
better. If my long epistles do not frighten you, and I live 
till the return of next spring, perhaps I shall be enabled 
to judge how much you are improved since your last fa- 
your. Write me a deal about the natives, the soil, the 
produce, the manners of the people, customs, prejudices, 
fashions, and follies. Alas ! we have plenty of the two 
last here, and what is worse, we have a detestable brother's 
war, where the right hand is hacking and hewing the left, 
whilst angels weep at our madness, and devils rejoice at 
the ruinous prospect. 

^^ Mrs. Sancho joins me in good wishes ; I join her in 
the same, in which double sense believe me, 

" Yours, &c., &c., 

"IGNATIUS SANCHO." 

The following was addressed to the same. 

" My worthy and much respected friend, 
" Pope observes, — 

' Men chaDge with fortune, manners change with climes ; 
Tenets with books, and principles with times !' 

Your friendly letter convinced me that you are still 



u 




->o 








JL'I 



% (Krihnfe for % 35fgni. 



the same, and gave, in that conviction, a tenfold pleasure. 
You carried out from England, (through God's grace) an 
honest friendly heart, a clear discerning head, and a soul 
impressed with every humane feeling. That you are still 
the same, gives me more joy than the certainty would of 
yoiur being worth ten Jaghires. The truest worth is that 
of the mind ; the blessed rectitude of the heart ; the con- 
science unsullied with guilt ; the undaunted, noble eye, 
enriched with innocence, and shining with social glee; 
peace dancing in the heart, and health smiling in the face. 
May these be ever your companions ! as for riches, you 
will ever be more than rich while you thankfully enjoy, and 
gratefully assist the wants, as far as you are able, of your 
fellow creatures. 

" But I think, and so will you, that I am preaching. I 
only meant to thank you, which I most sincerely do, for 
your kind letter. Believe me, it gratifies a better principle 
than vanity, to know that you remember your dark-faced 
friend at such a distance ; but what would have been your 
feelings, could you have beheld your worthy, thrice worthy 
father, joy sitting triumphant in his honest face, speeding 
from house to house amongst his numerous friends, with 
the pleasing testimonials of his son's love and duty in his 
hands, every one congratulating him and joining in good 
wishes, while the starting tear plainly proved that over-joy 
and grief give the same livery ? 

" You met with an old acquaintance of mine, Mr. G — . 
I am glad to hear he is well ; I hope he will take example 
by what he sees in you ; and you, young man, remember, 
if ever you should unhappily fall into bad company, that 
example is only the fool's plea, and the rogue's excuse, for 
doing wrong things. You have a turn for reflection, and 
a steadiness, which, aided by the best social disposition, (p\^ 
must make your company much coveted, and your person 
loved. Forgive me for presuming to dictate, when I well 
know you have many friends much more able from 








5^^6 




a '^rihitb fax % Mt^n. 



knowledge and better sense, though I deny a better 
will. 

" You will, of course, make men and things your study ; 
their different geniuses, aims, and passions : you will also 
note climes, buildings, soils, and products, which will be 
neither tedious nor unpleasant. If you adopt the rule of 
writing every evening your remarks on the past day, it will 
be a kind of friendly tSte-a-tete between you and yourself, 
wherein you may sometimes happily become your own 
monitor ; and hereafter, those little notes will afford you a 
rich fund, whenever you shall be inclined to retrace past 
times and places. I say nothing upon the score of reli- 
gion ; for, I am clear, every good affection, every sweet 
sensibility^ every heartfelt joy, humanity, politeness, cha- 
rity, — all, all, are streams from that sacred spring; so 
that to say you are good tempered, honest, social, &c., &c., 
is only in fact saying you live according to your Divine 
Master's rules. 

" Continue in right thinking, and you will act well ; by 
which you will insure the favour of God, and the love of 
your friends, amongst whom pray reckon, 

" Yours faithfully, 

"IGNATIUS SANCHO." 

" To Edward Young, Esq., on the death of Lord . 

" Richmond, April 21, 1770. 
" Honoured Sir, 

" I bless God, their Graces* continue in good health, 
though as yet they have not seen anybody. I have duly 
acquainted his Grace with the anxious and kind enquiries 
of yourself and others of his noble friends : time will, I 
hope, bring them comforts. Their loss is great indeed ; and 
not to them only. The public have a loss ; — goodness, wis- 
dom, knowledge, and greatness were united in him. Heaven 
has gained an angel ; but earth has lost a treasure. 

* Probably the Duke and Duohess of Montague. 



3h 








418 



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sv 



*' ' He, who cannot stem his snger*B tide, 
Doth a wild hone without a bridle zide/ 



it 



It is, my dear M — , the same with the rest of our pas- 
sions ; we have reason given us for our rudder ; religion is 
our sheet anchor ; our fixed star, hope ; conscience our 
faithful monitor ; and happiness the grand reward. We 
all in this manner can preach up trite maxims, hut mark 
how we act. It is much easier to speak than to act ; but 
we know good from evil ; and we have powers sufficient to 
withstand vice, if we choose to exert ourselves. In the 
field, if we know the strength and situation of the enemy, 
we place outposts and sentinels, and take every prudent 
method to avoid surprise. In common life we must do the 
same ; and trust me, my honest friend, a victory gained 
over passion, immorality, and pride, deserves Te Deums, 
better than those gained in the fields of ambition and 
carnage. 

^^ It is the most puzzling afiair in nature, to a mind that 
labours under obligations, to know how to express its feel- 
ings. Your former tender solicitude for my well-being, 
and your present generous remembrance, appear friendly 
beyond the common actions of those we in general style 
good sort of people ; but I will not teaze you with thanks, 
for I believe such kind of hearts as you are blessed with, 
have sufficient reward in the consciousness of acting hu- 
manely. It is the hope and wish of my heart, that your 
comforts in all things may multiply with your years ; that 
in the certain great end, you may immerge without pain, 
full of hope, from corruptible pleasure, to immortal and in- 
corruptible life, happiness without end, and past all human 
comprehension ; — there may you and I, and all we love, 



:<^. 



" Hoping you are as well as you wish your friends, I am, *p 
honoured Sir, &c. 

"IGNATIUS SANCHO/' 



" To M. 



V^\ 



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'C-^^ 






a €n\ivit hx t|i Mt^n. 



meet ; — the follies, the parties, distinctions, feuds of am- 
bition, enthusiasm, lust, and anger of this miserable, motley 
world, all totally forgot, every idea lost, and absorbed in 
the blissful mansions of redeeming love. 




»» 



" Aug. 8, 1777. 



" To J. M. 



u 



' Know thy own self, presume not God to scan ; 
The proper study of mankind is man.' 

'^ There is something so amazingly grand, so stupen- 
dously affecting, in contemplating the works of the Divine 
architect, either in the moral or the intellectual world, 
that I think one may rightly call it the cordial of the soul ; 
it is the medicine of the mind, and the best antidote against 
pride, and the supercilious murmurings of discontent* 
Smoking my morning pipe, the friendly warmth of that 
glorious planet the sun, the leniency of the air, the cheer- 
ful glow of the atmosphere, made me involuntarily cry, 
' Lord, what is man, that thou in thy mercy art so mindful 
of him ! or what the son of man, that thou so parentally 
carest for him ! ' David, whose heart and affections were 
naturally of the first kind, and who had indeed experienced 
blessings without number, pours forth the grateful senti- 
ments of his enraptured soul in the sweetest modulations 
of pathetic oratory. The tender mercies of the Almighty 
are not less to many of his creatures ; but their hearts, un- 
like the royal disposition of the shepherd king, are cold, 
and untouched with the sweet ray of gratitude. Let us, 
without meanly sheltering our infirmities under the exam- 
ple of others, perhaps worse taught, or possessed of less 
leisure for self-examination, — let us look into ourselves, 
and by a critical examination of the past events of our lives, 
fairly confess what mercies we have received, what God in 
his goodness hath done for us, and how our gratitude and 
praise have kept pace, in imitation of the son of Jesse. 
Such a research would richly repay us, for the end would 







420 a €xMt for tju pj^n. 



n>*> 



be conviction, so much on the side of miraculous mercy, I: ^ 
such an unanswerable proof of the superintendency of divine 
Providence, as would effectually cure us of rash despon- 
dency, and melt our hearts with devotional aspirations^ till 
we poured forth the effusions of our souls in praise and 
thanksgiving. When I sometimes endeavour to turn my 
thoughts inwards, to review the power or properties the 
indulgent all-vnse Father has endowed me with> I am struck ; i 
with wonder and with awe, — worm, poor insignificant rep- 
tile as I am, with regard to superior beings, mortal like my- 
self. Amongst, and at the very head of our riches, I reckon * ' 
the power of reflection. Where ? where, my friend, doth 
it lay ? Search every member from the head to the feet, 
all, all ready for action, but all dead to thought ; it lies not 
in matter : it is a something which we feel and acknow- 
ledge to be quite past the power of definition ; it is that 
breath of life which the sacred Architect breathed into the 
nostrils of the first man, the image of his gracious Maker. I 
Let it animate our torpid gratitude as it rolls on, although 
diminished by our cruel fall, through the whole race. * We 
are fearfully, and wonderfully made,' were the sentiments i 
of the royal psalmist upon a self review, but had he been I 
blessed with the full blaze of the Christian dispensation, 
what would have been his raptures ? the promise of never- 
ending existence and felicity, to possess eternity,—* glo- 
rious, dreadful thought,** — to behold the wonders of im- 
mensity, to pass from good to better, increasing in goodness, 
knowledge, love ; to glory in our Redeemer, to joy in our- 
selves ; to be acquainted with prophets, sages, heroes, and ' 
poets of old times, and join in symphony with angels. | 

** You, happily disengaged from various cares of life and 
family, can review the little world of Man with steadier ^ 
eye and more composed thought than your friend, declining 
fast into the vale of tears, and beset with infirmity and pain. 
Write now and then, as thought prompts, and inclination 
leads ; refute my en'ors ; where I am just, give me your 



i:*^- 





il €jMt for tjit Mt^u. 



plaudit* Your welfare is truly dear in my sight; and if 
any man has a share in my heart, or commands my respect 
and esteem, it is J — M — . 




tf 



Ignatius Sancho was much interested for the unfortunate 
Dr. Dodd, and addressed him whilst in prison* He also 
wrote the following for the Morning Post : — 

'^ I am one of the many who have been often edified by 
the graceful eloquence and truly christian doctrine of the 
unfortunate Dr. Dodd. As a divine, he had, and stiU has, 
my love and reverence ; his faults I regret ; but, alas I I feel 
myself too guilty to cast a stone ; justice has her claims ; 
but mercy — the anchor of my hope, inclines me to wish he 
might meet with royal clemency. His punishments have 
already been severe ; the loss of royal favour ; the cowardly 
attacks of malicious buffoonery ; and the over-strained zeal 
for rigid justice in the prosecution. Oh ! would to God 
the bishops and clergy would join in petitioning the throne 
for his life ! it would save the holy order from indignity, and 
even the land itself from the reproach of making too un- 
equal distinctions in punishments. He might, by the rec- 
titude of his future life, and due exertion of his matchless 
powers, be of infinite service, as chaplain to the poor con- 
victs on the river, whidi woidd be a punishment, and, at 
the same time, serve for a proof or test of his contrition, 
and the sincerity of a zeal he has often manifested in the 
pulpit, for the service of true rehgion* He may rise the 
higher by his late £Edl, and do more real service to the 
thoughdess and abandoned culprits, than a preacher whose 
character might be deemed spotless. If this hint should 
stimulate a pen, or heart, like the good Bishop of Chester's, 
to exert itself in behalf of a man who has formerly been 
■-.ynp alive to every act of heaven-bom charity, the writer of this 
will have joy, even in his last moments, in the reflection 
that he paid a mite of the vast debt he owes to Dr. Dodd 
as a preacher." 








% ^riiuih for % $t^n. 



•»'-'s 




Sancho addressed the following letter to Sterne, wishing 
to interest him on behalf of his oppressed and suffering 
race : — 

** It would be an insult on your humanity (or perhaps 
look like it) to apologise for the liberty I am taking. I 
am one of those people called Negroes. The first part of 
my life was rather unlucky^ as I was placed in a family 
who judged ignorance the best and only security for obe- 
dience. A little reading and writing I got by unwearied 
application. The latter part of my life has been, through 
God's blessing, truly fortunate, having spent it in the ser- 
vice of one of the best and greatest families in the king- 
dom : my chief pleasure has been books : philanthropy I 
adore. How very much, good sir, am I (amongst millions) 
indebted to you for the character of your amiable Uncle 
Toby ; I declare I would walk ten miles in the dog-days 
to shake hands with the honest corporal. Your sermons 
have touched me to the heart, and I hope, have amended it, 
which brings me to the point. In yoiur tenth discourse, 
page 78, second volume, is this very affecting passage; 
^ Consider how great a part of our species in all ages down 
to this have been trod under the feet of cruel and capri- 
cious tyrants, who woidd neither hear their cries nor pity 
their distresses. Consider Slavery, what it is, how bitter a 
draught, and how many millions are made to drink of it' 
Of all my favourite authors, not one has dravm a tear in 
favour of my miserable Black brethren excepting yourself 
and the humane author of Sir George Ellison. I think 
you ynll forgive me ; I am sure you will applaud me, for 
beseeching you to give one half hour's attention to Slavery, 
as it is at this day practised in our West Indies. That 
subject, handled in your striking manner, would ease the 
yoke perhaps of many ; but if only of one — ^gracious God ! fS^. 
what a feast to a benevolent heart ! and sure I am you are 
an epicurean in acts of charity. You, who are universally 
read, and as imiversally admired — you, could not fail. 






a ^riintb for tijt Mt^n. 



Dear sir, think that in me you behold the uplifted hands 
of thousands of my brethren. Grief, you pathetically ob- 
serve, is eloquent : figure to yourself their attitudes ; hear 
their supplicating addresses! Alas ! — ^you cannot refuse. 
Humanity must comply ; in which hope I beg permission 
to subscribe myself, &c., 

"IGNATIUS SANCHO." 

As Sancho's style of writing is said to resemble Sterne's, 
I shall perhaps be excused inserting his reply to the fore- 
going. 

" Coxwould, July 27, 1767. 

" There is a strange coincidence, Sancho, in the little 
events (as well as in the great ones) of this world ; for I 
had been writing a tender tale of the sorrows of a friendless 
poor Negro girl, and my eyes had scarcely done smarting 
with it, when your letter of recommendation in behalf of 
so many of her brethren and sisters came to me. But why 
should it be so with her brethren, or yoiurs, Sancho, any 
more than mine ? It is by the finest tints and most insen- 
sible gradations that nature descends from the fairest face 
about St. James's to the sootiest complexion in Africa. 
At which tint of these is it that the ties of blood are to 
cease ? and how many shades must we descend lower still 
in the scale, ere mercy is to vanish with them ? But 'tis 
no uncommon thing, my good Sancho, for one half of the 
world to use the other half of it like brutes, and then en- 
deavour to make them so. For my own part, I never look 
westward (when I am in a pensive mood at least), but I 
think of the burthens which our brothers and sisters are 
there carrying, and could I ease their shoulders from one 
ounce of them, I declare I would set out this hour upon a 
pilgrimage to Mecca for their sakes. If I can weave the 
tale I have wrote into the work I am about, it is at the ser- 
vice of the afflicted, and a much greater matter ; for in 
serious truth, it casts a sad shade upon the world, that so 
great a part of it are, and have been, so long bound in 









a €rMt far tjff 3lfgrn* 



chains of darkness and in chains of mifiery ; and I cannot 
but both respect and felicitate you^ that by so much laud- 
able diligence you have broke the one, i^nd that, by falling 
into the hands of so good and merciful a family. Providence 
has rescued you from the other. 

" And so, good-hearted Sancho, adieu i and believe me 
I will not forget your letter. 

" Yours, &c., 

"L. STERNE." 

I shall conclude this selection of extracts from the two 
volumes of Sancho's letters, with a short one written the 
year before his death, in reply to one respecting their pub- 
lication, a thing which he had evidently himself never con- 
templated, though he made no objection to the proposal. 



(t 



I have just received your favour of the 20th inst. As 
to the letters in question, you know, sir, they are not now 
mine, but the property of the parties they are addressed 
to. If you have had their permission, and think that the 
simple effusions of a poor Negro's heart are worth mixing 
with better things, you have my free consent to do as you 
please with them, though in truth there wants no increase 
of books in the epistolary way, nor indeed in any way, ex- 
cept we could add to the truly valuable names of Robert- 
son, Beattie, and Mickle, new Youngs, Richardsons, and 
Stemes. 

" Accept my best thanks for the very kind opinion you 
are so obliging as to entertain of me, which is too pleasing 
(I fear) to add much to the humility of 

" I. SANCHO/' 

So much for the Negro, Ignatius Sancho, who died in 
1780, having deservedly won the public esteem. Such was 
the man whom philosophers and anatomists have endea- 
voured to degrade as a deterioration of the human species; 
such was the being whose identity with the great family of 



i/i 



(Ps:- 







a ^rihitte for tiff M^nL 



man has been called in question ; but whom Fuller, with a 
benevolence and quaintness of phrase peculiarly his own, 
designates ^* God's image cut in ebony/' To the harsh 
definition of the naturalist, political and legislative oppres- 
sions have been added, aggravated towards them by vulgar 
prejudice, and popular insult. 

He who surveys the extent of culture to which Ignatius 
Sancho had attained by self-education, must be convinced 
that the perfection of the reasoning faculties does not alto- 
gether depend on a peculiar conformation of the skull, or 
the colour of a common integument, in defiance of that 
wild opinion, "which," says a learned writer, "restrains 
the operations of the mind to particular regions, and sup- 
poses that a luckless mortal may be born in a degree of 
latitude too high or too low for wisdom or for wit." 



EVA BABTEL8. 

" Eva Bartels," says Shaw in his Memorials of South 
Africa, " is a Mulatto woman, who was living in Cape 
Town, when we commenced our school for the heathen. 
Two Slave girls first brought her to our religious services* 
She was about fifty years old, and was very desirous of 
learning to read the Scriptures, which she soon accom- 
plished. She not merely learned to read, however, but the 
divine spirit so wrought upon her heart, that there was not 
a shadow of a doubt of her real conversion to God. She 
became humble and lowly, was regular in her attendance 
on the means of grace, and her conduct was most circum- 
spect. She was an example of piety to all around her, and 
was zealous in inviting and bringing others to the means of 
grace. 

" Going to visit her on one occasion, when in afiiiction, 
I found her engaged in prayer. She knew not that I was 
present, and prayed thus: — 'Oh! how I have sinned! 
Oh ! how I have sinned ! but thou, Lord, hast had mercy. 




3i 








a €nliate for t^ Jlip, 



Thou hast had mercj upon me ; thou hast given me the 
joy of salvation. Lord Jesus Christ, thou haat shed ihj 
precious blood for me/ When told that I was present, she 
said, — ' M}mheer, I was almost in despair for a time, for I 
have been a great sinner. I therefore requested that I might 
be left alone, in order that I might wrestle with the Liord, 
and cry to him for help. I took up the book to see if 
there was anything for me, and as I continued in prayer, 
those sweet words fell upon my heart, — * Ho, every one 
that thirsteth, come ye to the waters.' This invitation 
brought me such peace and joy, that all my sorrows de- 
parted, and I have now strong consolation. I have been 
thinking of the great love of God in giving his Son. We 
are debtors, and have nothing wherewith to pay our debt; 
but Jesus Christ came and discharged it by the shedding of 
his blood. While thus meditating, I shed many tears ; but 
they were tears of joy, on account of the great love of God 
to sinners.' 

'' On another occasion, when several persons were in the 
room, who were expecting that the time of her departure 
was at hand, she desired them to raise her up on the bed, 
and support her with pillows. This being done, she began 
to address those around her, exhorting them to come to 
the Redeemer. From this sickness she was restored to 
health, and became a ^ living epistle' to all who knew her, 
continuing to adorn her profession by a holy walk and con- 
versation. She has become a mother in our Israel, and 
though often afflicted, is like a tree planted by the rivers 
of water, bringing forth fruit in old age.' 



19 



JOHH X08SLT, 

Of Hartford, in Connecticut, an aged Coloured man, 
was well known for his industry, prudence, and integrity. 
Having no relations, he devoted his property to charitable 
objects. By his will, he gave to the Hartford Female 



« 



r 






sin 



V 



% €riltntt for t||t 3ltgn. 



Beneficent Society, 100 dollars ; to the American Colo- 
nization Society, 200 dollars ; to the Bible Society, 100 
dollars ; to the Education Society, 100 dollars ; and after 
other legacies, the residue of his estate to a Missionaiy 
Society. 




HAHOT PITCH70BD, 

A woman of Colour, died at Hartford in 18S4, aged 67. 
For the first forty years of her life, she was a Slave. She 
sustained an excellent character, was for many years a pro- 
fessor of religion, and gave satisfactory evidence of sincere 
and lively piety. At the time of her death, she had ac- 
quired, by her industry and care, more than 400 dollars, 
which, (after paying the expenses of her las£ sickness and 
funeral,) she left to charitable purposes. 



LOTT CABST. 

This self-taught African was bom a Slave, near Rich- 
mond, in Virginia. He was the only child of parents, 
themselves Slaves, who were of a pious turn of mind ; and 
though he had no instruction from books, the admonitions 
of his father and mother may have laid the foimdations of 
his future usefulness. In 1804, the young Slave was sent 
to Biehmond, and hired out as a common labourer, at a 
warehouse in the place. 

At this time he was excessively profane, and much ad- 
dicted to intoxication ; but God was pleased to awaken 
him to a sense of his sinfulness. Happening to hear a ser- 
mon, he became very desirous of being able to read, chiefly 
with a view of becoming acquainted with the nature of 
certain transactions recorded in the New Testament. 
Having procured a Bible he commenced learning his let- 
ters, by trying to read the chapter he had heard illustrated 
in the sermon ; and by a little perseverance and assistance, 








rf'' - 



a €rilittti fiit t^ Jligrn, 



he was able to read. This acquisition created in him a 
desire to write ; an accomplishment he soon also mastered. 

He now became more useful to his employers^ by being* 
able to check and superintend the shipping of tobacco ; 
and havings in time, saved 850 dollars, (nearly £170 ster* 
ling,) he purchased his freedom and that of two of his chil- 
dren. ** Of the real value of his services while in his em- 
ployment (says an American writer), no one but a dealer in 
tobacco can form an idea. Notwithstanding the hundreds 
of hogsheads which were committed to his charge, he could 
produce any one the moment it was called for ; and the 
shipments were made with a promptness and correctness 
such as no person. White or Coloured, has equalled in the 
same situation. The last year in which he remained in 
the warehouse, his salary was 800 dollars, and he might 
have received a larger sum, if he would have continued.** 

For his ability in his work, besides being highly es- 
teemed by his master, he was frequently rewarded by the 
merchant with a five-dollar note. He was allowed to sell, 
for his own benefit, small parcels of damaged tobacco. It 
was by saving the little sums obtained in this way, with 
the aid of subscriptions by the merchants, to whose inte- 
rests he had been attentive, that he was enabled to pur- 
chase the freedom of his family. He also bought a house 
and some land, in Richmond, and when the colonists were 
fitted out for Africa, he was enabled to bear a considerable 
part of his own expenses. 

Soon after making a profession of religion, Lott Carey 
commenced holding meetings, and exhorting the Coloured 
people ; and, though he had little knowledge of books, or 
acquaintance with mankind, he frequently exhibited a 
boldness of thought, and a strength of native intellect, 
which no acquirement could have given him. While em* 
ployed at tlie warehouse, he devoted his leisure time to 
reading such books as accident threw in his way ; and it is 
said that a gentleman, on one occasion taking up a volume 



(FX- 







31 dfrihttti for tljt jligw; 



which he had left for a few moments, found it to be 
" Smith's Wealth of Nations." 

As early as 1815, Lott Carey began to feel special inte- 
rest in the cause of African missions, and contributed, pro- 
bably more than any other person, in giving origin and 
character to the African Missionary Society, established 
that year in Richmond. His benevolence was practical, 
and whenever and wherever good objects were to be 
effected, he was ready to lend his aid. He was among the 
earliest emigrants to Africa. At the close of his farewell 
sermon in the first Baptist meeting house in the city, be- 
fore his departure, he remarked in substance as follows : — 
'' I am about to leave you ; and expect to see your faces 
no more. I long to preach to the poor African the way of 
life and salvation. I do not know what may befall me, 
whether I may find a grave in the ocean, or among savage 
men, or more savage wild beasts on the coast of Africa ; 
nor am I anxious what may become of me. I feel it my 
duty to go ; and I very much fear, that many of those who 
preach the gospel in this country, will blush when the 
Saviour calls them to give an account of their labours in 
his cause, and tells them, * I commanded you to go into all 
the world, and preach the gospel to every creature :' (and 
with the most forcible emphasis he exclaimed:) the Saviour 
may ask — * Where have you been ? What have you been 
doing ? Have you endeavoured to the utmost of your 
ability to fulfil the commands I gave you— or have you 
sought your own gratification and your own ease, regard- 
less of my commands { * ** 

Being twice married, he lost his second wife shortly after 
arriving at Sierra Leone. Of her triumphant death, he 
gives a most affecting account in his journal of that date. 
On his arrival in Africa, Lott Carey saw before him a 
wide and interesting field, demanding various and powerful 
talents, and the most devoted piety. His intellectual 
ability, firmness of purpose, unbending integrity, correct 







% ^tilntte fat t^ jltgnr. 



y^ 



judgment, and disinterested benevolence, soon placed him in I 
a conspicuous station, and gave him a ¥dde and conunaiid- 
ing influence. Though naturally diffident and retiring^ bis 
worth was too evident to allow of his remaining in obscurity. 
An American writer, in speaking of this intelligent Hegro 
about this period of his life, makes the following obser- 
vations : — ^' Lott Carey is now more than forty years of 
i^e. He is possessed of a constitution peculiarly fitted for 
toil and exposure; and has felt the effects of climate per- 
haps less than any other individual on the Cape. He has 
always shown that sort of inflexible int^prity and correct- 
ness of deportment towards all which necessarily commands 
respect ; but he will probably never be able to divest him- 
self of a kind of suspicious reserve towards White people, i 
especially his superiors, which imiversally attaches itself to 
those reared in Slavery. The interests of the colooiesy 
and the cause of his countrymen, both in Africa, and in 
this country, lie near his heart. For them he is willing 
to toil, and to make almost any sacrifice; and he has 
frequently declared, that nothing could induce him to | 
return.** 

The peculiar exposure of the early emigrants, the scan- 
tiness of their supplies, and the want of adequate medical 
attention, subjected them to severe sufferings. To relieve 
these, Lott Carey obtained all the information in his power 
concerning the diseases of the climate, and the proper 
remedies. He made liberal sacrifices of his property in 
behalf of the poor and distressed, and devoted his time 
almost exclusively to their relief. His services as a phy* 
sician to the colony were invaluable, and were long ren- 
dered without hope of reward. He was made Health 
Officer and General Inspector of the Settlement of Mon- 
rovia, but he refused for some time to accept any other ^jSF 
civil office. During the sickly season of the year, he was \/^ 
mostly occupied in attending the sick, having no other phy- 
sician among them. But amidst his multiplied cares and 



I 







% €nMt fot tjn Mtiti. 



efforts for the colony, he never neglected to promote civili- 
zation and Christianity among the natives. 

In 18S6, Carey was elected vice-agent of the colony, and 
dischaiged the duties of that important office till his death, 
which occurred in 1828, in the most melancholy manner. 
One evening, while he and several others were engaged in 
making cartridges to defend the colony against a Slave- 
trader, a candle was accidentally overturned, which ignited 
some powder, producing an explosion which resulted in 
the death of eight persons. Carey survived for two days. 
Such was the unfortunate death of this active Coloured 
apostle of civilization on the coast of Africa, where his 
memory will long be cherished. The career which he pur- 
sued, and the intelligence which marked his character, 
prove that the race of Blacks is not destitute of moral worth 
and innate genius, and that their culture would liberally 
produce an abundant harvest of the best principles and 
those results which dignify human nature. 



MP 




TSSTIXOHT 07 JOSEPH STUBOS BSSPSCTIHG THB 
IHTELLECTUAL F0WEB8 OJ THE HEGBO. 

(OOXMUNICATBD TO THE AUTHOR.) 

Sirmingham, 11 mo., 17, 1847. 
Esteemed Friend, 

I am in receipt of thy letter, expressing a wish that I 
would state in writing, my opinion whether the natural or 
acquired intellectual powers of man are affected by the 
colour of his skin. 

My opportunities of personal observation, extend only 
to the West Indies, and (with the exception of one or two 
of the Slave States) to those parts of the United States 
where Slavery does not exist ; but where the prejudice 
against colour is greater than in the very heart of Slavery. 
What I have seen has, however, long brought conviction to 
my own mind, that those who would brand their brethren 



■>?> 







\^._vi 1 ^_ j_* Ixl. jA _j _!• * ^ ? ?j 1 xl I 




% €nMt fax t|i Mt^n, 






T^'' ^y creation with the stamp of inferiority, because they are 1 
" guilty of a skin not coloured like their own," not only 
maintain a doctrine opposed to divine revelation, but to 
the records of history and experience, and the results of all 
candid and dispassionate observation. 

It is not disputed that the people of different nations 
hare traits of character peculiar to themselves, and that 
these traits may be materially influenced by the constitu- 
tion of the Government which rules over them. When 
they are Slaves and have no protection from the arbitrary 
will of their ovmers, the degrading effect is often so great 
and permanent, that it not only affects the immediate ob- 
ject, but becomes to a certain extent hereditary, requiring 
successive generations under the happy influence of free- 
dom fully to remove, though we have many bright excep- 
tions to this, even amongst those who have been bom and 
grown up as Slaves themselves. It is, however, a remark 
which I have heard made by others, and which is confirmed 
by my own observation, that the Black and Coloured chil- 
dren, even of Slaves, and who are Slaves themselves, while 
too young to feel the evils and degradation of their lot, 
show a brightness and quickness of capacity, which is 
fully equal, if not superior, to that of White children who 
are born free. This holds good when they are compared 
with White children bom in tropical climates, and there- 
fore cannot be attributed to the early development of the 
faculties in those climates. 

I will only quote the following testimony in favour of 
my views, from Ebenezer Read, the master of Walmer's 
Free School, which has a large endowment, administered 
by the corporation of Kingston in Jamaica, where it is 
situated. I visited this school in 1837. The number of chil- 
dren on the list was about 500, and from 1815, it had been 
open to, and was attended by, White, Black, and Brown 
children. The master stated that '^ for the last 35 years 
he had been employed in that city, in the tuition of all 




<V^ 



\ .', 






% €xMt fst t^ Jltgm* 



classes and colours^ and had no hesitation in saying that 
the children of Colour (which included Black) were equal 
both in conduct and ability to those who were White ; 
that they had always carried off more than their proportion 
of prizes, and at one examination, out of seventy prizes 
awarded, sixty-four were obtained by children of Colour." 
Multitudes of proofs, equally strong, might be added 
to this, demonstrating that when ^^God made of one blood 
all the families of the earth,*' he also endowed them with 
talents and capacities, which, however they may be modi- 
fied or altered by external circumstances, gave no section 
of the human family a right to boast that they inherited 
any superiority which might not in the course of events, 
be claimed and manifested, with equal justice by those 
whom they most despise. 

I am, respectfully, 

JOSEPH STURGE. 



m> 



)] 



COBKELIirS. 

In 1801, the mission of the Moravians in the Danish 
Island of St. Thomas was deprived of one of the most 
intelligent and useful native assistants, who for more than 
fifty years had walked worthily of his calling by the Gos- 
pel — the Negro Cornelius : a man in many respects distin- 
guished among his countrymen. 

About the year 1750, he became concerned for the sal- 
vation of his soul, and felt a strong impulse to attend the 
preaching of the missionaries, and their private instructions. 
Being baptized, he ever after remained faithful to the 
grace conferred upon him. He had an humble and grow- 
ing sense of the depravity of his heart, and made daily 
progress in the knowledge of Christ. 

He was blessed with a good natural understanding, and 
having learned the business of a mason, received the appoint- 
ment of master-mason to the royal buildings, in which 




3 k 






% €iaMt fat tlft jitp. 




^v 



employment he was esteemed by all who knew him, as a I 
clever, npright, and disinterested man. He laid Qxe foundation 
of six chapels belonging to the mission in the Danish islands. 
He was able to write and speak the Creole, Dutch, Danish, 
German, and English languages. Till 1767, he was a Sla^e 
in the royal plantation, afterwards belonging to Count Schim- 
melman. He first purchased the freedom of his wife, and 
then laboured hard to gain his own liberty, which he effected 
after much entreaty and the payment of a considerable ran- 
som. God blessed him and the work of his hands in such 
a manner, that he also purchased by degrees the emancipa- 
tion of his six children. 

In 1754, he was appointed assistant in the mission. After 
his emancipation, he greatly exerted himself in the service 
of the Lord, especially among the people of his own Colour, 
and spent whole days and nights in visiting them. He pos- 
sessed a peculiar talent for expressing his ideas with gpreat 
clearness, which rendered his discourse pleasing and edify- 
ing to White people as well as to Negroes. Yet he was by 
no means elated by the talents he possessed. His character 
was that of an humble servant of Christ, who thought too 
meanly of himself to treat others with contempt. To dis- 
tribute to the indigent, and assist the feeble, was the delight 
of his heart, and they always found in him a generous and 
sympathizing friend, and faithful adviser. 

Whilst zealously exerting himself in promoting the 
welfare of his countrymen, he did not neglect the con- 
cerns of his family. We have heard how sedulously he cared 
for their temporal prosperity, in working hard to purchase 
their freedom. But he was more solicitous for the welfare 
of their souls. God blessed his instructions, and he had 
the joy of seeing his whole family share in the salvation of 
the Lord. Being found faithful, they were employed as 
assistants in the mission. 

The infirmities of age increasing upon him, Cornelius 
ardently longed to depart and be with Christ. A constant 




1 








% €xMt fsx tjiB Jligra. 



cough and pain in his side damped his great activity, caused 
occasional dejection of mind, and seemed at times to shake 
his faith and fortitude. He now and then complained of 
a declension of his love to Jesus ; and once, while medita- 
ting on that text — " I have somewhat against thee, because 
thou hast left thy first love," he exclaimed, ''Ah! I too 
have left my first love ! " A few days before his end, being 
visited by one of the missionaries, he said, '' I ought to 
have done more, and loved and served my Saviour better. 
Yet I firmly trust that He will receive me in mercy, for I 
come to Him as a poor sinner, having nothing to plead but 
His grace, and righteousness through His blood." His 
children and several of his grandchildren having assembled 
roimd his bed, he addressed them in a very solemn and 
impressive manner to the following efiect : — 

" I rejoice exceedingly, my dearly beloved children, to 
see you once more together before my departure, for I 
believe that my Lord and Saviour will soon come and take 
your father home to himself. You know, dear children, 
what my chief concern has been respecting you, as long as 
I was with you ; how frequently I have exhorted you not 
to neglect the day of grace, but to surrender yourselves 
with soul and body to your Redeemer, and to follow Him 
faithfully. My dear children, attend to my last wish and 
dying request. Love one another! Do not suffer any 
quarrels and disputes to arise among you after my decease. 
No, my children,*' raising his voice, '' love one another cor« 
dially : let each strive to shew proofs of love to his brother 
or sister; nor suffer yourselves to be tempted by any- 
thing to become proud, for by that you may even miss of 
your soul's salvation, but pray our Saviour to grant you 
lowly minds and humble hearts. If you follow this advice 
of your father's, my joy will be complete, when I shall 
once see you all again in eternal bliss, and be able to say 
to our Saviour — Here, Lord, is thy poor imworthy Cor- 
nelius, and the children Thou hast given me. I am sure 














% ^rikite fiit % jgisp. 



our Saviour will not forsake you ; but, I beseech you, do 
not forsake Him^^ He fell gently asleep in Jesus^ on the ^ 
29th of November, being about 84 years of age. 



XOSAVIAH XI88I0H8 AX0HO8T THE HSOBOSS OP 

THE WEST IKDIES. 

The account of Cornelius just related, affords an evidence 
of the success attending the efforts of the early Moravian 
Missions in the Danish West India Islands, of which men- 
tion was made, and some interesting particulars given, in 
Part I. of this volume. 

The early attempts towards the conversion of the Negroes 
met with great opposition from the Planters. When Count 
Zinzendorf visited these Islands in 1739, a few years after 
the first efforts to introduce Christianity amongst the 
Slaves, he found them in a state of unusual oppression, 
because it was imagined that if they became Christians, 
they would also become more intelligent, and then it would 
be impossible for the trifling number of White people — ^in 
comparison yrith whom the Blacks were fifty, if not a hun* 
dred, to one — to keep such an immense hiunber in awe. 
Their conversion was also opposed, because the Negro 
women, if converted, would no longer yield themselves to 
a licentious life. 

For these, and other causes, the Whites endeavoured to 
prevent the Blacks from becoming Christians. But the 
Negroes, unwilling to be restrained, their desire for salva- 
tion being incredibly great, were treated very harshly, and 
in some instances with cruelty, A public tumult was once 
excited in St. Thomas, and the missionaries were threat-^ 
ened to be sent out of the Island, because they taught the 
Slaves to be better Christians than their masters. The <rr\: 
Negroes' Meeting House was entered in a boisterous man- I - 
ner, and the poor creatures were beaten most cruelly, and I 
chased away with oaths, curses, and horrid blasphemies. 







f 





Lil) 



i 




% €iMt for t^ jlfgrn. 



These things, however, made the Gospel sweeter to 
them, and they received it with joy and many tears : yet 
so strong did the current of persecution become, that Zin- 
zendorf, unable to do anything towards effectually prevent- 
ing it, determined to return to Europe, and refer the matter 
to the Danish Government. The Negroes wept much at 
the thoughts of losing him, and assured him they would 
continue faithful to the Saviour. Before the Count took 
his departure, the awakened Negroes in St. Thomas drew 
up a letter to the King of Denmark, in the Creolian tongue, 
stating their distress to him in very natural expressions, 
and most pathetically entreating that they might not 
be prevented from becoming acquainted, through the 
ministry of the missionaries, with our Lord Jesus Christ, 
for their eternal salvation. This was written in 1739, and 
signed by several of them, in the name of 650 Negroes. 
A similar letter was addressed to the Queen of Denmark, 
and signed by a Negro woman, in the name of 250 of her 
own sex, concerned for the salvation of their souls. 

The Count brought with him from St. Thomas, a Negro 
named Andrew, who was not only awakened, but an assis- 
tant in the Negro Church ; a very hopeful young man, 
whose liberty the Coimt had purchased, that he might visit 
the churches in Germany, and afterwards return to minister 
to his own people. Andrew is described in the Memoirs 
of Coimt Zinzendorf, as " a pleasing instance of the power- 
ful grace which operated at that time amongst the 
Slaves." 

Would our limits allow, numerous evidences might be 
adduced of the operation of divine grace on the hearts of 
the Negroes in the Danish West Indies. Oldendorp's 
accoimt of the Moravian Missions in those Islands abounds 
^ni) with evidences of this kind. To that work I must refer 
the reader, after giving a few translations from it, 
kindly made for me by my friend Martha Shipley, of 
Headingley. 








1 ^lilmte fitt % Htp. 



FABTI0UXAS8 BBSPECTIKO DATlDy ABRAHAM, AKD OTHSXS OV TttC 

BLACK ASSISTANT M188IONABIE8. 4U\ 

Abraham was an assistant Missionary in St. Croix» 
about the year 1758. He and others are thus mentioned 
in connection with Brother J. G. Rantsch : — " The native 
assistants he found efficient^ and some of them eminently 
useful helpers. He acknowledged that without their aid 
he could not have carried out his extensive plan of labour. 
^^ The assistant David^ (of whose gifts and successful la- 
bours among his people mention has been several times 
made in this History) he recognized as a servant of the 
Lordf and an ornament of the Negro congregation, by 
whom he was much beloved and esteemed. Besides him, 
the helper Abraham was useful in holding lectures, differ^it 
classes, and in speaking publicly at funerals.** 

Some, both male and female assistants, were so circum- 
stanced that they could make visits into districts not easily 
accessible to the missionaries. Maria Magdalena, and 
Catherine Barbara visited the fellow-believers of their own 
sex, in the south of the island, to endeavour by private 
communications to promote their growth in the knowledge 
of Christ. At another time they visited the west of the 
island, and were everywhere received with joy. Similar 
visits were made by the helpers David, Nathaniel^ Henry, 
and Abraham. 

BXrSASVA. 

In Susanna, who died in 1755, evidence was afforded how 
great and blessed is the operation of divine grace on the 
most corrupt of human hearts. Before she was brought 
by the power of the Gospel from Satan to God, she was 
known as an uncommonly vicious and profligate person. 
She became so much changed as to be the astonishment of 
alL On her bed of sickness, she had no greater solicitude 
than to be vdth her Saviour. 

JOAS, 

Of the Mandingo nation, was baptized in 1750. He 




r 



:^^^. ^a 






a €nMi fssx tin jlfgra* 



became, through grace, a meek and gentle man, and found 
great comfort in the knowledge of the Redeemer, to whom 
he thought he could never be sufficiently grateful, for 
having brought him out of darkness into his marvellous 
light. During his sickness, which was consumption, the 
only occupation which afforded him comfort and joy, was 
meditating on the Saviour who had died for him on the 
cross. His earnest desire to be with Christ was fulfilled by 
his happy release in November, 1755. 

PXTIB AXD ABBAHAX. 

In 174S, Abraham was chosen as Peter's colleague. 
Both were useful in public teaching. Their discourses 
were evangelical, and had for their subjects, reconciliation 
by the death of Jesus, and the grace which the sinner may 
obtain through Christ. The character of Peter showed 
itself in all his communications, which were full of love and 
gentle feeling, and found an entrance into the hearts of his 
audience. 

Abraham was more energetic ; his discoiirses had much 
strength, which carried his hearers along with him. To 
listen to him his Coloured brethren hastened in great num- 
bers. Many White persons also came to hear him, and 
listened with astonishment. By one of his sermons on the 
occasion of a Negro funeral in 1744, the whole of the con- 
gregation was much affected. Besides having an excellent 
special gift in preaching, he also possessed much experi- 
ence, love, patience, and wisdom. He had an advantage 
over the White teachers in perfectly understanding the 
Negro language, in which the former were deficient, and 
was also better acquainted than they were with the Negro 
character, superstitions, habits, and dispositions. When 
the Brother Rantsch, during his visit, in 1745, heard Abra- 
']) ham*s public testimony, he confessed it was with humili- 
ation and reverence that he considered the powerful 
working of the grace of God in this Slave, and through 
him in many others. 









a '^rilntb fet % jltp* 



The decease of this Negro is thus recorded by Olden- ] ^ 
dorp : — '^ In 1759, the mission lost the aged assistant Abra- 
ham^ in a very melancholy manner. He had lived for nine 
years at Krumbay^ where he not only had the oversight of 
the Negroes on that plantation, but also had the charge of 
testifying to the Negroes of this district the salvation virhich 
is in Jesus Christ, and administering exhortation and con- 
solation to them. In June, he gave to one of the Negroes 
under him permission to bring a bundle of fire-wood to the 
village to sell, on condition that he first carried fodder for 
the horses. This Negro, whose name was Joshua, was 
bringing his wood to market without fulfilling the condi- 
tion required. In order to resent this disobedience, Abra- 
ham stepped in the way, threw the bundle from his head, 
and insisted upon his obedience. Joshua refused to turn 
back, and endeavoured to make his way to the village by 
another path. At this Abraham became so angry that he 
endeavoured to compel him to his duty, when Joshua in a 
great rage seized his knife, threw Abraham to the ground, 
gave him several stabs, and then went away. Abraham's 
wounds were soon bound up, and he was taken to the vil- 
lage for better assistance, but they were of such a nature 
as to leave but little hope of recovery. 

The believers among his people, hastened in numbers to 
their honoured teacher, to wait upon him, and help him, 
in his painful situation ; and he employed his little remain- 
ing strength in testifying to them, that he remained stead- 
fast to the doctrine he had so often laid before them, and 
was ready to leave this world with joy, earnestly exhorting 
them to continue in the same faith, and not to neglect their 
day of gracious visitation. During the night, whilst con- 
versing with two of the brethren who sat up with him, his 
purified spirit departed, the 10th of June, 1759. His 
remains were interred the same day at Newhemhut, on 
which occasion there was a large gathering of both White 
persons and Negroes, many tears being shed. The Negro ^ 







a tribute fiit t^ jltp. 



congregation lost in him their most gifted teacher, and the 
labourers in the mission their most trusty assistant. For 
more than twenty years he had laboured for the spreading 
of the knowledge of Jesus Christ amidst many sufferings, 
and his labours were eminently blessed. His public tes- 
timonies were full of power and unction, and even where 
they did not penetrate the hearts of his hearers, never failed 
to excite their astonishment. 

After his murderer had wandered about the bush for 
some days, in despair, he delivered himself up in a repen- 
tant state of mind to the judge, candidly acknowledged his 
crime, and received his punishment from the executioner. 
Full of confidence in the mercy of the Saviour, he sub- 
mitted to the sentence of death, and showed much firmness 
at the time of execution. 

It was my intention to have inserted some sketches or 
outlines of addresses delivered by the Black assistant mis- 
sionaries of the Danish islands on various occasions, but 
space will not admit. They may not equal those of Watts 
or Doddridge in style, but they breathe the same spirit. 




IHTELLieEHT AFBICAH& 

One of the missionaries at Sierra Leone accompanied 
the Niger expedition in 184S, sanctioned by government, 
for extending the missionary operations up the Niger. 
They took with them a liberated African, named Samuel 
Crowther, who, when a boy, was taken from a Slave ship, 
and educated in the Society's school at Sierra Leone, and 
who made so much progress both in theological and general 
knowledge (being able to read the Greek Testament) that 
he was sent to England to be presented as a candidate for 
holy orders to the Bishop of London. Another native, 
named King, likewise accompanied the expedition, and 
when the health of the Europeans failed, he was deemed 
competent to be left in charge of the model farm at the 



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^ confluence of the Tshadda and the Niger. Another native, I 
^^ Simon Jonas, was employed in forming the treaties which 
Captain Trotter entered into with chiefs below the con- 
fluence. The competency of that individiuJ was most 
striking. Mr. Schon drew up a paper in which he details 
the proceedings of Simon Jonas, in carrying on a commu- 
nication with King Obi, on the subject of Slavery. The 
mode of his carrying on a negotiation is illustrative of the 
power of the native African, with a moderate degree of 
training in Sierra Leone, to become a really efficient agent 
in imparting knowledge to his countrymen. 






A HEOBO SLAVE AHD POET. 

Dr. Madden has made a translation of the life of a Slave 
recently liberated in Cuba, written in Spanish, whose name, 
for various reasons, he thinks it advisable not to publish. 
It was my intention to have given an outline of this history 
as well for its interest, as exhibiting a clearness of style 
and composition highly creditable to a self-taught Negro 
Slave. Space will only admit of a few extracts in addition 
to the information already given, at pages 130 and 131 of 
the present volume. 

It would be tedious, says he, to detail the particulars of 
my early history, in which there was nothing but happiness. 
At the age of twelve years, I had composed some verses in 
memory, not being wished to learn to write. I dictated 
them by stealth to a young Mulatto girl named Serafina, 
which verses were of an amatory character. 

I passed on without many changes to my fourteenth 
year ; but the important part of my history began when I 
was about eighteen, when fortune's bitterest enmity was 
turned on me. For the slightest crime of boyhood, I was ; 
shut up in a place for charcoal, for S4 hours at once. I - 
was extremely timid, and my prison was so obscure, that j 
at mid-day no object could be distinguished in it without 






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a candle. Here, after being flogged, I was placed, with 

orders to the Slaves, under threats of the greatest punish* 

ment, to abstain from giving me a drop of water. What I 

suffered from hunger and thirst, tormented with fear, in a 

place so dismal, and almost suffocated with the vapours 

arising from the common sink close. to my dungeon, and 

terrified by the rats that passed over me, may be easily 

imagined. My head was filled with frightful fancies, and 

I often imagined I was surrounded by evil spirits, and 

praying aloud for mercy, I would be taken out and almost 

flayed alive, and again shut up. This kind of punishment 

was so frequent that every week I suffered a like martyrdom 

twice or thrice. I attribute the smallness of my stature 

and the debility of my constitution to the life of suffering 

I led, daily receiving blows on the face that often made 

the blood spout from both my nostrils. 

We passed five years in Matanzas, where my employ* 
ment was to sweep and clean the house at sunrise, before 
any one was up ; this done I had to seat myself at the door 
of my mistress, that she might find me there when she 
awoke, then I had to follow her about wherever she 
went, like an automaton, with my arms crossed. When 
meals were over, I had to gather up what was left, and 
clear away the dishes, and when they rose j&om table I had 
to walk behind. Then came the hour of sevring ; I had to 
seat myself in sight of my mistress to sew women's dresses, 
to make gowns, &c., and mend all kinds of clothing. 

At the hour of drawing, which a master taught, I wa^ 
stationed behind a chair, and what I saw done, and heard 
corrected and explained, made me count myself as one of 
the pupils of the drawing-class. One of the children gave 
me an old tablet and a crayon ; and next day I began 
I making mouths, eyes, and ears, imtil I perfected myself, so 
as to be able to copy a head so faithfully, that my master 
said I would turn out a great artist. 
At night I had to go to sleep at some distance, where my 








ia €nMt far tjit JIfgrn. 



mother lived (in the Negro barracones). My only comfort 
was to fly to her arms^ who, with my brother Florence waited 
up till my arrival. 

More than twice they sat up for me while I was in con- 
finement in the stocks for a trifling ofience, waiting a sor- 
rowful morning. My mother, all anxiety when I did not 
come, used to approach where the stocks were, and call to 
me, ^^ Juan," and I, sighing, would answer her, and then 
she would say outside, ^^ Ah, my child ! " and call on her 
husband in his grave — for at this time my father was dead. 

Three times I remember the repetition of this scene, at 
other times I used to meet my mother seeking me — once 
above all, a memorable time to me — when the event which 
follows happened : — 

We were returning from the town late one night, when 
the carriage was going very fast, and I was seated as usual, 
with one hand holding the bar, and having the lanthorn in 
the other ; it fell out of my hand ; I jumped down to get 
it, but such was my terror, I was unable to come up with 
the carriage. I followed, well knowing what was to come; 
when I came to the house, I was seized by the mayoraL 
Leading me to the stocks, we met my mother, who giving 
way to the impulses of her heart, came up to complete my 
misfortunes. On seeing me, she attempted to inquire what 
I had done, but the mayoral ordered her to be silent, and 
treated her as one raising a disturbance. Without regard 
to her entreaties, and being irritated at being called up at 
that hour, he raised his hand, and struck my mother with 
the whip. I felt the blow in my own heart ! To utter a 
loud cry, and from a downcast boy, with the timidity of 
one as meek as a lamb, to become all at once like a raging 
lion, was a thing of a moment — ^with all my strength I feU 
on him with teeth and hands, and it may be imagined how 
many cuffs, kicks, and blows, were given in the struggle 
that ensued. 

My mother and myself were carried off and shut up in 



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the same place ; two twin children were hrought to her to 
suckle, while her own were left weeping alone in the hut. 
Scarcely had it dawned, when the mayoral, with two Ne- 
groes acting under him, led us as victims to the place of 
sacrifice. I suffered more pimishment than was ordered, 
in consequence of my attack on the mayoral. But who 
can describe the powers of the laws of nature on mothers? 
the fault of my mother was, that seeing they were going to 
kill me, as she thought, she inquired what I had done, and 
this was su£Scient to receive a blow and to be further chas- 
tised. At beholding my mother in this situation, for the 
first time in her life, (she being exempted from work) 
stripped and thrown down to be scourged, overwhelmed 
with grief and trembling, I asked them to have pity on 
her for God*s sake ; but at the sound of the first lash, in- 
furiated like a tiger, I flew at the mayoral, and was near 
losing my life in his hands ; but let us throw a veil over the 
rest of this doleful scene. 

There never passed a day without bringing some trouble 
to me ; I cannot relate the incredible hardships of my life, 
full of sorrows ! My heart sickened through sufferings : 
once after having received many blows on the face, and 
that happened almost daily, my mistress said, " I will make 
an end of you before you are of age." 

From my infancy I was taught to love and fear God, 
and my trust in him was such, that I always employed part 
of the night in praying to God to lighten my sufferings, and 
preserve me from mischief ; and I firmly believe my prayers 
were heard, and to this I attribute the preservation of my 
life once on occasion of my running away. 

Although oppressed with so many sufferings, sometimes 
I gave way to the impulses of my naturally cheerful char- 

^ acter. I used to draw decorations on paper, figures on 

^ cards or pasteboard, &c. 

/ About this time I went to the lady of Senor Apodaca, 

^ i a grandee of Havannah. A painter was employed there in 









% €iMi bi % JlSrgra. 



punting some emblems. I helped him, and he gave roe 
ten dollars for my work, and having for amusement painted 
some garlands, he saw that I might be useful to him, and 
asked my mistress to lend me to him, but she would not 
consent ; at the conclusion of his work he gave me two 
dollars more. 

As I was treated with kindness, I began to be more calm 
and composed, and to forget the late harsh behaviour to- 
wards me. I wrote a great many sonnets. Poetry requires 
an object, but I had none to inflame my breast — this was 
the cause of my verses being poor. I was very anxious to 
read every book or paper that fell in my way, and if I met 
with any poetry I learnt it by heart. When my mistress 
had company she had always some poet invited, who recited 
verses and composed sonnets extempore ; I had in a comer 
of the room some ink in an egg-shell, and a pen, and while 
the company applauded and fiUed their glasses with wine, 
away I went to mj comer, and wrote as many verses as I 
could remember. 

Three or four months after this, my mistress turned 
cross and peevish, and was continually threatening me. 
Beheving tliat if I could go to Havannah I should have my 
liberty, I began to think seriously about escaping. One 
morning when all the people were at church, a free servant 
called me aside, and said in a whisper, " my iriend, if you 
suffer, it is your own fault; make your escape, and present 
yourself before the Captain-General at Havannah, state 
your ill treatment to him, and he will do you justice •" at 
the same time showing me the road. 

I waited till twelve o'clock ; saddled a horse for 
the first time in my life, and put on a bridle, but with 
such trembling I hardly knew what I was about; after 
that, I knelt down, said a prayer, and mounted. I i 
thought nobody saw me, but knew afterwards I was seen 
by several of the Negroes, who offered no impediment to 
my flight. 



%)«(| 







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Dr. Madden has translated some of the poems composed 
by this Slave, specimens of which must close the foregoing 
extracts from his life. " A few of these poems," says the 
Doctor, ^' I have put into English verse, rendered so as to 
give the sense of the writer (sometimes purposely obscured 
in the original) as plainly as practicable. To leave no doubt 
of their authenticity, I have deposited the originals in the 
Spanish language, in the hands of the Secretary of the 
Anti-Slavery Society. To form a just opinion of their 
merit, it is necessary to consider the circumstances under 
which they were written, which cannot be estimated by one 
ignorant of the nature of Cuban Slavery.** 

TO CALUMNY. 

SiLiKCB, aadaoious wiekednesB which aims 
At honour's breast, or strikes with driftless breath, 

The lightest word that's spoken thus defames, 
And where it falls inflicts a moral death. 

If, with malign, deliberate intent, 

The shaft is sped, the bow thai ribrates yet 

One day will hurt the hand by which 'tis bent. 
And leave a wound its malice justly met. 

For onoe the winged arrow ia sent forth, 
Who then may tell where, when, or how 'twill hXi ? 

Or, who may pluck its barb from wounded worth, 
And send it back, and swiftly too withal. 

BELiaiON. 

Txa, tho' in gloom and sadness I may rise, 

One blessed strain can soothe my troubled soul, 
"So sooner wakened than with streaming eyes. 

Upward I look, and there I seek my goal. 
Soaring in spirit o'er the things of earth, 

The spark imprisoned bursts its bonds of clay ; 
I feel delight aboTe all human mirth. 

And wrapt in loTe, I lire but then to pray ; 

To thee, dear Father I — ^mighty and supreme I 

Immense ! eternal ! infinite ! and blest I 
Oh, how the grandeur of the theme doth seem 

To enlarge my thoughts, and to inflame my breast. 







% €tMt fiir tjn Jltgnt. 



Hail, blessed fkith ! thou only hope and trust, 
Solace most sweet, and stay of hope most sure ; 

Thou sole support and shield of the oppreat, 
The weak, the wronged, the wretched, and the poor. 

In thee, all trouble is absorbed and lost ; 

In ey'ry breath of thine there's yital air ; 
Whose mild and genial influence, the just 

Bejoioe to find, the wretched e*en may share. 
For thee, when darkness brooded o*er the land, 

A remnant, fiadthful to the law they feared, 
Still wept and sighed — ^*till mercy's hour at hand. 

The mighty standard of the cross was reared. 

Then in the depths of fear, as by a spell. 

The Toioe of hope was heard, the tidings glad. 
Of truth eternal, figo* and wide were spread, 

And demons trembled as their idols fell ; 
But soon the foe of truth and justice came. 

Far worse there's none than tyranny can prore. 
That fitting agent of a spirit's aim. 

Indocile ever to the God of love. 

But Tain was all that monster's rage renewed. 

Thousands of martyrs fell beneath its sway ; 
Still in that cradle purpled with their blood, 

The infimt fiuth waxed stronger every day. 
Now the triumphant gospel is our guide. 

Our sure conductor to eternal light : 
The future vast ; the heavenly portals hide 

Their joys no longer firom our spirit's sight. 

'Tis thou, O GK>d, by faith who dost reveal 

Mysterious wonder to our senses weak : 
When thou dost speak to hearts that deeply feel. 

And humbly hear when thou dost deign to apeak. 
Oh, when the mantle of thy peace descends. 

How the soul then exults in her attire I 
The garb of grace to every thought extends, 

And wraps reflection in seraphic fire. 

In thee, I find aU purity and peaoe^ 
All truth and goodness, wisdom hr above 

All worldly wisdom, might beyond increase, 
And yet surpassing these, unbounded love. 



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oil, tliat its lights were shed on those whose deeds 
Belie the doctrines of the church they claim ; 

Whose impious tongues profane their father's creeds. 
And sanction wrong, e*eai in religion's name. 

Oh, God of mercy, throned in glory high, 

O'er earth and all its miseries, look down 
Behold the wretched, hear the captive's cry. 

And call thy exiled children round thy throne ! 
There would I £un in contemplation gaze. 

On thy eternal beauty, and would make 
Of love one lasting canticle of praise. 

And every theme but that henceforth forsake. 

THIRTY YEAES. 

When I think on the course I have run, 
From my childhood itself to this day, 

I tremble, and fain would I shun. 
The remembrance its terrors array. 

t 

I marvel at struggles endured, 

With a destiny frightful as mine. 
At the strength for such efforts : — ^assured 

Tho' I am, 'tis in vain to repine. 

I have known this sad life thirty years, 
And to me, thirty years it has been 

Of suff'ring, of sorrow and tears, 
Ev'ry day of its bondage I've seen. 

But 'tis nothing the past — or the pains. 
Hitherto I have struggled to bear. 

When I think, oh, my God ! on the chains. 
That I know I'm yet destined to wear. 

THE CUCUTA; OE FIRE-FLY. 

The fire-fly is heedlessly wandering about, 

Through field and through forest is winging his routes 

As free as the butterfly sporting in air. 

From flower to flower it flits here and there : 

Now glowing with beautiful phosphoric light. 

Then paling its lustre and waning in night : 

It bears no effulgence in rivalry near, 

But shrouds ev'ry gleam as the dawn doth appear. 

It sparkles alone in the soft summer's eve, 
Itself, though unseen, by the track it doth leave. 



3 M 








a (Erihttb for tjit JBtgrn. 



The youth of the TiIlAge at night-fall pursae 
O'er hill and o'er dale, ae it oomee into view ; 
Now shining before them, now loet to their eyes. 
The sparkle they catch at, just twinkles and dies ; 
And the mead is one moment all spangled with fire. 
And the next, eveiy sparklet is sure to expire. 

On the leaf of the orange awhile it disports, 
When the blossom is there, to its cup it resorts. 
And still the more brightly and daitzling it shines, 
It baffles its tiny pursuer's designs. 
But see the sweet maiden, the innocent child. 
The pride of the village — as fair as the wild 
And beautiful flowers she twines in her hair — 
How light is her step, and how joyous her air ! 

And oft as one looks on such brightness and bloom. 
On such beauty as hers, one might enyy the doom 
Of a captire " Cuouya," that's destined like this. 
To be touched by her hand, and renved by her kiss j 
Imprisoned itself by a mistress so kind. 
It hardly can seem to be closely confined. 
And a prisoner thus tenderly treated in fine^ 
By a keeper so gentle, might cease to repine. 

In the cage which her delicate hands haye prepared. 
The captiye " Cucuya" is shining unscared. 
Suspended before her, with others as bright, 
In beauty's own bondage revealing their light. 
But this amongst all is her favourite one. 
And she bears it at dusk to her alcove alone, 
'Tis fed by her hand on the cane that's most choice. 
And in secret it gleams, at the sound of her voice. 

Thus cherished, the honey of Hybla would now 
Scarce tempt the '* Cuouya" her oare to forego ; 
And daily it seems to grow brighter, and gain 
Increasing effulgence, forgetting its pain. 
Oh ! beautiful maiden, may heaven accord, 
Thy care of the captive, its fitting reward ; 
And never may fortune the fetters remove. 
Of a heart that is thine in the bondage of love. 



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THE CLOCK THAT GAINS. 

Ths Clock's too fast they say ; 
But wKat matter how it gains ! 

Time will not pass away 
Any faster for its pains. 

The tiny hands may race 
Bound the circle, they may range, 

The Sun has but one pace. 
And his course he cannot change. 

The beams that daily shine 
On the dial, err not so, 

For t)iey*re ruled by laws divine, 
And they vary not, we know. 

But though the Clock is fast, 
Yet the moments I must say, 

More slowly never passed. 
Than they seemed to pass to-day. 

THE DREAM. 

APDBBSBSD TO XT TOUNGSB BBOTHEB. 

Thou knoweet, dear Florence, my sufiferings of old. 
The struggles maintained with oppression for years, 

We shared them together, and each was consoled 

With the whispers of love that were mingled with tears. 

But now, far apart, this sad pleasure is gone, 
We mingle our sighs and our sorrows no more ; 

The course is a new one that each has to ran, 
And dreary the prospect for either in store. 

But in slumber, our spirits, at least, shall commune. 
Behold, how they meet in the visions of sleep ; 

In dreams that reoal early days, like the one 
In my brother's remembrance, I fondly would keep. 

For solitude pining, in anguish of late 
The heights of Quintana I sought, for repose, 

And there of seclusion enamoured, the weight 
Of my cares was forgotten— I felt not my woes. 

Exhausted and weary, the spell of the place 
Soon weighed down my eyeUds, and slumber then stole 

So softly o'er nature, it lefk not a trace 
Of trouble or sorrow, o'ercaating my souL 






<f^' 






% "^rMt fat % Mt^n. 



I Beemed to aaoend like a bird in the air, 

An<i the piniona that bore me, amased me the more ; 

I gaied on the plnmage of beauty bo rare, 

Ab they wared in the snn, at each effort to soar. 

My spirit aspired to a happier sphere. 
The buoyancy even of youth was surpassed ; 

One effort at flight not diyested of fear. 
And the flutter ensued, was successful at last. 

And learing the earth and its toils, I look down. 
Or upwards I glance, and behold with surprise. 

The wonders of GKkl, and the firmament strewn 
With myriads of brilliants, that spangle the skiee. 

The ocean of ether around me, each star 

Of the zodiac shining, above either pole 
Of the earth as a point in the distance afiur. 

And one fli^ of the wing, serres to trayerse the whole. 

The bounds which confine the wide sea, and the height 
Which separates earth from the heavenly spheres ; 

The moon as a shield I behold in my flight. 
And each spot on its earbioe distinctly appears. 

The valley well known of Matanzas is nigh. 

And trembling, my brother, I gaze on that place. 

Where, cold and forgotten, the ashes now lie 
Of the parents we dung to in boyhood's embrace. 

How the sight of that place sent the blood to my heart, 

I shudder e'en now to recal it, and yet 
I'd remind you of wrongs we were wont to impart. 

And to weep o'er in secret at night when we met. 

I gazed on that spot, where together we played. 
Our innocent pastimes came fresh to my mind ; 

Our mother's caresses, the fondness displayed. 
In each word and each look of a parent so kind. 

The ridge of that mountain, whose fastnesses wild 

The fugitives seek, I beheld, and around 
Plantations were scattered of late where they toiled. 

And the graves of their comrades are now to be found. 

The mill-house was there and its turmoil of old, 
But sick of these scenes, for too well they were known ; 

I looked for the stream, where in childhood I strolled 
By its banks when a moment of peace was my own* 



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But no recollections of pleasure or pain 

Gould drire the remembrance of thee from my core ; 
I sought my dear brother, embraced him again, 

But found him a Slave, as I left him before. 

" Oh, Florence," I cried, " let us fly from this place, 
The gloom of a dungeon is here to a£Eright ! 

'Tis dreadful as death or its terrors to face. 
And hateful itself as the scaffold to sight. 

" Let us fly on the wings of the wind, let us fly, 

And for ever abandon so hostile a soil 
As this plaoe of our birth, where our doom is to sigh 

In haplsss despair, and in bondage to toil.'\ 

To my bosom I clasped him, and winging once more 
My flight in the air, I ascend with my charge, 

The sultan I wpm of the winds, as I soar, 
A monarch whose wiU sets the prisoner at large. 

Like Icarus boldly ascending on high, 

I laugh at the anger of Minos, and see 
A haven of freedom aloft, where I fly. 

And the plaoe where the Slave from his master is free. 

The rapture whicli Dosdalus inly approved 

To Athens fr^m Crete, when pursuing his flight. 

On impetuous pinions, I felt when I moved 
Through an ocean of ether, so boundless and bright. 

But the moment I triumphed o'er earth and its fears. 
And dreamt of aspiring to heavenly joys : 

Of hearing the music divine of the spheres, 
And tasting of pleasure that care never cloys, 

I saw in an instant, the face of the skies. 
So bright and serene but a moment before. 

Enveloped in gloom, and there seemed to arise 
The murmur preceding the tempest's wild roar. 

Beneath me, the sea into fury was lashed. 
Above me, the thunder rolled loudly, and now 

The hurricane round me in turbulence dashed. 
And the glare of the lightning e'en flashed on my brow. 

The elements all seemed in warfare to be, 

And succour or help there was none to be sought ; 

The fieite of poor Icarus seemed now for me. 

And my daring attempt its own punishment brought. 





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'Twas then, oli, ^ Gtod ! that a thunder-dap camey 
And the noise of its crash broke the slumbers so lights 

That stole o'er my senses and fettered mj frame, 
And the dream was soon over, of freedom's first flight. 

And waking, I saw thee, my brother, onoe more; 

The sky was serene and my terrors were past ; 
But doubt there was none of the tempests of yore, 

And the clouds that of old, our young hopes overcast. 



FBEDEBICK DOVeiASS 

Was bom a Slave^ on a plantation in Marjland, about 
the year 1817, and remained in that servile condition till 
about twenty-one years of age, when he effected his escape 
from fetters and chains. The history of his life of Slavery, 
which has been widely circulated,* presents a dismal 
picture of what is endured by the Negro race in the Slave> 
holding states of the Union. 

The narrative of Douglass, written by himself, consider- 
ing how long and dark was the career he had to run as a 
Slave, in the poorest school for the human heart and in- 
tellect, and how few have been his opportunities for subse- 
quently improving his mind, is highly creditable to his head 
and heart. He who can peruse it without a tearful eye, a 
heaving breast, an afflicted spirit, — without being filled 
with an abhorrence of Slavery and all its abettors, and ani- 
mated with a determination to seek the immediate over- 
throw of that execrable system, — ^must have a flinty heart 
indeed. It presents no exaggerated picture of Slavery. 
Many have suffered incomparably more, while few on the 
plantations have suffered less, than himself. Yet how de- 
plorable was his situation! what terrible chastisements 
were inflicted upon his person! what still more shocking 
outrages were perpetrated upon his mind! with all his 
noble powers and sublime aspirations, how like a brute 

* Narratiye of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American SlaTe, writ- 
ten by himself. DubUn : Webb and Chapman. 1846. 








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was he treated, even by those professing to have the same 
mind in them that was in Christ Jesus ! to what dreadful 
liabilities he was continually subjected ! how destitute of 
friendly counsel and aid, even in his greatest extremities ! 
How heavy was the midnight of woe which shrouded in 
blackness the last ray of hope, and filled the future with 
terror and gloom ! What longings after freedom took pos- 
session of his breast, and how his misery augmented, in 
proportion as he grew reflective and intelligent, — thus de- 
monstrating that a happy Slave is an extinct man ! How 
he thought, reasoned, felt, under the lash of the driver, 
with the chains upon his limbs ! what perils he encountered 
in his endeavours to escape from his horrible doom ! and 
how signal have been his deliverance and preservation in 
the midst of a nation of pitiless enemies ! 

The narrative of Douglass contains many affecting inci- 
dents, many passages of great eloquence and power; per- 
haps the most thrilling one of all is the description he gives 
of his feelings, as he stood soliloquizing respecting his fate, 
and the chances of his one day being a free man, on the 
banks of the Chesapeake Bay — viewing the receding vessels 
as they flew with their white wings before the breeze, and 
apostrophizing them as animated by the living spirit of 
freedom. Who can read that passage, and be insensible to 
its pathos and sublimity ? '* Compressed into it is a whole 
Alexandrian library of thought, feeling, and sentiment — 
all that can, all that need be urged, in the form of expos- 
tulation, entreaty, rebuke, against the crime of crimes, — 
making man the property of his fellow-man ! O, how ac- 
cursed is that system, which entombs the god-like mind of 
man, defaces the divine image, reduces those who by crea- 
tion were crowned with glory and honour, to a level with 
four-footed beasts, and exalts the dealer in human flesh 
above all that is called God ! Why should its existence be 
prolonged one hour ? Is it not evil, only evil, and that con- 
tinually ? What does its presence imply but the absence 















a €nMt kt % Jlfgra. 



of all fear of God, all regard for man, on the part of 
the people of the United States ? Heaven speed its eternal 
overthrow ! " 

What a disgrace on Free and Enlightened America! 
Here we have a man in physical proportions and stature 
commanding and erect, in intellect richly endowed, in 
natural eloquence a prodigy, in soul manifestly " created 
but a little lower than the angels ; " yet a Slave, aye, a 
fugitive Slave, trembling for his safety on American soil. 
Capable of high attainments as an intellectual and moral 
being, almost without an education, an ornament to society, 
and yet, by the law of his country, by the voice of its 
people, by the terms of the Slave Code, only a piece of 
property, a beast of burden, a chattel personal, never- 
theless ! 

It would be superfluous to say much here respecting the 
talents of Douglass, which are so self-evident. Few have 
not had an opportunity of judging of his abilities for them- 
selves, and thus increasing their respect for him and for his 
race. As a public speaker, he excels in pathos, wit, com- 
parison, imitation, strength of reasoning, and fluency 
of language, frequently giving utterance to many noble 
thoughts and thrilling reflections, and his eloquent appeals 
have extorted the highest applause of multitudes on both 
sides of the Atlantic. " There is in him,'* says W. L. 
Garrison, *^ that union of head and heart, which is indis- 
pensable to an enlightenment of the heads, and a winning 
of the hearts of others. May his strength continue to be 
equal to his day ! May he continue to grow in grace, and 
in the knowledge of God,' that he may be increasingly ser- 
viceable in the cause of bleeding humanity ;" and let the 
calumniators of the Coloured race despise themselves for 
their baseness and illiberality of spirit, and henceforth cease 
to talk of the natural inferiority of those who require no- 
thing but time and opportunity to attain to the highest 
point of human excellence. 






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OB8SBYATI0V8 OH VXOBO CHABACTXB AHD ABILITY, 

COMMUNICATF.D BY DR. WINTERBOTTOM. OF SOUTH AHIBLDe, IN A 
LETTER TO THE AUTHOR DATED MARCH •TH, 18A8. 




For more than half a century, I have felt a strong and 
sincere attachment to the much injured African. In 1792, 
I went out to x\frica in the service of the Sierra Leone 
Company, and resided in Free Town four years, as physi- 
cian to the Colony. Here I had, of course, abundant op- 
portunities of observing the Negro character, and if my 
unbiassed testimony can be of any avail, I declare it as my 
opinion, that the Negro in his native country, is of a mild 
and benevolent disposition, hospitable, and capable of strong 
and warm attachment to those who treat him with kindness. 
I speak from much experience, having repeatedly visited 
the African in his native country, passed tha night in his 
hut, and partaken of his kindness and hospitality. 

With respect to their powers of mind, I consider the 
Africans to be upon a level with the generality of Europeans. 
The schools of Free Town and the neighbouring districts 
are crowded with as fine children as we usually meet with 
in England ; and they can produce as perfect specimens of 
active, intelligent, and sprightly pupils^^ as are to be found 
in any of our British schools of the same class. 

The natives of Africa, in general, live in a state of gross 
ignorance and idolatrous superstition, the Mahometans ex- 
cepted. But they duly appreciate the advantages of edu- 
cation, and are, tmiversaUyj anxious to have their children 
taught to read and write. A Missionary settling in one of 
their villages would be hailed with joy, and meet with the 
utmost kindness and respect. 

Allow me to add, that my brother, captain of one of the 
Sierra Leone Company's vessels, accompanied my excellent 
^ friend, Mr. Watt, in his visit to Teembo, capital of the 
Foulah country. They travelled on foot upwards of 500 
miles, and were, everywhere^ most kindly and hospitably 
received, particularly at the capital by the king. 




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In a letter subsequently received from Dr. Winterbot- 
tom^ the following addition on this subject occurs : — 

Upwards of half a century has elapsed since my return 
from that very interesting country^ Africa ; of course many 
circumstances have escaped my recollection^ but I must 
ever remember with pleasure and with gratitude, the uni- 
form kindness shown to me by my Black brethren. 

I have been acquainted with several extremely intelligent 
Africans. Mr. Cooper, a friend of mine, was particularly 
noticed by the Governor and Whites of the colony. He 
was very gentlemanly in his appearance and manners, and 
well informed. He set to music, for the use of the church, 
Pope's beautiful ode " Vital Spark," which I have listened 
to with much pleasure, as sung by the sweet voices of the 
very devout Black women. 

Among the liberated Africans I have had many in- 
stances related to me since I left the colony, of men, who, 
until the age of manhood, had never seen or heard of a 
letter, making such progress in reading, writing, and arith- 
metic, as to be now able to manage the accounts of a store, 
or large shop, and also the details of a vessel's cargo. Many 
of the women are equally expert. The children in the 
schools are also extremely quick and docile. 

From what I have seen, it is my solemn and unbiassed 
opinion^ that education alone constitutes the whole differ- 
ence between the European and the African. 

I am, dear Sir, yours truly, 

THOS. M. WINTERBOTTOM. 



r/^ 



SICAVA, A KA7IB CHIB7. 

During his last illness, the mind of this enlightened 
Chief was elevated above the world by the hope of eternal r- 
blessedness. Feeling that he had but a short time to live, j 
so long as he was able to speak he explained to those around I 
him the nature and importance of the Christian's hope ; 






1]3> 



a €jMt fat % Mtin. 




exhorting them to faith in Christ, whatever sacrifices their 
constancy might cost them ; and he expired in the midst 
of his people, in a truly Christian manner, resigning his 
soul into the hands of that Saviour who had redeemed him, 
exclaiming, " Come, Lord Jesus, come quickly ; I commit 
my soul into thy hands; it is thine, for thou hast re- 
deemed it by thy blood." 

Sicana was a poet, and composed hymns, which he re- 
peated to his people, till they could retain them upon their 
memories. The following specimen of his poetical abilities, 
the people are still accustomed to sing to a low monoto- 
nous air. 

XJlin guba inkulu siambata tina 
Ulodali bom' uadali pezula, 
XJmdala uadala idala izula, 
Yebinza inquinquis zixeliela. 
Utika umkula gozmiline, 
Yebinza inqulnqais nozilimele. 
Umze uakonana subiziele, 
Umkokeli ua sikokeli tina, 
Uenza infama zenza go bond ; 
Imali inkula subiziele, 
Wena wena q'aba inyaniza, 
Wena wena kaka linyaniza, 
Wena wena klati linyaniza ; 
Invena inli*inani subiziele, 
Ugaze laku ziman'heba wena, 
Usanbla zaku ziman'heba wena, 
XJmkokili ua, sikokeli tina : 
Ulodali bom* uadali pezula, 
Umdala uadala idala izula. 



TBANSLATION. 

Mantle of Comfort ! God of Love ! 

The Ancient One on High ! 
Who guides the firmament above, 

The heavens and starry sky ; 

Creator — Buler — Mighty One j 
The Only Good,— All-wise ; 

To Him, the Great Eternal God, 
Our fervent prayers arise. 








a inh\t fer t^ jitp. 

Giver of life, we oall on Him, 

On His high throne above. 
Our Bock of Befuge still to be, 

Of safety and of love. 

Our trusty shield, our sure defence. 

Our leader still to be, 
We call upon our pitying God, 

Who makes the blind to see. 

We supplicate the Holy Lamb 
Whose blood for us was shed, 

Whose feet were pierced for guilty man. 
Whose hands for us have bled. 

Even our God who gave us life, 
From Heaven, His throne above, 

Tlie great Creator of the world. 
Father, and God of Love. 



Jakb Braoo. 



JASXIV THOVXAZXAV 

Was bom in Africa, in 1714. He was brought to St, 
Domingo and sold for a Slave, when 22 years of age. 
Obtaining his freedom, he married, and in 1756 established 
a hospital at the Cape for poor Negroes and Mulattoes. 
More than forty years were devoted by him and his wife 
to this benevolent Institution, and his fortune was subser- 
vient to the wants of its inmates. The only regret they 
felt, while their time and substance were devoted to these 
destitute objects, arose from a fear, that after they were 
gone, the hospital might be abandoned. 

The Philadelphia Society at the Cape, and the Agricul- 
tural Society at Paris, decreed medals to Jasmin, who died 
near the close of the century. 



PAUL CTTFFJS. 

This intelligent, enterprising, and benevolent Negro, 
was the youngest son of John Cuffe, a Negro dragged 
from his home and connexions, and sold into Slavery, in 




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which he remained most of his life ; hut at last^ hy good 
conduct and industry^ he amassed sufficient to purchase his 
freedom, and also a farm of 100 acres. He married a 
woman of Indian descent, and brought up a family of four 
sons and six daughters respectably, near New Bedford, 
Massachusetts. 

Paul was the youngest son, and when he was about 
fourteen, his father dying, the care of supporting their 
mother and six sisters devolved jointly upon Paul and his 
brothers. The land which their father had left them 
proving unproductive, afforded but little provision for the 
family. They therefore laboured under great disadvan- 
tages, and did not possess the means of acquiring even the 
rudiments of a good education. 

Paul, however, was not easily discouraged, and found 
opportunities for improvement and of cultivating his mind. 
Through his own indefatigable exertions, with a little 
assistance occasionally, he soon learned to read and write, 
and also attained a knowledge of arithmetic. Some esti- 
mate may be formed of the natural talent with which he 
was endowed for the speedy reception of learning, from the 
fact that be acquired such a knowledge of navigation in 
two weeks, as enabled him to command a vessel in voyages 
which he subsequently made to England, to Russia, to 
Africa, the West Indies, and several ports of the United 
States. 

Paul CuflRe's three brothers continued respectable far- 
mers at Westport. Paul, however, was inclined to the pur- 
suit of commerce. He conceived that it furnished more 
ample rewards to industry than agriculture, and being con- 
scious that he possessed qualities which, under proper cul- 
ture, would enable him to pursue commercial employments 
with success, he entered at the age of sixteen, as a common 
hand onboard a vessel destined to the Bay of Mexico, on a 
whaling expedition* His second voyage was to the West 
Indies ; but on his third, which was during the American 













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war, he was captured by a British ship. After three ^ \ 
months' detention as a prisoner at New York, he returned ^ 
to Westport, where, owing to the continuance of hos- 
tilities, he spent about two years in agricultural pursuits. 

The Free Negro population of Massachusetts being ex- 
cluded from all. participation in the rights of citizenship, 
bearing, however, a full share of every state burden, Paul, 
though not yet twenty years of age, felt deeply the injus- 
tice done to himself and his race, and resolved to make an 
effort to obtain for them the rights which were their due. 
Assisted by his brother, he drew up and presented a re- 
spectful petition on the subject to the state legislature. 
Notwithstanding the prejudices of the times, the propriety 
and justice of the petition were perceived by a majority of 
the legislative body, and an act was passed, granting to the 
Free Negroes all the privileges of White citissens. This 
was a day equally honourable to the petitioners and to 
the legislature ; in which justice and humanity triumphed 
over prejudice and oppression; it should be gratefully 
remembered by every person of CJolour, and Paul CufK 
should always be united in its recollection. This enactment 
was not only important as far as regarded the state of Mas- 
sachusetts ; the example was followed at different periods 
by others of the united provinces, so that the exertions of 
Paul Cuffe and his brother influenced permanently the 
welfare of the whole Coloured population of North America. 

Paul, being now about twenty years of age, again turned 
his attention to commercial pursuits, encountering many 
adverse circumstances under which most men would have 
sunk. He began with an open boat, but by prudeuce and 
perseverance, he was at length enabled to obtain a good 
sized schooner, then a brig, and afterwards a ship. By 
judicious plans and diligence in their execution he gradually p 
increased his property. In 1806, he owned a ship, two 
brigs, and several small vessels, besides considerable pro- j 
perty in houses and lands. In a pecuniary point of view 




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he became not only independent, but had wherewith to 
contribute largely to the relief of others, and of the African 
race especially. 

Some idea may be formed from the following circum- 
stance, of the low estimation in which the African race are 
held, and of the energy required to rise above the crushing 
weight of prejudice. One of Paul's voyages was to Vienna 
in Nanticoke Bay. On his arrival, the inhabitants were 
filled with astonishment, and even alarm ; a vessel owned 
and commanded by a Black man, and manned with a crew 
of the same colour, was unprecedented and surprising The 
fear of a revolt on the part of their Slaves was excited 
among the inhabitants of Vienna, and an attempt was made 
to prevent Paul from entering the harbour. On examina- 
tion, his papers proved to be correct, and the custom-house 
officers could not legally refuse the entry of his vessel. 
Paul combined prudence with resolution, conducting hun- 
self with candour, modesty, and firmness ; and his crew 
behaved, not only inoffensively, but with a conciliating pro- 
priety. In a few days the inimical association vanished, 
and the inhabitants treated the Negro captain and his crew 
with respect and even kindness. Many of the principal 
people visited his vessel, and at the pressing invitation of 
one of them, Paul dined with his family in the town. He 
sold his cargo, received in lieu of it three thousand bushels 
of Indian com, which he conveyed to Westport, where it 
was in great demand, and it yielded our hero a clear profit 
of a thousand dollars. 

Paul Cuffe experienced the disadvantages of his limited 
education, and he resolved, as far as it was practicable, to 
relieve his children from similar embarrassments. The 
neighbourhood had neither a tutor nor a school, though 
many were desirous one should be established. Paul con- 
vened a meeting for making arrangements to accomplish 
this object, the great utility of which was so evident. A 
collision of opinion respecting mode and place occasioned 










a €n\ivk fax % Jltgnr. 



them to separate without arriving at any conclusion. Per- 
ceiring that all efforts to procure a union of sentiment were 
fruitless, Paul took the matter into his own hands, and 
erected a school-house on his own ground, entirely at hb 
own expense, and threw it open to the public* How gra- 
tifying to humanity is this anecdote ! and who that justly 
appreciates human character, would not prefer Paul Cuffis, 
the son of an African Slave, to the proudest statesman that 
ever dealt destruction amongst mankind ? 

In his person, Paul Cuffe was tall, well formed, and athletic ; 
his deportment conciliating, yet dignified and prepossess- 
ing ; his countenance blending gravity with modesty and 
sweetness, and firmness with gentleness and humanity ; in 
speech and habit plain and unostentatious. His whole ex- 
terior indicated a man of respectability and piety ; and reli- 
gion, influencing his mind, added, in advancing manhood, 
to the brightness of his character, and confirmed his dispo- 
sition to practical good. He joined the Society of Friends, 
and became a minister amongst them, frequently exercising 
his gift to comfort and edification. 

When the state of his affairs were such, as to render it 
necessary that all his resources should be employed in the 
pursuit of his private concerns, Paul Cuffe was still de- 
sirous in some way to advance the interests of the ccnnniu- 
nity. When he was prevented from pursuing his business 
during the rigours of the winter, he often devoted his time 
in teaching navigation to his sons and the young men in 
the neighbourhood. On his voyages, he imparted a know- 
ledge of this invaluable science to those imder him, and 
had the honour of training up, both amongst the White 
and Coloured population, a considerable number of skilful 
navigators. 

Paul Cuffe was upright in all his transactions in trade ; 
knowing himself to be accountable to God for the mode of 
using and acquiring his possessions, he believed it to be bis 
duty to sacrifice private interest rather than engage in any 



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enterprise, however lawful in the eyes of the world, or how- 
ever profitable, that had the slightest tendency to injure 
his fellow-men. On this ground, he would not deal in in- 
toxicating liquors or in Slaves, though he might have done 
either, without violating the laws of his country, and with 
considerable pecuniary gain. What an incalculable de- 
crease would there be in the aggregate of human misery 
were all Christians willing to follow the example of this 
despised son of Ethiopia, and be actuated by a similar 
spirit. 

Being naturally possessed of a tender, feeling mind, Paul 
Cuffe deeply mourned over the degraded and miserable 
condition of his African brethren ; and in his active exer- 
tions in their behalf, he shone forth most conspicuously as 
a man of worth. He observed many benevolent men en- 
deavouring to release them from bondage, and to instil 
into their minds the light of knowledge and religion, but 
the force of interest and prejudice combined, operated so 
powerfully, as to give the Negro but little encouragement 
to hope for an advancement to respectability in a state 
of society where so few incentives to improvement were 
afforded them. 

Such being the case, Paul Cuffe turned his attention to 
Sierra Leone, believing from various communications, that 
his endeavours to contribute through it to the welfare 
of his fellow-men, might not be ineffectual. His affairs 
being in a flourishing state, and being desirous to ap- 
propriate a portion of what he had received from an ever- 
bountiful Providence to the benefit of his unhappy race, 
he embarked in 1811, in his own brig " Traveller," manned 
entirely by persons of Colour, his nephew, Thomas Wainer, 
being the captain. After a short passage, they arrived at 
Sierra Leone, when he acquainted himself with the state 
and condition of the colony, having frequent conversations 
with the Governor and principal inhabitants, and sug- 
gesting important improvements. Amongst others, he 




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recommended the formation of a society for promoting die 
interests of its members and the colonists in general; 
which was immediately formed, and named " The FriendlT 
Society of Sierra Leone," being principally composed of 
respectable Men of Colour. The following epistle emanated 
from this society. It bears the marks of native beauty and 
simplicity, breathing a Christian spirit throughout. 



" ' To the saints and faithful brethren in Christ ; grace 
be unto you, and peace from God our Father, and from 
the Lord Jesus Christ,' 

" We desire to bumble ourselves with thankful acknow- 
ledgment to the Father and Fountain of all our mercies, 
for the liberty and freedom we enjoy. And our prayer to 
God is, that our brethren who live in distant lands and are 
held in bondage, groaning under the galling ch^n of Sla- 
very, may be liberated, and enjoy the freedom that God has 
granted unto all. 

" Dearly beloved brethren in the Lord, may the power 
and peace of God rule in all your hearts, for we feel, from 
an awful experience, the distresses that many of our African 
brethren groan under ; therefore our minds are engaged to 
desire all the professors in Christ, diligently to consider our 
case, and to put it to the Christian query : whether it is 
agreeable to the testimony of Jesus Christ, for one professor 
to make merchandize of another? We ore desirous that this 
may be made manifest to the professors of all Christiao 
denominations, who have not abolished the holding of 
Slaves. 

" We salute you, beloved brethren, in the Lord, with 
sincere desires that the work of regeneration may be more 
and more experienced. It would be a consolation to us, : 
to hear from the saints in distant lands, and to receive all [ 
who are disposed to come unto us, with open arms. ^ 

" Our dearly beloved African brethren, we also salute 




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you in the love of God. Be obedient unto your masters^ 
^th your prayers lifted up to God, whom we would re- 
commend you to confide in, who is just as able in these 
days to deliver you from the yoke of oppression, as he hath 
in times past brought your forefathers out of the Egyptian 
bondage. Finally, brethren, may the power and peace of 
God rule in all your hearts. 

** * Grace be unto you, and peace from God our Father, 
and the Lord Jesus.' " 

This epistle was signed by sixteen respectable Men of 
Colour. Let the candid reader decide who are Christians, 
such men, or their tyrannical oppressors ? 

After remaining about two months at Sierra Leone, Paul 
Cuffe sailed to England ; for the African Institution, ap- 
prised of his benevolent designs, forwarded him an invita- 
tion which induced him to come over, bringing with him a 
cargo of African produce. For the more effectual promo- 
tion of his primary object, he left his nephew, Thomas 
Wainer, in the colony, and brought with him to England, 
Aaron Richards, a native of Sierra Leone, with an inten- 
tion of educating him, and particularly of instructing him 
in the art of navigation. 

From the exertions of one individual, however ardently 
engaged, we ought not to form too high expectations ; but 
from the little information that can be obtained of his en- 
deavours among the colonists at Sierra Leone, and the 
open reception he met with amongst them, there are strong 
grounds for hoping that the seeds of improvement he scat- 
tered, were not sown upon an unfruitful soil. 

Paul Cufie, with his brig " Traveller," navigated by eight 
Men of Colour, arrived at Liverpool, in the 8th mo. 1811 ; 
and the crew during their stay, " were remarkable for their 
good conduct, and proper behaviour; and the greatest 
cordiality appeared to prevail amongst them." * They 

* liverpool Mercury. 




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remained in England about two months, where Paul met 
with every mark of attention and respect. He visited Lon- 
don twice, the second time at the request of the Board of 
the African Institution, who were desirous of consulting 
with him as to the best means of carrying their beneTolent 
views respecting Africa into effect. Having an opportunity 
of laying his intentions, and opening his prospects before 
the association, they cordially acquiesced with him in aU 
his plans, and gave him authority to carry over from the 
United States a few Coloured persons of good character, 
to instruct the colonists in agriculture and mechanical 
arts. 

To the honour of the British government, Cuffe sailed 
from England with a license from them to prosecute his 
voyage to Sierra Leone, carrying with him some goods as 
a consignment to the " Friendly Society," to encourage 
them in the way of trade. 

Is it possible to conceive a more animating spectacle 
than a vessel commanded by a free and enlightened African, 
trading to the port of Liverpool, not many years before, 
the nidus of the Slave Trade ! and to see him prosecuting 
his voyages, with a vessel not laden with instruments of 
destruction, cruelty, and oppression, but manned with 
Sable, yet free and respectable seamen, rescued from the 
galling chain of Slavery, and now employed in honourable 
commerce ? 

Having again safely arrived at Sierra Leone, delivered 
the goods, and given some salutary instructions, CufiPe 
once more set sail for America. 

Thus terminated his two first missions to Africa ; under- 
taken from the purest motives of benevolence, and almost 
entirely at his own expense and risk. Unwearied, he went 
about doing good, devoting most of his time and talents 
to benevolent purposes. — Christian reader, canst thou be- 
lieve that such a man was possessed of a soul inferior to 
thine own ? 



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On Paul Cuffe's arrival in his native land, he was joyfully 
welcomed by his family and friends, and every comfort 
awaited his command. But the sufferings of his fellow- 
creatures, groaning under cruel oppression, and groping 
in the dark and horrible night of heathenish superstition 
and ignorance, were indeUbly stamped on his mind. He 
could not rest at ease ; nor think of enjoying comfort and 
repose whilst he might be instrumental in the hand of Pro- 
vidence in meHorating their sufferings. Far from being 
discouraged by the labours and dangers he had already un- 
dergone, and unmindful of the ease which the decline of 
life requires, and to which his long continued exertions 
gave him a peculiar claim, he renewed his benevolent la- 
bours. Scarcely had the first transports of reioicin&f at 
U. „.™ .o J w™ of hi. M Ad M» J.„b.iid. 
ere he prepared for another voyage to Sierra Leone. 

In the hope of finding persons of the description given 
by the African Institution, qualified to instruct the colo- 
nists in agriculture and mechanical arts, he visited most 
of the large cities in the United States, held frequent con- 
ferences with the most respectable Men of Colour, and 
others who had distinguished themselves as the firiends of 
the Negro ; recommending them to form associations for 
the furtherance of the work in which he was engaged. 
Societies were formed in Philadelphia and New York, and 
a number of eligible Coloured persons were selected, who 
were willing to go vdth him and settle in Africa. Before 
he was ready for the voyage, the war commenced between 
America and Great Britain. This formed a barrier to his 
operations, which he was so anxious to prosecute, that he 
travelled to Washington, a distance of about 600 miles, to 
solicit the favour of Government in his intended under- 
taking, and to obtain permission to carry with him those 
persons and their effects who had volunteered to accom- 
pany him to Sierra Leone. Although his plan was highly 
approved, his application proved unsuccessful, the policy of 









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the (Jovemment not admittiiig of such an intercourse with 
an enemy's colony. He had therefore no other alternative 
than to remain quietly at home, and wait the event of the 
war. 

The delay thus occasioned, instead of diminishing his 
ardour, was employed in improving and maturing his plans, 
and in extending his correspondence, which already em- 
braced some of the most distinguished philanthropists. 
On the termination of the war, he prepared for his depar- 
ture, and towards the end of the year 1815, he sailed with 
thirty-eight Africans, who were to give instmctimi at 
Sierra Leone, in farming and the mechanical arts. After 
a voyage of fifty-five days, they landed safely <ni the soil 
of their forefathers. 

In his zeal for the welfare of his race, Paul Cufie bad 
considerably exceeded the instructions of the African Insti- 
tution, by which he was advised to carry over in the first 
instance, six or eight persons ; he had therefore no daim 
for the passage and other expenses attending the removal 
of any above that number. This he had previously con- 
sidered, generously resolving to bear the expense of thirty 
himself, rather than deprive any w^o were engaged, of an 
opportunity of going where they might be so beneficially 
employed. When these persons were landed at Sierra 
Leone, it was necessary to provide for the destitute until 
they were able to do so for themselves. For this also, 
he applied to his own resources ; so that he expended out 
of his private funds nearly 4000 dollars for the benefit of 
of the colony. 

On his arrival at Sierra Leone, he presented his passen- 
gers to the Governor, who gave to each family a small 
piece of ground in the town, and thirty to fifty acres of 
land, according to their number, about two miles distant 

Paul Cufie remained at the colony this time about two 
months. On tiiis occasion he drew up an address to his 
African brethren, containing much affectionate advice and 




K--1 




'U-- 

K 




\\ % €xMt fer tjiB Mt%n. 



>m 




pious exhortation, the general tenor of which may he 
judged of from the following extracts : — 

" Beloved friends and fellow-countrymen, I earnestly 
recommend to you the propriety of assembling yourselves 
together to worship the Lord your Grod. God is a Spirit, 
and they that worship him acceptably, must worship him 
in spirit and in truth. 

'' Come, my African brethren, let us walk in the light 
of the Lord ; in that pure light which bringeth salvation 
into the world* I recommend sobriety and steadfastness ; 
that so professors may be good examples in all things. I 
recommend that early care be taken ^to instruct the youth^ 
while their minds are tender ; that so they may be pre- 
served from the corruptions of the world, from profanity, 
intemperance, and evil company. 

'* May servants be encouraged to discharge their duty 
with faithfulness ; may they be brought up to industry, 
and may their minds be cultivated for the reception of the 
good seed, which is promised to all who seek it. I want 
that we should be faithful in all things, that so we may 
become a people giving satisfaction to those who have 
borne the burden and heat of the day, in liberating us from 
Slavery." 

These appear to have been the simple expressions of his 
feelings ; the language of his heart. When he took his 
departure, it was like a father taking leave of his children, 
receiving the tokens of overflowing affection, commending 
them with pious admonition to the protection of Almighty 
God. "I leave you," says he, in the concluding part of his 
address, — " I leave you in the hands of Him who is able to 
preserve you through time, and crown you with that bles- 
sing which is prepared for all who are faithful to the end." 
^^ In 1817, Paul Cuffe was seized with a complaint which 
proved fatal. During his illness, which continued about 
half-a-year, the subject of ameliorating the condition of his 
race continued deeply impressed on his mind, and his 









% €nMt ftr tin Mt^^ 



decaying powers were occupied in an extensive correspon- 
dence with their friends. Though now unable to serve 
them as he had done, he was gratified in finding his views 
adopted by a number of the most benevolent and influ- 
ential men in America. 

Such then, is a hasty sketch of Paul Cuffe ; pourtraying 
the activity of his labours in behalf of the African race. 
His whole life may be said to have been spent in their 
service. To their interests he devoted the acquisitions of 
his youth^ the time of his later years, and even the thoughts 
of his d3ring pillow ! He died in 1817^ his labours and his 
life being thus terminated in the 59th year of his age. 

" As a private man," says Peter Williams, " Paul Cufie 
was just and upright in all his dealings, an aflTectionate 
husband, a kind father, a good neighbour, and a faithful 
friend. Pious without ostentation, he manifested in all his 
deportment that he was a true disciple of Jesus; and 
cherished a charitable disposition to professors of every 
denomination, who walked according to the leading prin- 
ciples of the gospel. Regardless of the honours and plea- 
sures of the world, in humble imitation of his Divine master, 
he went from place to place doing good ; looking not for 
his reward among men, but in the favour of his heavenly 
Father. Thus walking in the ways of piety and usefulness, 
in the smiles of an approving conscience, and the favour of 
God, he enjoyed through life, an unusual serenity and 
satisfaction of mind ; and when the fatal messenger arrived 
to cut the bonds of mortality, it found him in peace, ready 
and willing to depart. In that solemnly interesting period, 
when nature with him was struggling in the pangs of dis- 
solution, such a calmness and serenity overspread his soul 
and manifested itself in his countenance and actions, that 
the heart of the greatest reprobate, at beholding him, would 
respond to the wish, ' Let me die the death of the right- 
eous, and let my last end be like his.' 

'* A short time previous to his final close, feeling sensible 



W-/^ 



1*^ 



f "^w 





% €xMt fax t^i jljgrn. 



that his end was near, he called bis family together to bid 
them adieu ! It was an affecting scene : a scene of inex- 
pressible solemnity — of tears and bitter anguish on the one 
hand, and christian firmness and resignation on the other. 
His wife and children, and several other relatives being 
assembled around him, he reached forth his enfeebled hand, 
and after shaking hands with each, and giving them some 
pious advice, he commended them to the tender mercies 
of Jehovah, and bade them all a final farewell." 

Having taken leave of his family, and commended them 
to the care of God, his mind seemed almost entirely occu- 
pied in anticipating tlie glory of which he would shortly 
be made a partaker, and in contemplating the blessedness 
of being for ever with his Redeemer. To one of his 
neighbours who came to visit him, he said, " Not many 
days hence and ye shall see the glory of God ; I know that 
my works are all gone to judgment before me ; and soon 
after he added, " It is all well, it is all well." 

Thus did he experience a happy transition from works 
to rewards, from a state of trial and probation to a glorious 
never-ending eternity! Whatever the shade of his complexion 
might be, his faith was steadfastly fixed on the Redeemer, 
in the merits of whose sufferings and death he most surely 
believed, and through whom he had a well-grounded hope 
of eternal lile. 

The following extract from an American paper, affords 
an additional testimony to the character of this excellent 
man : — " Died, at Westport, on the 7th of Sept., Paul 
Cuffe, a very respectable Man of Colour, in the 69th year 
of his age. A descendant of Africa, he overcame by native 
strength of mind, and firm adherence to principle, the pre- 
judices with which its descendants are too generally viewed. 
Industrious, temperate, and prudent, his means of acquiring 
property, small at first, were gradually increased ; and the 
strict integrity of his conduct gained him numerous friends, 
to whom he never gave occasion to regret the confidence 




■0■^ 



3t 








a €xMt for tjft j5rgrn. 



they had placed in him. His mercantile pursuits were 
generally successful ; and, blessed with competence, if not 
with wealth, the enlarged benevolence of his mind was 
manifested, not only in acts of charity to individuals, and 
in the promotion of objects of general utility, but more 
particularly in the deep interest he felt for the welfare of 
his brethren of the African race. 

" He was concerned, not only to set them a goo<1 example 
by his own correct conduct, to admonish and counsel them 
against the vices and habits to which he found them most 
prone — but more extensively to promote their welfare, and 
at considerable sacrifice of property, he three times visited 
the colony of Sierra Leone. After his first voyage thither, 
he went to England, where he was much noticed by the 
members of the African institution, who conferred with 
him on the best manner of extending the means of civiliza^ 
tion to the people of Africa, some of whom have since ex- 
pressed their satisfaction in his pious labours in the colony; 
believing them to have been productive of much usefulness 
to that settlement. 

** Grave, humble, and unassuming in his deportment, he 
was remarkable for great civility and sound discretion. 
Through several months' severe afilic tion, he was preserved 
in much christian patience, fortitude, and resignation; 
feeling entire confidence in that grace which had been 
vouchsafed to him in life, and by which, through faith 
and obedience, he felt a comfortable hope of admittance 
into peace and rest. He has left a widow and seyeral 
children to lament the loss of an affectionate husband and 
parent. 

" Many of his neighbours and friends evinced their res- 
pect for his memory by attending his funeral, which was 
conducted agreeably to the usages of the Society of Friends, 
of which he was a member ; and at which several lively 
testimonies were borne to the truth, that the Almighty pa- 
rent ' has made of one blood all the nations of men,* and 









(h^ 



% Crihtttt fnr t^ Jltgrn* 




that, ' in every nation, he that feareth Him and worketh 
righteousness is accepted by Him.' " 

We have now concluded the sketch of this interesting 
descendant of Africa : — ^we have followed him in his gradual 
rise, through a host of difficulties and prejudices to which 
the unfortunate descendants of Ethiopia are subjected ; 
from a state of poverty, ignorance, and obscurity, to one 
of wealth, influence, respectability, and honour. Having 
thus elevated himself with an unsullied conscience by native 
energy of mind, we have seen him devoting the whole of 
his time and his talents to pious and benevolent purposes: 
we have beheld him traversing the globe, at the risk of his 
own life and property, in endeavouring to promote the 
happiness of his fellow-creatures : — we have seen that his 
motives were pure and disinterested, for he dispensed his 
thousands of dollars at once when occasion required : — we 
have seen him indeed, a man, and a Christian, maintaining a 
higher standard than that of many professors, refusing to deal 
in anything, however lawful or lucrative, that could injure 
his fellow men : — ^we have heard that he was a good neigh- 
bour, an affectionate husband, and a kind parent : — ^we have 
beheld him crossing the mighty deep, visiting the land of 
his forefathers, carrying with him the light of science and 
religion, and diffusing it through those vast benighted re- 
gions ; so that the untutored tribes of Ethiopia learnt to 
consider him as a father and a friend : — ^we have seen also 
that the philanthropists of Great Britain and America were 
not ashamed to seek for counsel and advice from this son 
of a poor African Slave ! We have heard him commend 
his wife and his children to the Almighty, and die the death 
of the righteous, in full assurance of a glorious immortality, 
through the merits and intercession of a crucified He- 
^;^ deemer. Surely no prejudice will denounce such a man, 
because of his 

** Fleecy lookB and black oomplezion," 

as being possessed of an inferior soul. 







(41 




SXTBACT 07 A LSTTSB 7B01I XABTLAVD, BSSPECTIVe 

TWO LIBEBATED SLAVES. t> 

I am happy to think as you do as respects trading in 
man or keeping him as a Slave ; the custom is most ini- 
quitous ; neither consonant with reason, the laws of God, 
or of man. Those forced from the places of their nativity, 
are deplorable objects of commiseration. 

I never bought more than two Slaves myself, during 
20 years residence here, and one of these proved to be the 
son of an African Prince ; a most comely youth : and hav- 
ing observed his imcommon good parts, I sent him to 
school, and used him only as a Free man. The Directors 
of the African Company offering a reward for him, I pre* 
sen ted the poor creature with his freedom. I also gave 
him an order for the aforesaid reward, and sent him to 
London, from whence he remitted the sum he cost me, and 
sundry goods to the amount of £300, with a letter in his 
native language, which has been translated by Dr. Desaguil- 
liers, of Cambridge. 

The next Slave I purchased, was a lad who had been 
stolen from his free parents. He decayed and pined so 
much, and expressed so sensible a sorrow at his cruel 
separation from his aged parents, relations, and countrymen, 
that I likewise set this poor creature firee, and sent him to 
his native place. Providence again caused my being further 
rewarded for performing this my duty as a Christian. 
The truly honest father, from the produce of his plantation, 
made me presents to the amount of £50, with directions to 
draw upon him for the full cost of the poor youth, which 
I never intend, having been more than paid already by his 
presents. 

I write this to convince you, that the inhabitants of 
Africa are not such senseless, brutish creatures, as some 
thoughtless, and interested authors have represented them. 
They are undoubtedly capable of receiving instruction, and 
far outdo us in many commendable virtues. Their greatest 









a €xMt fnr tin JSigrt 



unhappiness apparently^ is, in having become acquainted 
with (those calling themselves) Christians ! 




ASHTOK WABKSB 

Was a Slave in St. Vincents, his parents being in Slavery 
at the time of his birth. Whilst he was an infant, their 
master died, and the estate was put to sale that the pro- 
perty might be divided among his family. 

Ashton had an aunt, Daphne Crosbie, who had likewise 
been a Slave, but who was now free, having had some 
money left her by a Coloured gentleman. Enjoying the 
blessii^ of freedom herself, she was desirous of emanci- 
pating her friends, particularly the Slaves on the estate on 
which she was born, and with whom she had shared in her 
early days all the sorrows of Negro servitude. Though 
she was thoroughly black, she possessed a large and Chria^ 
tian heart, which felt deeply for ihe wrongs of her op- 
pressed race. The character of this Negro woman is sin- 
gularly interesting : though bom a Slave, and consequently 
labouring under every disadvantage of colour and educa- 
tion, she possessed a spirit of disinterested benevolence 
which might do honour to any nation and to any rank. 
She devoted all her little property either in purchasing the 
freedom of the Slaves who had formerly been her compa- 
nions in bondage, or in improving their condition. 

Daphne Crosbie, by payment of a certain sum, procured 
the emancipation of Ashton Warner's parents, and he, 
being then only an infant at the breast, was included as a 
part of themselves. For many years they continued to 
enjoy the blessings of freedom, until their happiness be- 
came frustrated by their old master making a very unjust 
claim upon Ashton Warner when he wasabout ten years old, 
in consequence of which he was arrested and re-enslaved» 
He was never subjected to the most cruel and degrading 
inflictions which form so prominent and characteristic a 









a ^rilnite fin: tlu Jljgnr. 

feature in the discipline of the Slave system, yet, having ] 
once tasted the sweets of liberty, he was capable of discri- 
minating between the advantages conferred by it, and the 
evils arising from its deprivation. He regarded a state of 
freedom as the greatest of all earthly blessings, and asserted 
his independence with the resolution which a sense of jus- 
tice and a love of liberty alone can give. 

The Slave grovels in the dust, and passively yields up 
his body to the degrading lash ; resistance he feels is use- 
less, iCnd only increases the miseries of his condition. Ani- 
mated by no hope, and bound to his employer by no ties 
of reciprocal interest, he drags on from day to day his bru- 
talized existence, and looks forward to death as the only 
termination of his woes. He sinks into a living machine 
whose actions are guided and enforced by the will of ano- 
ther, and his words and looks correspond with his mental 
and bodily abasement. But in Ashton, the inextinguishable 
spark of liberty, once kindled, repelled all the threats of 
managers and overseers to degrade him to a Slave. He 
felt his importance in the scale of humanity, and while yet 
a boy he asserted his natural rights as a man. 

The Narrative written by Ashton Warner, of his life in 
Slavery, contains many painfully interesting incidents, de- 
tailed in an impressive manner, for though an uneducated 
Negro, he was very intelligent, and spoke remarkably good 
English. He succeeded at last in making his escape, and 
after a train of adventures, arrived in England in 1830, 
where he suffered from destitution in a strange land, as 
well as the effects of exposure to an uncongenial climate, 
which proved fatal. He died in the London Hospital the 
following year, whilst his Narrative was passing through 
the press. 

After recounting the sufferings to which the Slaves are 
subjected, he remarks, '^ People so harshly treated, and so 
destitute of every comfort, cannot be supposed to work 
with a willing mind. They have no home which they can 



r> 






if) 







% €rihtttt for tin jSjgra. 



call their own. ^They are worked beyond their strength, 
and live in perpetual fear of the whip. They are insulted, 
tormented, indecently exposed, and degraded; yet English 
people wonder that they are not contented. Some have 
even said that they are happy! Let such people place 
themselves under the same yoke, and see if they could bear 
it. Such bondage is ruin both to the soul and body of the 
Slave ; and I hope every good Englishman will daily pray 
to God that the yoke of Slavery may soon be broken from 
off the necks of my unfortunate countrymen for ever." 

Our limits preclude any further extracts from the Nar- 
rative of this Negro Slave. The gentleman who assisted 
him in writing it, and who published it after his decease, 
remarks that he " possessed very prepossessing manners 
and appearance, and his amiable disposition and natural 
intelligence were striking proofs of what the African is 
capable, were his mental powers suffered to expand under 
the genial influences of civilization and Christianity. 



ti 



ALSXAKBEB CBVllllELL, 

Who is described as being of pure African origin and pa- 
rentage, is one of the only four episcopally ordained Coloured 
clergymen in the United States, having been the minister 
of a church in New York, composed of Coloured persons, 
for about ten years, and is a remarkable instance of what 
an African can become by religious and literary cultivation. 
I regret being imable to present any outline of his history, 
or insight into the means by which he has arrived at his 
present intellectual attainments. A few particulars respect- 
ing him are given at page 139 of the present volume. As 
further proof of his ability as a writer, I have made the 
following extracts from an Address delivered by him in 
^ New York, in 1847, entitled 



"a. eulogy ok thx lipb akb chabaotbb of thokas clabeson." 
** This funeral observance, melancholy as it is in its signi- 









-^, r 



% €xMi fiir t^ %i^. 



ficance, has yet its softening aspects. Mournful as are the 
associations connected with the event which excites our 
regrets, jet there are many and peculiar solaces. For dis- 
tressing as it is to heboid the benignant sons of fireedom, 
sink, one after another, below the horizon, there is allevia- 
tion in the thought, that there were many who rejoiced in 
the full-orbed glory of their open day ; and now that they 
have receded from our skies, the light they have left behind 
does not stream upon this generation unappreciated and 
disregarded. It has not always been thus. It is but 
recently that the holy and the good have been able to com- 
mand deserved attention. The world has been rolling on 
six thousand years in its course ; and now, in these latter 
days, the Philanthropist is just beginning to obtain the re- 
gard and honour he so richly merits. During this long 
period, mankind, absorbed in trifling and fruitless anxieties, 
have passed by, and neglected, the great good men of earth. 
The record of the past of human history, is a memorial of 
this shameful fact; true, with but few exceptions^ of 
nearly all nations, in all periods of time. 

'^ The fragments snatched from the almost barren past of 
Egyptian history, relate chiefly to the murderous exploits 
of a Sesostris or a Shishak ; and the remains of its high 
and unequalled art, are the obelisks and the urns, com- 
memorative of bloody conquerors — or the frowning pyra- 
mids, upon whose walls are the hieroglyphic representations 
of War, Conquest, and Slavery. The annals of Greece 
and Rome are but slightly varied in their aspects, and their 
teachings. They favour us with but few of the features of 
the worthy and the good. They do, indeed, reveal some 
slight touches of a slowly rising civilization ; but restrained 
ever by the tightened grasp of a cold-hearted heathenism. 
Their largest spaces are devoted to the exploits of infirm 
and furious deities, or to the memories of men chiefly 
distinguished by the brutality of animal passions. The 
literature they have transmitted to our day, is chiefly the 





'1 




Jd) 




fl ^riltiite for t^ 3lip. 



gorgeous representation of sanguinary deeds^ dressed up in 
the glowing imagery of master poets ; or the fulminationa 
of passionate men, exciting, by wondrous oratory, to scenes 
of strife and vengeance. 

*^ This is the general colouring of history. In the past, its 
more numerous pages are given to the names and exploits 
of such men as Ca&sar, Hannibal, Alexander, and Tamer- 
lane ; and in times nearer to our own day we find it thus. 
The records of the middle ages are mostly narratives of 
Crusaders and Troubadours* And in our own immediate 
era, Marlborough and Gustavus, Napoleon, Nelson, and 
Wellington, have attracted as much notice and admiration 
as any of their contemporaries in the qideter walks of civil 
life, however distinguished for talent or for genius. 

'* All this, however, pertains mostly to the past of human 
history. JFe have advanced to a different era, and have 
reached a more open day. War, conquest, and valour, 
have no longer their own way entirely, nor pursue, un- 
molested, their own career. The mind of this age is not 
wholly absorbed in the sanguinary and the warlike. Moral, 
benevolent, and Christian characteristics begin to attract 
attention. The dazzling scintillations of the Chieftain or 
the War-god, are now decidedly eclipsed by the steady and 
enduring lustre of the Moralist, the Friend of Man, the 
Christian, or the adventurous Missionary. The gods of 
this world are fast losing rank. Higher, nobler, and wor- 
thier objects are now receiving human admiration. The 
tribute of the Poet's lays, or the Orator's lofty periods, are 
as freely given to the Philanthropist, as heretofore they 
were bestowed upon the Hero and the Conqueror. Art, 
Poetry, and Eloquence, are his willing votaries to speak his 
praise. 

• The HiBtoric Muse, 




Proud of the treasure, inarches with it down 
To latest times ; and Sculpture in her turn 
Gives bond in stone and all-enduring brass 
To guard them, and immortalize her trust.' 



3q 










a ^rilrafe fer tin 38jgni- 



Such being the change in the world's morals and the I 
world's sentiments, it is by no means extraordinary, but 
natural and befitting, that we have assembled here this 
evening to commemorate distinguished worth and eminent 
moral character." 

After detailing the incidents of Clarkson's early life, and 
adverting to the position of the Anti-Slavery cause w